S. Penley, _The Bath Stage_, 12, in 1580–1, 1582–3, and 1583–4 were
perhaps Lord Berkeley’s. Murray, ii. 27, adds other provincial notices.
[298] This did not prevent Chalmers from giving the date 1581 and being
set right by Malone (_Variorum_, iii. 442). Collier, i. 247, gives
1583, but misdates Tilney’s commission of 1581, and takes it for the
instrument constituting the company.
[299] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 359.
[300] Nicolas, _Hatton_, 271.
[301] Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 697, (1631), 698.
[302] Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 79, citing _Addl. MS._ 5750, f. 113.
[303] Cf. ch. x.
[304] Halliwell, _Affray at Norwich in 1583 in which Queen Elizabeth’s
Players were involved_ (1864), and in _Illustrations of the Life of
Shakespeare_, 118.
[305] Murray, i. 20, and A. Clark in _10 N. Q._ xii. 41 (Saffron
Walden) give other provincial records throughout. An Ipswich one for
1581–2 must be misplaced.
[306] Cf. App. D, No. lxxv.
[307] Fleay, 83.
[308] _Variorum_, ii. 166.
[309] _M. S. C._ i. 354. from _P. R. O. Lay Subsidies, Household_,
69/97.
[310] Fleay, 34.
[311] The illustration of Mr. Fleay’s methods of constructing stage
history is delightful. In _The True Tragedie of Richard the Third_,
a Queen’s play, the murderers of the princes in the Tower are Will
Slawter or Sluter, ‘yet the most part calles him blacke Will’ (Hazlitt,
_Sh. L._ v. 95), and Jack Denten or Douton. On this Mr. Fleay (ii.
316) comments, ‘One of the actors in it, Sc. 11, is called Will
Slaughter, “yet the most part calls him Black Will”, _i.e._ the Black
Will of _Arden of Faversham_, q.v., which had no doubt been acted by
the same man. Another actor is called Jack Donton (Dutton) or Denten,
an accommodation of the Dighton of history to the actor’s real name.’
Obviously there is no need to suppose that the characters in _The True
Tragedie_ bore the names of their actors. John Dutton is not very
likely to have taken a part of four speeches, and Will Slawter is
evidently added to the John Dighton of Holinshed, to give Edward V the
‘irony’ of a pun upon ‘slaughter’. As for _Arden of Faversham_, it is
not known to have been a Queen’s play at all, and its ‘Black Will’ is
taken from Holinshed. Having gone so far, I do not know why Mr. Fleay
stopped short of identifying Black Will’s colleague ‘Shakebag’ with
the name of an actor. Of course, Mr. Fleay’s blundering conjectures
must be distinguished from the deliberate fabrications of Collier,
who published in his _New Facts_, 11, from a forged document amongst
the _Bridgewater MSS._, a certificate to the Privy Council under the
date ‘Nov. 1589’, from ‘her Ma^{ts} poore playeres James Burbidge
Richard Burbidge John Laneham Thomas Greene Robert Wilson John Taylor
Anth. Wadeson Thomas Pope George Peele Augustine Phillippes Nicholas
Towley William Shakespeare William Kempe William Johnson Baptiste
Goodale and Robert Armyn being all of them sharers in the blacke Fryers
playehouse’. On this cf. ch. xvii, and Ingleby, 249.
[312] Tarlton, 12, 13, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 37, ‘while the queenes
players lay in Worcester’, ‘when the queenes players were restrained
in summer, they travelled downe to S. James his fair at Bristow’, ‘in
the country where the queenes plaiers were accepted into a gentlemans
house’, ‘at Salisbury, Tarlton and his fellowes were to play before the
maior and his brethren’, ‘the queenes players travelling into the west
country to play, and lodging in a little village some ten miles from
Bristow’.
[313] Tarlton, 16, ‘one in mockage threw him in this theame, he playing
then at the Curtaine’.
[314] Tarlton, 24, ‘Tarlton then, with his fellowes, playing at the Bel
by ... the Crosse-keyes in Gracious streete’.
[315] Tarlton, 13, ‘at the Bull in Bishops-gate-street, where the
queenes players oftentimes played’. It was here (Tarlton, 24) that
Tarlton and Knell played _The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth_.
[316] Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i. 197; cf. i. 308).
[317] Arber, ii. 526, ‘A sorowfull newe sonnette intituled Tarltons
Recantacon uppon this theame gyven him by a gentleman at the Bel savage
without Ludgate (nowe or ells never) beinge the laste theame he songe’.
The tract is not extant.
[318] App. C, No. lvii. He names Knell, Bentley, Mills, Wilson, and
Laneham.
[319] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Alleyn, and ch. xviii.
[320] E. J. L. Scott in _Athenaeum_ for 21 Jan. 1882.
[321] Cf. ch. xviii.
[322] Murray, ii. 398 (Southampton), ‘the Queenes maiesties & the
Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’; 240 (Coventry), ‘the Quenes players
& the Erle of Sussex players, xv^s’; 284 (Gloucester), ‘the Queenes
and the Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’. At Faversham (Murray, ii.
274) separate payments of 1590–1 for the Queen’s (20_s._) and Essex’s
(10_s._) are followed by ‘to the Queen’s Players and to the Earl of
Essex’s Players’ (20_s._). It is conceivable that in this last entry
‘Essex’s’ may be a slip for ‘Sussex’s’.
[323] App. D, No. lxxxv.
[324] Nashe, _Works_, iii. 244.
[325] _M. S. C._ i. 190, from _Lansd. MSS._ 71, 75. The letters are
both dated 18 Sept. 1592, and that to Burghley contained copies of the
charters of Henry III and Elizabeth, of a Privy Council letter of 30
Oct. 1575 (cf. Dasent, ix. 39) forbidding shows within five miles of
the University, and of the warrant of the Vice-Chancellor and other
justices to the constables of Chesterton, dated 1 Sept. 1592.
[326] University Letter of 17 July 1593 in _M. S. C._ i. 200, from
_Lansd. MS._ 75; Privy Council Act of 29 July 1593 in Dasent, xxiv. 427.
[327] _M. S. C._ i. 198, from _Lansd. MS._ 71.
[328] Henslowe, i. 4. The date in the diary is ‘8 of Maye 1593’, but
I am prepared to accept Dr. Greg’s view (ii. 80) that as Francis was
pawnbroking for his uncle all through 1593, this must be an error of
Henslowe’s for ‘1594’. He seems to have actually left London on 18 May
1594.
[329] Henslowe, i. 6.
[330] W. H. Stevenson, _Nottingham Records_, iv. 244.
[331] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 186, 251.
[332] _Sh. Homage_, 154.
[333] Fleay, _Shakespeare_, 184.
[334] Collier, i. 259.
[335] Murray, i. 294. I add Maldon (1564–5). There is no proof that
‘Beeston and his fellowes’ at Barnstaple in 1560–1 were Strange’s.
[336] The Revels account for 1587–9 (Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 390) includes
‘a paire of fflanell hose for Symmons the Tumbler’, which is not in the
separate account for 1587–8 (Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 380).
[337] App. D, No. lxxxii. The forged list of Queen’s men (q.v.) in 1589
is sometimes, by a further error, whose I do not know, assigned to
Strange’s.
[338] I had better give the complicated and in some cases uncertain
notices in full; the unspecified references are to Murray: Cambridge
(1591–2), ‘my Lord Stranges plaiers’ (Cooper, ii. 518), and so also
(ii. 229, 284) Canterbury (13 July 1592) and Gloucester (1591–2); Bath
(1591–10 June 1592), ‘my Lord Admiralls players’ ... ‘my L. Stranges
plaiers’ (ii. 202); Aldeburgh (1591–2), ‘my Lord Admirals players’
(Stopes, _Hunnis_, 314); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1591–29 Sept. 1592), ‘my
L. Admeralls players’ ... ‘my l. Stranges and my l. Admyralls players’
(ii. 392, s. a. 1592–3, but the entries for the two years seem to be
transposed; _vide infra_); Coventry (10 Dec. 1591–29 Nov. 1592), ‘the
Lord Strange players’ (ii. 240); Leicester (19 Dec. 1592), ‘the Lorde
Admiralls Playars’ (ii. 305); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1592–29 Sept. 1593),
‘The iii of Feb: 1592. Bestowed vppon the players of my Lorde Admyrall’
... ‘my L. Darbyes men being players’ (ii. 392, s. a. 1591–2, but the
detailed date and the name Derby make an error palpable); Bath (11
June 1592–10 Sept. 1593), ‘my L. Stranges plaiers’ (ii. 203); Coventry
(30 Nov. 1592–26 Nov. 1593), ‘the Lo Admiralls players’ (ii. 240);
York (April 1593), ‘the Lord Admerall & Lord Mordens players’ (ii.
412); Newcastle (May 1593), ‘my Lord Admiralls plaiers, and my Lord
Morleis plaiers being all in one companye’ (G. B. Richardson, _Extracts
from Municipal Accounts of N._); Southampton (1592–3), ‘my L. Morleys
players and the Earle of Darbyes’ (ii. 398, ‘_c._ 18 May’, but Strange
became Derby on 25 Sept.); Leicester (Oct.–Dec. 1593), ‘the Erle of
Darbyes playors’ (ii. 306); Coventry (2 Dec. 1593), ‘the Lo: of Darbyes
players’ (ii. 240); Bath (11 Sept. 1593–1594), ‘the L. Admiralls, the
L. Norris players’ (ii. 203); Ipswich (7 March 1594), ‘vnto therlle of
Darbys players and to the Lorde Admirals players, the ij amongste’ (ii.
293, s. a. 1591–2, but on 7 March 1592 Strange was not yet Derby, and
his men were playing for Henslowe).
[339] App. D, No. xcii.
[340] Henslowe, i. 13. The account is headed, ‘Jn the name of god Amen
1591 beginge the 19 of febreary my lord stranges mene a ffoloweth 1591’.
[341] Cf. ch. xxiv, s.v. _1 Jeronimo_. Some marginal notes of sums of
money are not clearly intelligible, but may represent sums advanced by
Henslowe for the company.
[342] Henslowe, i. 15.
[343] Dasent, xxiv. 212.
[344] Cf. W. W. Greg in Henslowe, ii. 70.
[345] _Dulwich MSS._ i. 9–15 (_Henslowe Papers_, 34); cf. Henslowe, i.
3.
[346] Their patron was Edward Parker, Lord Morley (Murray, ii. 54). I
suspect the Morden of the York entry and the Norris of the Bath entry
of being both transcriber’s errors for Morley. No players of Lord
Norris are on record, and those of Lord Mordaunt (Murray, ii. 90) only
recur in 1585–6 and 1602.
[347] Text in _Henslowe Papers_, 130; on the nature of a ‘plott’, cf.
App. N.
[348] The following rather hazardous identifications have been
attempted by Greg (_loc. cit._) and Fleay, 84: ‘Harry’ = Henry Condell
(Fleay, Greg); ‘Kit’ = Christopher Beeston (Fleay, Greg); ‘Saunder’ =
Alexander Cooke (Fleay, Greg); ‘Nick’ = Nicholas Tooley (Fleay, Greg);
‘Ro.’ or ‘R. Go.’ = Robert Gough (Fleay, Greg); ‘Ned’ = Edward Alleyn
or Edmund Shakespeare (Fleay); ‘Will’ = William Tawyer (Fleay), William
Tawler (Greg). The object is, of course, to establish the connexion
between Strange’s and the Chamberlain’s men. Both writers assign two of
the unallocated parts to Heminges and Shakespeare.
[349] For speculation as to Shakespeare’s early career, cf. s.v.
Pembroke’s.
[350] Text in _Henslowe Papers_, 155.
[351] George Fanner to H. Galdelli and G. Tusinga in _S. P. Dom. Eliz._
cclxxi. 34, 35. I do not accept Mr. James Greenstreet’s theory that W.
Stanley was the real W. Shakespeare.
[352] _Hatfield MSS._ xiii. 609.
[353] Murray, i. 295.
[354] Taylor, _Penniless Pilgrimage_ (ed. Hindley), 67.
[355] _Dulwich MS._ i. 14, in _Henslowe Papers_, 40.
[356] _Outlines_, i. 122; ii. 329.
[357] Fleay, 136, ‘Pembroke’s men continued to act at the Curtain from
1589 to 1597’ is guesswork.
[358] Henslowe, i. 131; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Fulwell.
[359] Cf. _infra_ (Chamberlain’s). Shank (cf. ch. xv) was once in
Pembroke’s.
[360] The Council Register assigns this performance to the
Chamberlain’s; cf. App. B.
[361] Fleay, _Sh._ 286, supposed Howard to be both Admiral and
Chamberlain at this date, but this view was refuted by
Halliwell-Phillipps in the _Athenaeum_ for 24 April 1886, and resigned
by Fleay, 31; cf. Greg, ii. 81.
[362] I. H. Jeayes, _Letters of Philip Gawdy_ (Roxburghe Club), 23.
[363] Stopes, _Hunnis_, 322, names payees in error.
[364] Henslowe, ii. 83.
[365] _Henslowe Papers_, 31.
[366] _Alleyn Papers_, 11, 12; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 32.
[367] _Alleyn Papers_, 1, 5.
[368] Ibid. 54.
[369] Henslowe, ii. 127.
[370] Henslowe, i. 17.
[371] Ibid. 198.
[372] Ibid. 17.
[373] Cf. the petitions assigned to 1592 (App. D, No. xcii).
[374] They may represent n[ew] e[nterlude], or merely ne[w].
[375] Fleay, 140; Henslowe, ii. 84.
[376] Henslowe, ii. 324.
[377] Ibid. ii. 133.
[378] Ibid. i. 126.
[379] Ibid. i. 44.
[380] Henslowe, i. 51; cf. Dr. Greg’s explanation in ii. 129 and my
criticism in _M. L. R._ iv. 409. Wallace (_E. S._ xliii. 361) has a
third explanation, that the figures represent the sharers’ takings.
But (_a_) these would not all pass through Henslowe’s hands, (_b_) the
amounts are often less than half the galleries, and (_c_) the columns
are blank for some days of playing.
[381] I include _Belin Dun_, produced just before the separation of
the Admiral’s and the Chamberlain’s, in the fifty-five; but I do not
follow Dr. Greg in taking the sign ‘j’, which Henslowe attaches to
_Tamburlaine_ (30 Aug. 1594) and _Long Meg of Westminster_ (14 Feb.
1595) as equivalent to ‘ne’. Were it so, these would furnish two, and
the only two, examples of a second new production in a single week.
Probably ‘j’ indicates in both instances the _First Part_ of a two-part
play. This view is confirmed by Henslowe’s note on 10 March 1595, ‘17
p[laies] frome hence lycensed’; cf. my criticism in _M. L. R._ iv. 408.
[382] Variously entered as ‘olimpo’, ‘seleo & olempo’, ‘olempeo &
hengenyo’, &c.; but apparently only one play is meant.
[383] _Alexander and Lodowick_ is actually entered for a second time as
‘ne’ on 11 Feb. 1597, but I have assumed this to be a mistake.
[384] It has been chiefly played by Fleay and Dr. Greg. The relations
suggested are between _1 Caesar and Pompey_ and Chapman’s play of the
same name, _Disguises_ and Chapman’s _May-day_, _Godfrey of Bulloigne_
and Heywood’s _Four Prentices of London_, _Olympo_, _1, 2 Hercules_,
and _Troy_ and Heywood’s _Golden_, _Silver_, _Brazen_, and _Iron Ages_
respectively. _Five Plays in One_ and some of Heywood’s _Dialogues
and Dramas_, _The Wonder of a Woman_ and a supposed early version by
Heywood of W. Rowley’s _A New Wonder, or, A Woman Never Vexed_, _The
Venetian Comedy_ and both the German _Josephus Jude von Venedig_ and
Dekker’s lost _Jew of Venice_, _Diocletian_ and Dekker’s _The Virgin
Martyr_, _A Set at Maw_ and Dekker’s _Match Me in London_, _The Mack_
and Dekker’s _The Wonder of a Kingdom_, _Vortigern_ and Middleton’s
_The Mayor of Quinborough_, _Uther Pendragon_ and W. Rowley’s _Birth of
Merlin_, _Philipo and Hippolito_ and both Massinger’s lost _Philenzo
and Hypollita_ and the German _Julio und Hyppolita_. Full details will
be found in Henslowe, ii. 165 sqq.
[385] Henslowe, i. 44, 128.
[386] Possibly identical with _Mahomet_, if that was Peele’s play. Dr.
Greg’s identification with _The Love of an English Lady_ strikes me as
rather arbitrary.
[387] I assume that ‘valy a for’ entered on 4 Jan. 1595 is the same
play. Conceivably it might be _Vallingford_, i. e. _Fair Em_, an old
Strange’s play.
[388] An allusion in Field’s _Amends for Ladies_, ii. 1, shows that
_Long Meg_ still held the Fortune stage about 1611.
[389] Possibly identical with _Longshanks_.
[390] The relations suggested are between _The Love of a Grecian Lady_
and the German _Tugend-und Liebesstreit_, _The French Doctor_ and both
Dekker’s _Jew of Venice_ and the German _Josephus Jude von Venedig_,
_The Siege of London_ and Heywood’s _1 Edward IV_, _The Welshman_ and
R. A.’s _The Valiant Welshman_, _Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s_ and
Heywood’s _Timon_. For details cf. Henslowe, ii. 165 _sqq._
[391] This was on Whit-Tuesday 1596, and I rather suspect a mis-entry
of _iij_^s for _iij_^{li}, the exact amount taken for the plays of the
Monday and Wednesday in the same week.
[392] Henslowe, i. 5.
[393] Ibid. 44.
[394] Ibid. 31, 45.
[395] Henslowe, i. 29, 31, 43, 44, 199–201.
[396] I see no reason to agree with Dr. Greg in identifying ‘Black
Dick’ with Jones, who would naturally have the ‘Mr.’; and the
suggestions that ‘Dick’ might be Dick Juby and that ‘Will’ might be
Will Barnes or Will Parr are mere guesses based on the occurrence of
these names in other ‘plots’. ‘Will’ might just as well be Will Kendall.
[397] Henslowe, i. 45.
[398] Henslowe’s entry is (i. 54), ‘Martin Slather went for the company
of my lord admeralles men the 18 of July 1597’. I think that ‘for’ must
be meant for ‘from’. Elsewhere (i. 66) Henslowe writes ‘for’ for ‘from’.
[399] Henslowe, i. 47, 200.
[400] Ibid. 201–4; _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 19 (a fragment from the
Diary).
[401] Henslowe, ii. 89, 101.
[402] Henslowe, i. 105, 131, 134.
[403] Ibid. 40.
[404] Ibid. 199–201.
[405] App. D, No. cxii.
[406] Henslowe, i. 54; _E. S._ xliii. 351.
[407] Henslowe, i. 68–70.
[408] Ibid. 82.
[409] Ibid. ii. 91; cf. p. 200.
[410] Henslowe, i. 69, 73; Wallace in _E. S._ xliii. 382.
[411] Cf. p. 173.
[412] Henslowe, i. 81, 122.
[413] Ibid. 64, 67.
[414] Ibid. 63, 79.
[415] Henslowe, i. 72, ‘Lent W^m Borne to folowe the sewt agenste
Thomas Poope’; cf. i. 26, 38, 47–8, 56, 63–9, 71–8, 80, 201, 205; and
s.v. Pembroke’s.
[416] Henslowe, i. 84.
[417] During 1599–1602 Henslowe sometimes enters advances as made to
the company through ‘W^m’ Juby, and in two cases corrects the entry
by substituting ‘Edward’. As there is no other evidence for a William
Juby as an actor, not to speak of a sharer, either Henslowe must have
persistently mistaken the name, or William must have been a relative of
Edward, acting as his agent (cf. Henslowe, ii. 290).
[418] _Henslowe Papers_, 48.
[419] Henslowe, i. 26.
[420] _Henslowe Papers_, 113.
[421] Henslowe, i. 122.
[422] Ibid. 122.
[423] Ibid. 66, 68, 91, 108.
[424] Ibid. 85.
[425] Henslowe, i. 72.
[426] Ibid. 63, 104.
[427] Ibid. 118.
[428] I find ‘Lorde Haywards’ men at Leicester during Oct.–Dec. 1599,
‘Lord Howardes’ at Bristol in 1599–1600, ‘Lord Heywardes’ at Bath in
the same year, ‘Lord Howards’ at Coventry on 28 Dec. 1599, and ‘Lord
Haywards’ in 1602–3. This must have been another company. The Admiral’s
were playing in London at the time of the Leicester and the earlier
Coventry visits, and Lord Howard of Effingham became Earl of Nottingham
on 22 Oct. 1596. They were at Canterbury in 1599–1600.
[429] Henslowe, i. 120.
[430] _Henslowe Papers_, 49; Henslowe, i. 113.
[431] _Henslowe Papers_, 55; Henslowe, i. 122.
[432] _Henslowe Papers_, 56; Henslowe, i. 135, 147.
[433] _Henslowe Papers_, 56; Henslowe, i. 135.
[434] _Henslowe Papers_, 56–8.
[435] Henslowe, ii. 125.
[436] Henslowe, i. 84–107.
[437] Ibid. 103.
[438] Henslowe, i. 83, 101, 119.
[439] Ibid. ii. 124.
[440] _Henslowe Papers_, 113, from Malone (1790), i. 2. 300; the
manuscript is now lost. The various sections of the document are
headed: (_a_) ‘The booke of the Inventary of the goods of my lord
Admeralles men, tacken the 10 of Marche in the yeare 1598’; (_b_) ‘The
Enventary of the Clownes sewtes and Hermetes Swetes, with dievers
others sewtes, as followeth, 1598, the 10 of March’; (_c_) ‘The
Enventary of all the aparell for my Lord Admiralles men, tacken the 10
of Marche 1598--Leaft above in the tier-house in the cheast’; (_d_)
‘The Enventary tacken of all the properties for my Lord Admeralles men,
the 10 of Marche 1598’; (_e_) ‘The Enventorey of all the aparell of the
Lord Admeralles men, taken the 13^{th} of Marche 1598, as followeth’;
(_f_) ‘A Note of all suche bookes as belong to the Stocke, and such as
I have bought since the 3^d of Marche 1598’; (_g_) ‘A Note of all suche
goodes as I have bought for the Companey of my Lord Admirals men, sence
the 3 of Aprell, 1598, as followeth’. A comparison of the book-list
with the diary payments makes it clear that ‘1598’ is 1597/8 and not
1598/9. The last book entered was bought in Aug. 1598. An undated
inventory of Alleyn’s private theatrical wardrobe is in _Henslowe
Papers_, 52.
[441] It should be borne in mind that these lists are based in part
upon a rather conjectural interpretation of evidence. Full details, for
which I have not space, will be found in Henslowe, ii. 186 _sqq._ I
have annotated a few points of interest.
[442] So called in the book-inventory; in the diary it is _Triplicity
of Cuckolds_.
[443] The first name appears in the inventory, the second in the diary.
[444] Only £4 was paid ‘to by a boocke’, which is low for a new play
and high for an old one. Possibly Porter was in debt to the company.
[445] Once described as ‘other wisse called worsse feared then hurte’,
whence Dr. Greg infers that the 1598–9 play of that name was a second
part of it.
[446] So in the book-inventory; in the account it is only called _The
Cobler_.
[447] Possibly _Strange Flattery_, but the manuscript is lost.
[448] They had to buy _Mahomet_, _The Wise Man of West Chester_,
_Longshanks_, and _Vortigern_ from Alleyn in 1601 and 1602.
[449] ‘the Mores lymes’, ‘iiij Turckes hedes’, ‘j Mores cotte’.
[450] ‘iiij genesareys gownes’, ‘owld Mahemetes head’.
[451] ‘Tamberlyne brydell’, ‘Tamberlynes cotte, with coper lace’,
‘Tamberlanes breches of crymson vellvet’.
[452] ‘j cauderm for the Jewe’.
[453] ‘j tree of gowlden apelles’.
[454] ‘j whell and frame in the Sege of London’.
[455] ‘Belendon stable’.
[456] ‘Tasso picter’, ‘Tasoes robe’.
[457] ‘senetores gowne’ and ‘capes’.
[458] ‘Kents woden leage’.
[459] ‘j mawe gowne of calleco for the quene’.
[460] ‘j sewtte for Nepton’, ‘Nepun forcke & garland’.
[461] ‘Harey the fyftes dublet’ and ‘vellet gowne’, ‘j payer of hosse
for the Dowlfyn’.
[462] ‘j longe-shanckes sewte’.
[463] ‘j great horse with his leages’.
[464] ‘Vartemar sewtte’, ‘Valteger robe of rich tafitie’, ‘j payer of
hosse & a gercken for Valteger’, ‘ij Danes sewtes, and ij payer of
Danes hosse’.
[465] ‘j tome of Guido’, ‘j cloth clocke of russete with coper lace,
called Guydoes clocke’.
[466] ‘Merlen gowne, and cape’.
[467] ‘my lord Caffes gercken & his hoose’.
[468] These include ‘Argosse head’, ‘Andersones sewte’, ‘Will Sommers
sewtte’, ‘ij Orlates sewtes’, ‘Cathemer sewte’, ‘j Whittcomes dublett
poke’, ‘Nabesathe sewte’, ‘j Hell mought’, ‘the cloth of the Sone &
Mone’, ‘Tantelouse tre’, ‘Eves bodeyes’. Probably ‘Perowes sewte which
W^m Sley were’ dated back to the days of Strange’s men. After 3 April
1598 Henslowe bought, _inter alia_, ‘a gown for Nembia’ and ‘a robe for
to goo invisibell’.
[469] It looks as if the book-inventory were not exhaustive; perhaps it
only includes books more or less in current use.
[470] There is a self-contradictory entry, ‘to paye vnto M^r Willson
Monday & Deckers ... iiij^{ll} v^s in this maner Willson xxx^s
Cheattell xxx^s Mondy xxv^s’.
[471] Regarded by Dr. Greg as _2 Hannibal and Hermes_.
[472] I agree with Dr. Greg that this, for which Chapman had £4 in
1598–9, is probably identical with _The Isle of a Woman_, for which he
had had earnests of £4 or £4 10_s._ in 1597–8.
[473] I think the play licensed as _Brute Grenshallde_ in March 1599
was a second part written by Chettle to an old _1 Brute_ by Day, which
would not need re-licensing.
[474] I do not see with what to identify the play licensed under this
name in March 1599 except the unnamed ‘playe boocke’ and ‘tragedie’,
for which Chapman had something under £9 in the previous Oct. and Jan.
[475] The title _War without Blows and Love without Strife_ in one
entry is probably an error.
[476] I agree with Dr. Greg that the entries point to two plays by
Chettle and Dekker rather than one. They are probably incomplete owing
to the hiatus in the manuscript.
[477] Dr. Greg makes two plays of this, but the entry ‘his boocke
called the world rones a whelles & now all foolles but the foolle’
seems unambiguous, and the total payments of £8 10_s._ are not too high
for a play by Chapman.
[478] No importance can be attached to Mr. Fleay’s childish
identifications of _War without Blows and Love without Suit_, _Joan
as Good as my Lady_, and _The Four Kings_ with _The Thracian Wonder_,
Heywood’s _A Maidenhead well Lost_, and _Sir Clyomon and Sir Clamydes_
respectively.
[479] So called in Drayton’s autograph receipt, but Henslowe calls it
_William Longbeard_.
[480] Henslowe, i. 72, 78.
[481] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Alleyn.
[482] The only entry is of 15 July ‘to bye a boocke’, but the hiatus in
the manuscript probably conceals earlier payments.
[483] Here also the hiatus has only left an entry of £2 ‘in full
payment’ on 1 Aug. Dr. Greg, however, would identify _Bear a Brain_ and
_The Gentle Craft_.
[484] The entries are as follows: 2 Sept., ‘Thomas Deckers Bengemen
Johnson Hary Chettell & other Jentellman in earneste of a playe calle
Robart the second kinge of Scottes tragedie’; 15 Sept., ‘in earneste
of a boocke called the Scottes tragedi vnto Thomas Dickers & Harey
Chettell’; 16 Sept., ‘Hary Chettell ... in earneste of a boocke called
the Scottes tragedie’; 27 Sept., ‘Bengemen Johnsone in earneste of a
boocke called the Scottes tragedie’; 28 Sept., ‘vnto M^r Maxton the new
poete in earneste of a boocke called [blank]’. Dr. Greg resists the
fairly reasonable identification of ‘M^r Maxton the new poete’ with the
‘other Jentellman’. All the payments are called earnests, but the total
is £6 10_s._ and therefore the play probably existed.
[485] ‘Lent vnto me W Birde the 9 of Februarye to paye for a new booke
to Will Boyle cald Jugurth xxx^s which if you dislike Ile repaye it
back.’ The price is the lowest ever entered for a ‘new’ book. Mr.
Fleay’s suggestion that Will Bird, who already had one alias in Will
Borne, was also himself Will Boyle, is one of those irresponsible
guesses by which he has done so much to make hay of theatrical history.
[486] Both parts were entered on the Stationers’ Register, but no copy
of _2 Sir John Oldcastle_ is known.
[487] _Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 236, f. 77^v (_c._ 1600), has Forman’s note of
the ‘plai of Cox of Cullinton and his 3 sons, Henry Peter and Jhon’.
[488] _Henslowe Papers_, 49.
[489] This was taken up again in 1601, but still not finished. Dr.
Greg, however, thinks that it is identical with Day’s Italian tragedy,
and forms half of _Two Lamentable Tragedies_ (1601), and that Chettle’s
work in 1601 may have been the effecting of the combination with
_Thomas Merry_.
[490] Dr. Greg, following Mr. Fleay, identifies this with Dekker’s
_Whore of Babylon_, and as Time is a character in this play, cites the
purchase of ‘a Robe for tyme’ in April 1600 as a proof that it was then
performed. Time, however, might also have been a character in _The
Seven Wise Masters_.
[491] Possibly finished later and identical with the pseudo-Marlowesque
_Lust’s Dominion_.
[492] The payment-entry is cancelled. The play may have been finished
for another company, and be identical with the extant _Grim, the
Collier of Croydon_, or, _The Devil and his Dame_.
[493] Possibly the basis of Bird and Rowley’s _Judas_ of 1601.
[494] It seems to me a little arbitrary of Dr. Greg to assume that the
10_s._ entered as an earnest for this was really a bonus on _1 The
Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green_.
[495] _Henslowe Papers_, 51. I do not think that Dr. Greg recognizes
the full significance of this when he suggests (Henslowe, ii. 94) that
Alleyn was back on the stage by 1598; cf. my criticism in _M. L. R._
iv. 410. Dr. Greg relies mainly on the appearance of his name in the
plot of _The Battle of Alcazar_, which, he says, ‘almost certainly
belongs to 1598’. But I can find no reason why it should not belong to
1600–2; cf. p. 175.
[496] Henslowe, i. 56.
[497] Ibid. 162.
[498] Ibid. 141.
[499] Ibid. 144, 165, 174.
[500] Ibid. 134, 136, 140, 147.
[501] Dr. Greg puts it in 1598, on the assumption that Alleyn returned
to the stage in that year. It might conceivably belong to 1597, between
18 Dec., when Bristow was bought, and 29 Dec., by which day Alleyn had
left. It cannot be later than Feb. 1602, by which month Jones and Shaw
had left. The prefix ‘M^r’ allotted to Charles and Sam is in favour
of a date after their agreements on 16 Nov. 1598. Dr. Greg’s argument
(_Henslowe Papers_, 138) that Kendall’s agreement expired 7 Dec. 1599
is not convincing, as there was nothing in it to prevent him from
staying on, and the satire of the play in Jonson’s _Poetaster_ of 1601,
to which he refers, obviously tells in favour of a date nearer to 1601
than 1598.
[502] Henslowe, i. 38.
[503] Ibid. 131, 134.
[504] Ibid. 164.
[505] Ibid. 205.
[506] Cf. ch. x.
[507] The entry is ‘Thomas Deckers for his boocke called the fortewn
tenes’. Collier read ‘forteion tenes’ and interpreted _Fortunatus_. Mr.
Fleay furnished the alternatives of _Fortune’s Tennis_ and _Hortenzo’s
Tennis_. I should add that Dr. Greg assigns the ‘plot’ to this play.
[508] Dr. Greg thinks that this may be the same as Haughton’s _The
English Fugitives_ of the previous April. If so, it was probably
finished, as the payments amount to £6.
[509] As the account of advances is continuous, I have drawn the line
between 1600–1 and 1601–2 at the beginning of Aug. 1601.
[510] _The Life_ became _2 Cardinal Wolsey_, as _The Rising_, although
written later, was historically _1 Cardinal Wolsey_. The entries are
complicated. It is just possible that the playwrights were working
on an old play, for the property-inventories of 1598 include an
unexplained ‘Will Sommers sewtte’ (cf. p. 168). A ‘W^m Someres cotte’
was, however, bought for _The Rising_ on 27 May 1602.
[511] Possibly based on Haughton’s unfinished play of 1600.
[512] A note preserved at Dulwich (_Henslowe Papers_, 58) indicates
that licensing fees were in arrear on 4 Aug. 1602 for ‘baxsters
tragedy, Tobias Comedy, Jepha Judg of Israel & the Cardinall, Loue
parts frendshipp’. But of course Warner’s identification of ‘baxsters
tragedy’ with _The Bristol Tragedy_ is conjectural.
[513] There is no _1 Tom Dough_, unless this was an intended sequel to
_The Six Yeomen of the West_.
[514] Already begun by Chettle in 1599.
[515] This may be identical with _1 The Six Clothiers_, which is not
called by Henslowe a ‘first part’, if, as is possible, that was a
sequel to _The Six Yeomen of the West_.
[516] Possibly finished later as Dekker and Rowley’s _The Noble
Spanish Soldier_. But it may have been an old play re-written, for C.
R. Baskervill (_M. P._ xiv. 16) quotes from the preface to H. O.’s
translation of Vasco Figueiro’s _Spaniard’s Monarchie_ (1592), ‘albeit
it hath no title fetched from the Bull within Bishopsgate, as a figge
for a Spaniard’.
[517] I suppose this was unfinished. The only entry is on 22 June 1602,
‘vnto Bengemy Johnsone ... in earneste of a boocke called Richard
Crockbacke & for new adicyons for Jeronymo the some of x^{ll}’. Jonson
had already had £2 on 25 Sept. 1601 ‘vpon his writtinge of his adicians
in Geronymo’. Unless _Richard Crookback_ was nearly complete, his
prices must have risen a good deal.
[518] Possibly finished later as _Hoffman_ (1631).
[519] The £4 paid was cancelled and then reinstated, but the book was
evidently transferred to Worcester’s men (cf. p. 227).
[520] Cf. p. 168.
[521] Cf. vol. i, p. 323. _The Massacre_ was printed (N.D.) as an
Admiral’s play.
[522] The conjectural rendering of Henslowe’s ‘ponesciones pillet’
finds support from the presence of garments for ‘Caffes’ or Caiaphas in
the inventory of 1598; cf. p. 168.
[523] A payment to ‘John Daye & his felowe poetes’ implies at least
three collaborators.
[524] For _Samson_ cf. p. 367.
[525] All four entries merely show the payments as made to ‘Antony the
poyete’.
[526] Finished later and extant; probably identical with the _Danish
Tragedy_ of 1601–2.
[527] I suppose that it was the play which Chettle ‘layd vnto pane’ to
Mr. Bromfield, and which had to be redeemed for £1 (Henslowe, i. 174).
[528] The more so as I do not think that Dr. Greg’s survey in Henslowe.
ii. 135, is accurate.
[529] Henslowe made the total £167 7_s._ 7_d._, but evidently the error
was detected, as only £166 17_s._ 7_d._ was carried forward.
[530] Henslowe, ii. 133. Apparently Henslowe reverted to the plan of
deducting three-quarters only, at the beginning of 1599–1600, but only
for a fortnight, as the receipts from 20 Oct. are headed, ‘Heare I
begane to receue the gallereys agayne which they receued begynynge at
Myhellmas wecke being the 6 of October 1599’.
[531] I have disregarded an error of 15_s._ made by Henslowe.
[532] Henslowe, i. 85, 145.
[533] Ibid. ii. 33.
[534] Henslowe, i. 29, 47, 81, 96, 97, 118, 124, 136, 138, 144, 146,
148, 152, 153, 166, 172, &c.
[535] The exact date is uncertain, as they do not appear to have had a
patent until 1606; but it must lie between their visit to Leicester as
the Admiral’s on 18 Aug. 1603 and the making out of a warrant to them
as the Prince’s men on 19 Feb. 1604 for their Christmas plays.
[536] _N. Sh. Soc. Trans._ (_1877–9_), 17*, from _Lord Chamberlain’s
Books_, 58^a.
[537] Cf. ch. xvi (Hope).
[538] On the legend that he had developed moral scruples about the
stage, cf. s.v. Marlowe, _Dr. Faustus_.
[539] _Henslowe Papers_, 18.
[540] _Dulwich MS._ iii. 15.
[541] _Henslowe Papers_, 13; cf. ch. xvi, s.v. _Fortune_.
[542] _Henslowe Papers_, 63.
[543] Ibid. 85.
[544] _M. S. C._ i. 268, from _P. R. 4 Jac. I_, pt. 19; also printed by
T. E. Tomlins, and dated in error 1607, in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, iv. 42.
[545] Birch, _Life of Henry_, 455; Greg, _Gentleman’s Magazine_, ccc.
67, from _Harl. MS._ 252, f. 5, dated 1610.
[546] Henslowe, i. 175.
[547] Ibid. 214.
[548] There may be an allusion to this play in H. Parrot, _Laquei
Ridiculosi, Springes for Woodcocks_ (1613), ii. 162:
’Tis said that _Whittington_ was rais’d of nought,
And by a cat hath divers wonders wrought:
But _Fortune_ (not his cat) makes it appear,
He may dispend a thousand marks a year.
Dr. Greg (_Henslowe_, ii. 65) has dispersed Collier’s myth of one
Whittington ‘perhaps a sleeping partner in the speculation of the
Fortune’.
[549] Most of the play-dates of 1605–12 are in Apps. A and B.
[550] _A. for L._ II. i. In III. iv a drawer says, ‘all the gentlewomen
[from Bess Turnup’s] went to see a play at the Fortune, and are not
come in yet, and she believes they sup with the players’.
[551] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Garlick.
[552] Nichols, _James_, ii. 495.
[553] _M. S. C._ i. 275, from _P. R. 10 Jac. I_, pt. 25; also from
signet bill in Collier, i. 366, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 44. Greg
(_Henslowe_, ii. 263) notes copies in _Addl. MS._ 24502, f. 60^v, and
_Lincoln’s Inn MS._ clviii.
[554] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.
[555] Ibid. 64.
[556] _Fennor’s Defence, or I am Your First Man_ (Taylor’s _Works_,
1630, ed. _Spenser Soc._ 314). The 1659 print of the _Blind Beggar
of Bethnal Green_ has at l. 2177, ‘Enter ... Captain Westford, Sill
Clark’. The title-page professes to give the play as acted by the
Prince’s men, but whether Clark was an actor of 1603–12 or not must
remain doubtful.
[557] Henslowe, i. 17; cf. p. 140.
[558] Cf. App. D, No. ci. It is not ‘my newe companie’, as it is
sometimes misprinted. But I do not think that either term can be
interpreted as showing that the company had or had not a corporate
existence before it came under Hunsdon’s patronage. The use which the
company ‘have byn accustomed’ to make of the inn is only related to
‘this winter time’.
[559] The dates here assigned to Shakespeare’s plays are mainly based
on the conclusions of my article on Shakespeare in the _Encyclopaedia
Britannica_.
[560] Cf. ch. xxiv, s.v. _Gesta Grayorum_ and _M. L. R._ ii. 11.
[561] Cf. my paper on _The Occasion of A Midsummer-Night’s Dream_ in
_Shakespeare Homage_, 154, and App. A.
[562] I have recently found confirmation of the date for _Rich. II_ in
a letter from Sir Edward Hoby inviting Sir R. Cecil to his house in
Canon Row on 9 Dec. 1595, ‘where, as late as shall please you, a gate
for your supper shall be open, and K. Richard present himself to your
view’ (_Hatfield MSS._ v. 487).
[563] T. Lodge, _Wits Miserie_ (S. R. 5 May 1596), 56, ‘the Visard of
y^e ghost which cried so miserably at y^e Theator, like an oister wife,
Hamlet, revenge’.
[564] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars). There is a slight doubt as to the
authenticity of the text of the petition, which the inclusion of
Lord Hunsdon’s name can only emphasize. But the fact of the petition
and its result are vouched for by a City document of later date. The
counter-petition of the players published by Collier, i. 288, in which
they are misdescribed as the Lord Chamberlain’s men, is a forgery.
The names given are those of Pope, Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips,
Shakespeare, Kempe, Sly, and Tooley. There is nothing to connect Tooley
with the company before 1605.
[565] Cf. App. D, No. cvi.
[566] For the distinction between ‘bad’ and ‘good’ quartos, cf. ch.
xxii.
[567] R. James (c. 1625), in the dedication to his manuscript _Legend
of Sir John Oldcastle_ (quoted by Ingleby, _Shakespeare’s Centurie
of Praise_, 165), says, ‘offence beinge worthily taken by Personages
descended from his title’.
[568] Raleigh wrote to R. Cecil on 6 July 1597 that Essex was
‘wonderful merry at your conceit of Richard II’ (Edwardes, ii. 169);
for the later history of the play, _vide infra_.
[569] Cf. ch. xvi (Curtain).
[570] App. C, No. lii.
[571] Aubrey, ii. 12. The same writer is obviously confused when he
says, on the authority of Sir Edward Shirburn, that Jonson ‘killed M^r
Marlow the poet, on Bunhill, comeing from the Green-Curtain play-house’.
[572] Cf. ch. x. There is no reason to suppose that the Richard Hoope,
W^m Blackwage, Rafe Raye, and W^m Ferney, to whom Henslowe lent money
as ‘my lord chamberlenes men’ in 1595 (Henslowe, i. 5, 6), were actors.
In fact Raye was a ‘man’ of Hunsdon’s before the company was in
existence at all (Henslowe, ii. 305).
[573] The order of the Shakespearian actors named in the 1623 Folio,
and the omission of the names of Duke and Beeston, rather suggests that
these two were hired men, and that there were ten original sharers,
Shakespeare, Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Kempe, Pope, Bryan, Condell,
Sly, and Cowley.
[574] App. C. No. xlviii.
[575] Cf. ch. xxii.
[576] Henslowe, i. 72.
[577] Cf. ch. xxii.
[578] Malone, _Variorum_, ii. 166; Fleay, _L. and W._ 8.
[579] _Hen. V_, epil. 12.
[580] That the _Famous Victories_ was reprinted in 1617 as a King’s
men’s play proves nothing. It was to pass as _Henry V_; obviously the
King’s men never acted it, _Henry V_ being in existence.
[581] Henslowe, i. 72, 101.
[582] For further details, cf. ch. xvi (Globe).
[583] Cf. ch. xvi, introd.
[584] Fleay, 138; cf. Murray, ii. 125; Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 108. A
loan of 21 Sept. 1600 by Henslowe (i. 132) to Duke is only slight
evidence, and the fact that Anne’s men chose to revive the already
printed _Edward II_, once a Pembroke’s play, even slighter.
[585] Cf. ch. xv.
[586] Cf. ch. vii.
[587] Cf. ch. xxii.
[588] _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxxviii. 72, 78, 85. Accounts consistent
with this are given in depositions of Sir W. Constable and Sir Gilly
Meyrick (ibid.), Camden, _Annales_, 867, Cobbett, _State Trials_, i.
1445, and Bacon, _A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted
and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex and his Complices_ (1601;
_Works_, ix. 289).
[589] Fleay, 123, 136; cf. _M. L. R._ ii. 12.
[590] Cf. ch. xiv (Scotland).
[591] For the texts cf. ch. xi.
[592] W. H. Griffin in _Academy_ for 25 April 1896, suggests that the
‘innovation’ of 1604 was the same as the ‘noveltie’ of 1603, i.e.
the setting up of child actors. But I am afraid that this leaves
‘inhibition’ without a meaning.
[593] Nichols, _Eliz._ iii. 552, prints, perhaps from a manuscript of
Lord De La Warr’s (_Hist. MSS._ iv. 300), a note by W. Lambarde of a
conversation with the Queen on 4 Aug. 1601, ‘Her Majestie fell upon the
reign of King Richard II, saying, I am Richard II, know ye not that?
_W. L._ Such a wicked imagination was determined and attempted by a
most unkind Gent. the most adorned creature that ever your Majestie
made. _Her Majestie._ He that will forget God, will also forget his
benefactors; this tragedy was played 40^{tie} times in open streets and
houses’. The performances here referred to must have been in 1596–7,
not 1601.
[594] Cf. ch. xi.
[595] J. Manningham, _Diary_, 18.
[596] Cf. App. A.
[597] Collier, _New Particulars_, 57, and _Egerton Papers_, 343, ‘6
August 1602 Rewardes ... x^{li} to Burbidges players for Othello’; cf.
Ingleby, 262.
[598] Wallace, ii, 108; cf. p. 367.
[599] Cf. ch. xv (Kempe).
[600] Cf. ch. ii.
[601] G. Dugdale, _Time Triumphant_ (1604), sig. B.
[602] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 264, from _P. R. 1 Jac. I_, _pars 2_,
_membr. 4_; also in Rymer, xvi. 505, and Halliwell, _Illustr. 83_.
Halliwell also prints the practically identical texts of the Privy
Signet Bill, dated 17 May, and the Privy Seal, dated 18 May. The former
is also in Collier, i. 334, Hazlitt, 38, and Halliwell-Phillipps, ii.
82.
[603] Cf. ch. xiv (Scotland).
[604] Except in one of Collier’s Blackfriars forgeries; cf. ch. xvi.
[605] W. Cory (_Letters and Journals_, 168) was told on a visit to
Wilton in 1865 that a letter existed there, naming Shakespeare as
present and the play as _As You Like It_; but the letter cannot now be
found.
[606] Marston, _Malcontent_, Ind. 82.
[607] Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 36, ‘Give him leaue to see the Merry
Deuil of Edmonton or A Woman Killed with Kindness’.
[608] _N. S. S. Trans._ (1877–9), 15*, from _Lord Chamberlain’s
Records_, vol. 58^a, now ix. 4 (5); cf. Law (_ut infra_), 10. Collier,
_Memoirs of Alleyn_, 68, printed a list headed ‘Ks Company’ from the
margin of the copy of the Privy Council order of 9 April 1604 at
Dulwich. This is a forgery. To the nine genuine names Collier added
those of Hostler and Day. The former joined the company some years
later, the latter never; cf. Ingleby, 269.
[609] App. B; cf. E. Law, _Shakespeare as a Groom of the Chamber_
(1910), and the Spanish narrative in _Colección de Documentos inéditos
para la historia de España_, lxxi. 467.
[610] Cf. ch. x.
[611] For the exact dates and the difficult critical questions raised
by the records, cf. App. B.
[612] Cf. App. B.
[613] Clode, _Early Hist. of Merchant Taylors_, i. 290, ‘To M^r
Hemmyngs for his direccion of his boy that made the speech to his
Maiestie 40^s, and 6^s given to John Rise the speaker’; cf. ch. iv.
[614] Cf. ch. x.
[615] App. C, No. lvii.
[616] Cf. ch. xii (Queen’s Revels).
[617] Fleay, 173, and Murray, i. 152, are wrong in saying that there
were no Court plays this year; cf. _M. L. R._ iv. 154.
[618] Rye, 61, from narrative of tour of Lewis Frederick, Duke of
Württemberg, ‘Lundi, 30 [Apr.] S. E. alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire
où l’on joue les Commedies, y fut representé l’histoire du More de
Venise’. Forman’s accounts of _Macbeth_ from _Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 208,
f. 207, and of _Cymbeline_ from the preceding leaf, but undated, are
printed in _N. S. S. Trans._ (1875–6), 417.
[619] Fleay, 190, says that Ecclestone came from the Queen’s Revels. I
think he must have confused him with Field.
[620] Perhaps his place between Ostler and Underwood in the actor-list
of the 1623 Folio gives some confirmation to the statement of the
Burbadges; cf. p. 219.
[621] Cf. ch. iv.
[622] _N. S. S. Trans._ (1875–6), 415, from Simon Forman’s notes in
_Bodl. Ashm. MS._ 208, f. 200.
[623] For the precise dates and their difficulties, cf. App. B.
[624] Clode, _Early Hist. of the Merchant Taylors_, i. 334.
[625] Text in _M. S. C._ i. 280, from Signet Bill in _Exchequer,
Treasury of Receipt, Privy Seals, 17 Jac. I_, Bundle ix, No. 2; also in
Collier, i. 400, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 50.
[626] Tawyer, a ‘man’ of Heminges’s, played in some revival of _M. N.
D._ before 1623, but not necessarily before 1619 (cf. ch. xv).
[627] _M. L. R._ iv. 395.
[628] Downes, 21, 24. Nevertheless, Taylor did not join the King’s men
until three years after Shakespeare’s death.
[629] Murray, i. 56, adds 1563–83 records.
[630] G. Le B. Smith, _Haddon Hall_, 121.
[631] Kelly, 211, from _Leicester Hall Papers_, i, ff. 38, 42; _Hist.
MSS._ viii. 1, 431. The latter part of the record, from the Earl’s
licence onwards, was given by Halliwell in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, iv. 145,
but with the date 1586, due to a misprint of ‘28^o Eliz.’ for ‘25^o
Eliz.’ in the licence. This has misled Fleay, 86, and other writers.
Maas, 49, and M. Bateson, _Records of Leicester_, iii. 198, introduce
fresh errors of their own.
[632] Gildersleeve, 53.
[633] Cf. ch. ix and App. D, No. lvi.
[634] Halliwell-Phillipps, _Notices of Players Acting at Ludlow_; B. S.
Penley, _The Bath Stage_, 12, from account for year ending 16 June 1584.
[635] Lord Herbert was, of course, Worcester’s son; not, as Dr. Greg
(Henslowe, ii. 104) seems to think, one of the Pembroke family.
[636] _Henslowe Papers_, 31; cf. _supra_ (Admiral’s).
[637] Fleay, 87.
[638] Murray, i. 58, adds 1589–94 records.
[639] App. D, No. cxxx.
[640] Henslowe, i. 179. As Henslowe paid 7_s._ ‘for my Lo^r Worsters
mens warant for playinge at the cort vnto the clarke of the cownselles
for geatynge the cownselles handes to yt’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 108), and
the only warrant to these men was dated 28 Feb. 1602, the connexion
with Henslowe probably began while they were still at the Boar’s Head.
[641] Henslowe, i. 160, 190.
[642] Cf. _supra_ (Chamberlain’s).
[643] Henslowe, i. 132, 163.
[644] Ibid. 177.
[645] Ibid. 178, ‘Lent vnto Richard Perckens the 4 of September 1602 to
buy thinges for Thomas Hewode play & to lend vnto Dick Syferweste to
ride downe to his felowes’. This is, of course, a private loan, and not
in the company’s account.
[646] Called in the earlier entries _The Two Brothers_.
[647] The two names do not occur together, but almost certainly
indicate the same play.
[648] Spelt ‘Burone’ and ‘Berowne’ in the entries.
[649] Henslowe, i. 180, 183, 185, 186, 187, 190.
[650] Cf. p. 7. A further notice of the transfer is given by Thomas
Heywood, Γυναικεῖον _or General History of Women_ (1624), who says that
he was one of Worcester’s men, who at James’s accession ‘bestowed me
upon the excellent princesse Queen Anne’.
[651] _N. S. S. Trans._ (_1877–9_), 16*, from _Lord Chamberlain’s
Books_, 58^a. In August the company served as grooms of the chamber
(App. B).
[652] In assigning Kempe to the Queen’s Revels in 1605, Dr. Greg
(Henslowe, ii. 108) has been tripped up by one of Collier’s forgeries;
cf. my review in _M. L. R._ iv. 408.
[653] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 265, from _S. P. D. Jac. I_, ii. 100;
also by Collier, i. 336, and Halliwell-Phillipps, _Illustrations_, 106.
It is a rough draft full of deletions, marked by square brackets, and
of additions, printed in italics, in the text. The theory of Fleay,
191, that the document is a forgery is disposed of by Greg, _Henslowe’s
Diary_, ii. 107.
[654] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 270, from _P. R. 7 Jac. I_, pt. 39; also
from _P. R._, but misdescribed as a Privy Seal, by T. E. Tomlins in
_Sh. Soc. Papers_, iv. 45. The Signet Bill is indexed under April 1609
in Phillimore, 104.
[655] Cf. App. B.
[656] _Rutland MSS._ iv. 461. They stayed two days, and gave four
performances.
[657] Kelly, 248, ‘Item the vj^{th} of June given to the Queenes
Players xl^s.... Item the xxj^{th} of Auguste given to the Children of
the Revells xx^s. Item the xxvj^{th} of September given to one other
Companye of the Queenes playors xx^s.’
[658] Murray, ii. 245, ‘paid to the Queenes players to Thomas Swinerton
xl^s’.
[659] Murray, ii. 340, from Mayor’s Court Books (18 April 1614),
‘Swynnerton one of the Quenes players in the name of himselfe & the
rest of his company desyred leaue to play in the cytty accordinge to
his Maiesties Lettres patents shewed forth. And M^r Maior & Court moved
them to play onely on Wednesday, Thursday & Fryday in Easter weke.’
[660] Murray, ibid. (6 May 1615), ‘Thomas Swynnerton produced this day
Letters Patents dated the x^{th} [? xv^{th}] of Aprill Anno Septimo
Jacobi whereby hee & others are authorised to play as the Quenes men,
vidz. Thomas Grene, Christofer Breston [? Beeston], Thomas Haywood,
Richard Pyrkyns, Rob^t. Pallant, Tho. Swynnerton, John Duke, Robt. Lee,
James Hoult, & Robt. Breston [? Beeston].’
[661] Kelly, 252, ‘Item given to the Queenes Maiesties Highnes Playors
xl^s.... Item the xvj^{th} daye of October Given to the Queenes Playors
xl^s. Item given to one other Companye of the Queenes Playors xxx^s.’
[662] Murray, ii. 340 (30 March 1616), ‘A Patent was this day brought
into the Court by Thomas Swynerton made to Thomas Grene ... & Robert
Beeston Servants to Quene Anne & the rest of their associats bearing
Teste xv^o Aprilis Anno Septimo Jacobi. But the said Swynerton
confesseth that hee himselfe & Robert Lee only are here to play the
rest are absent....’; (29 May 1616), ‘Thomas Swynerton came this day
into the Court & affirmed himselfe to be one of the players to the
Quenes Maiestie & bringinge with him no patent desyred to haue leaue
to play here ... the same company had liberty to play here at Easter
last....’ Leave was refused on this occasion.
[663] Kelly, 253, ‘Item the sixt of Februarye given to the Queenes
Playors. Item given to one other Companye of the Queenes Playors’.
[664] _Hist. MSS._ xi. 3. 26.
[665] App. D, No. clviii; cf. Murray, ii. 343.
[666] Murray, i. 204.
[667] Kelly, 254.
[668] Collier, i. 397, from a manuscript at Bridgewater House.
[669] Fleay, 192, guesses that her first husband was Robert Browne of
the 1583 Worcester’s company. As Queen Anne’s men played at the Boar’s
Head, he is very likely to have been the ‘Browne of the Boares head’
who ‘dyed very pore’ in the plague of 1603 (_Henslowe Papers_, 59).
[670] Murray, i. 193, appears to date this list _c._ 1612, and the
allegation in the Bill (Fleay, 275) that the pensions were paid for
five years supports this. But it cannot be earlier than 1613 as Read
was still with the Lady Elizabeth’s in that year. Nor does it include
Lee, who was payee for the Queen’s in 1614–16. It clearly belongs to
the 1616 settlement.
[671] ‘Goodman Freshwater’ was furnishing stuffs to Worcester’s men in
1602–3 (Henslowe, i. 179, 187).
[672] Sanderson may be the ‘Sands’ who played with ‘Ellis’ [Worth] in
Daborne’s _Poor Man’s Comfort_ (q.v.), about 1617. Or James Sands,
formerly a boy with the King’s men, may have come to the Queen’s.
[673] Adams, 351.
[674] _M. S. C._ i. 272, from _P. R. 8 Jac. I_, p. 8; also printed by
T. E. Tomlins in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, iv. 47.
[675] Fleay, 188.
[676] Murray, i. 239, confuses the Duke’s with Lord Aubigny’s men.
[677] A letter, probably originally from Dulwich, but now _Egerton
MS._ 2623, f. 25 (printed in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, i. 18, and _Henslowe
Papers_, 126), is signed by William Rowley, as well as by Taylor and
Pallant, and must therefore be later than this amalgamation, and not,
as Dr. Greg suggests, from the Lady Elizabeth’s _c._ 1613. It confirms
a purchase of clothes from Henslowe for £55.
[678] Text in Collier, _Memoirs of Alleyn_, 127; abstract in _Henslowe
Papers_, 90.
[679] _N. S. S. Trans. 1877–9_, 19*; cf. Fleay, 265. Collier, i. 406,
has an elegy by William Rowley on Hugh Attwell, servant to Prince
Charles, who died 25 Sept. 1621.
[680] App. D, No. clviii.
[681] _Henslowe Papers_, 93.
[682] _M. S. C._ i. 274, from _P. R. 9 Jac. I_, p. 20.
[683] _Henslowe Papers_, 18, 111.
[684] Cf. App. B.
[685] _Henslowe Papers_, 86, from _Dulwich MS._ i. 106; also printed in
_Variorum_, xxi. 416, and Collier, _Alleyn Papers_, 78.
[686] Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 58, 87, thinks that the ‘Baxter’ of the
Grievances was William Barksted or Backstede. It may be so.
[687] Thorndike, 66, thinks that the list belongs to an earlier
production by the Queen’s Revels before 30 March 1610, when Taylor
joined the Duke of York’s. But there is no evidence that he was ever in
the Queen’s Revels.
[688] _Henslowe Papers_, 65, 125; A. E. H. Swaen, _Robert Daborne’s
Plays_ (_Anglia_, xx. 153). The account in Fleay, i. 75, is full of
inaccuracies. The documents now form separate articles of _Dulwich MS._
1. All, unless otherwise specified below, are letters or undertakings
from Daborne to Henslowe. Most of them are dated, and I think that the
following ordering, due to Dr. Greg, is reasonable: (i) Art. 70, 17
Apr. 1613; (ii) Art. 71, 17 Apr. 1613; (iii) Art. 72, 25 Apr. 1613;
(iv) Art. 73, 3 May 1613; (v) Art. 74, 8 May 1613; (vi) Art. 75, 16 May
1613; (vii) Art. 77, 19 May 1613; (viii) Art. 78, 5 June 1613; (ix)
Art. 79, 10 June 1613; (xi) Art. 80, 18 June 1613; (xii) Art. 81, 25
June 1613; (xiii)? Art. 100, Field to Henslowe, N.D.; (xiv)? Art. 69,
Field to Henslowe, N.D.; (xv)? Art. 68, Field, Daborne, and Massinger
to Henslowe, N.D.; (xvi) Art. 82, 16 July 1613; (xvii) Art. 83, 30 July
1613; (xviii)? Art. 76, N.D.; (xix)? Art. 99, Daborne to Edward Griffin
(Henslowe’s scrivener), N.D.; (xx). Art. 84, 23 Aug. 1613; (xxi) Art.
85, 14 Oct. 1613; (xxii) Art. 86, 29 Oct. 1613; (xxiii) Art. 87, 5
Nov. 1613; (xxiv) Art. 88, 13 Nov. 1613; (xxv) Art. 89, 13 Nov. 1613;
(xxvi). Art. 90, 27 Nov. 1613; (xxvii) Art. 91, 9 Dec. 1613; (xxviii)
Art. 92, 10 Dec. 1613; (xxix) Art. 93, 24 Dec. 1613; (xxx)? Art. 95,
N.D.; (xxxi) Art. 94, 31 Dec. 1613; (xxxii) Art. 96, 11 Mar. 1614;
(xxxiii) Art. 97, 28 Mar. 1614; (xxxiv), Art. 98, 31 July 1614.
[689] _Henslowe Papers_, 68.
[690] _Sh. Soc. Papers_, i. 16; _Henslowe Papers_, 125, from _Egerton
MS._ 2623, f. 24. This document cannot be dated, but it has probably
been detached from the Dulwich series.
[691] _Henslowe Papers_, 82.
[692] Ibid. 71. I should suppose this, rather than, with Dr. Greg,
_Bartholomew Fair_, to be the ‘Johnsons play’ contemplated on 13 Nov.
(_Henslowe Papers_, 78), but others of Jonson’s plays may also have
been revived.
[693] Ibid. 69, 70.
[694] Ibid. 71, 103, 111.
[695] Ibid. 76, 77, 78.
[696] Ibid. 71.
[697] Dr. Greg (_Henslowe Papers_, 75) makes them the same play,
founded on Dekker’s tracts, _The Bellman of London_ (1608) and
_Lanthorn and Candlelight, or the Bellman’s Second Night-walk_ (1609),
but _The Arraignment_ seems to have been too nearly finished on 5 June
for this identification (_Henslowe Papers_, 72).
[698] Still more so the ascription (Fleay, i. 81) of _The Faithful
Friends_ to Daborne and the Lady Elizabeth’s men.
[699] _Henslowe Papers_, 23; also in Collier, _Memoirs of Alleyn_, 118.
A few additional lines, much mutilated, appear to have provided for the
allocation of half the daily takings of the galleries to the discharge
of a debt of £124 due to Henslowe and Meade and of any further
disbursements by them. This agrees with the Dawes articles _infra_, but
the Articles of Grievance refer to a debt of £126.
[700] Fleay, 187; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 87, _Henslowe’s Diary_, ii.
138.
[701] Cf. p. 240.
[702] _Henslowe Papers_, 82.
[703] Ibid. 123, from _Variorum_, xxi. 413; also in Collier, _Alleyn
Papers_, 75. The original, formerly at Dulwich, is now missing.
[704] _Henslowe Papers_, 72, 79.
[705] I agree with Dr. Greg that the ‘fower’ in Dawes’s articles is
probably a mistake for ‘fourteen’.
[706] _Bartholomew Fair_, v. 3, ‘I thinke, one Taylor, would goe neere
to beat all this company, with a hand bound behinde him’.
[707] Ibid. _Cokes._ Which is your Burbage now?
_Lanterne._ What meane you by that, Sir?
_Cokes._ Your best Actor. Your Field?
[708] Murray, ii. 254. This, however, was probably Long’s company; v.
_infra_.
[709] Robert Pallant, one of the company, is noted (Henslowe, ii. 20)
as visiting Henslowe on his death-bed.
[710] _Variorum_, iii. 59.
[711] App. D, No. clviii.
[712] Murray, i. 263; ii. 4. I add Belvoir on 1 March 1614.
[713] Cunningham, xliv.
[714] Murray, ii. 344.
[715] Lawrence, i. 128 (_Early French Players in England_). One can
hardly, I suppose, assume that the Turkish acrobat of 1589–90 (cf. ch.
xviii) was a real Turk.
[716] J. A. Lester, _Italian Players in Scotland_ (_M. L. N._ xxiii.
240), traces _histriones_, whom he unjustifiably assumes to be actors,
and _tubicines_ in 1514–61.
[717] _S. P. F._ (1569–71), 413.
[718] Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 302.
[719] Murray, ii. 374.
[720] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 225, 227, 458.
[721] Furnivall, _Robert Laneham’s Letter_, 18.
[722] Cf. App. B.
[723] Smith, 148, makes him then head of the Gelosi, but the
authorities she cites do not bear her out.
[724] Baschet, 18, 25, 34, 43; D’Ancona, ii. 455, 457, 459; Rennert,
28, 479.
[725] R. B. M^cKerrow (_Nashe_, iv. 462) suggests that Tristano may
have been ‘that famous Francatrip Harlicken’ represented in the
dedication of _An Almond for a Parrat_ (1590) as asking questions at
Venice about Kempe. But Francatrippa seems to have been the stage name
of Gabriello Panzanini da Bologna of the Gelosi (D’Ancona, ii. 469,
511).
[726] Is this ‘the nimble, tumbling Angelica’ of Marston’s _Scourge
of Villainy_ (1598), xi. 101? If so, a later visit may be suspected.
Drusiano Martinelli was comedian to the Duke of Mantua, to whose son
Angelica had been mistress, in 1595 (D’Ancona, ii. 518).
[727] Baschet, 72, 82, 90, 194, 199; D’Ancona, ii. 464, 479, 504, 518,
523, 526; Smith, 147. The main body of the Gelosi passed about this
time under the leadership of Flaminio Scala, fifty of whose _scenarii_
are printed in _Il Teatro delle Fauole rappresentatiue_ (1611).
[728] Cf. ch. xviii as to traces of improvised comedy in England.
[729] G. E. P. Arkwright, _Notes on the Ferrabosco Family (Musical
Antiquary_, iii. 221; iv. 42); G. Livi, _The Ferrabosco Family_ (ibid.
iv. 121). I may add that he was evidently the Bolognese groom of the
chamber, favoured by the Queen as a musician, who dropped a hint for a
Venetian embassy in 1575 (_V. P._ vii. 524). He left an illegitimate
son, Alfonso, in England, who also was a Court musician by 1603, and
was succeeded in turn by sons, Alfonso and Henry, in 1627 (Lafontaine,
45, 63).
[730] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 159, 160.
[731] Ibid. 160, 301.
[732] Cunningham, 221; cf. _D. N. B._; _M. L. N._ xxii. 2, 129, 201.
[733] _Magdalene College, Cambridge, Pepys MS._ ii. 663 (cf. _Hist.
MSS. Comm. Report_, 190). The letter is endorsed, ‘To Q. Elizabeth:
Ubaldino an Italian Musitian I suppose’.
[734] Cf. my letter in _T.L.S._ for 12 May 1921.
[735] Cf. ch. xiii (Interluders); _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 187.
[736] _Variorum_, iii. 461; cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 202.
[737] Cf. p. 272.
[738] E. J. L. Scott in _Athenaeum_ for 21 Jan. 1882. I am sorry to say
that Mr. Scott suggests that Shakespeare was of the company.
[739] J. Scott, _An Account of Perth_, in Sir J. Sinclair, _Statistical
Account of Scotland_, xviii (1796), 522.
[740] J. C. Dibdin, _Annals of the Edinburgh Stage_ (1888), 20, from
_Accounts_ of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. _A True Accompt
of the Baptism of Prince Henry Frederick_, printed in 1594 (_Somers
Tracts_, ii. 171), records plays amongst other festivities, but does
not say that English actors took part.
[741] _Scottish Papers_, ii. 676. I suppose that this document is
the authority on which P. F. Tytler, _Hist. of Scotland_, ix. 302,
describing the events of 1599, says of Fletcher, ‘He had been there
before, in 1594; and on his return to England, had suffered some
persecution from his popularity with James’.
[742] D. H. Fleming, _St. Andrews Kirk Session Register_, ii. 870, ‘Ane
Jnglishman haveing desyrit libertie of the session to mak ane publik
play in this citie, it was voted and concludit that he suld nocht be
permitted to do the samin’.
[743] Calderwood, _Historie of the Kirk of Scotland_ (Wodrow Soc.), v.
765.
[744] _Acts of the Privy Council of Scotland_, vi. 39, 41. Calderwood
seems to have put the whole business a week too late.
[745] Dibdin, 22.
[746] Lee, 83, from _S. P. D. Scotland_ (R. O.), lxv. 64; cf. summary
in _Scottish Papers_, ii. 777, ‘Performances of English players,
Fletcher, Martin, and their company, by the King’s permission;
enactment of the [Fower] Sessions, and preaching of the ministers
against them. The bellows blowers say that they are sent by England to
sow dissension between the King and the Kirk’.
[747] Dibdin, 24.
[748] J. Stuart, _Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of
Aberdeen_ (_Spalding Club_), ii. xxi, xxii, 222.
[749] Fleay, 136; cf. Furness, _Macbeth_, 407. Fleay goes so far as to
‘hazard the guess’ that the ‘speciall letter’ of recommendation from
James produced at Aberdeen was ‘the identical letter that James wrote
to Shakespeare with his own hand’, as recorded by Oldys.
[750] Henslowe, i. 45
[751] App. C, No. lvii.
[752] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlv. 311, ‘5 Thaler den englischen Spielleuten,
so ufm Rathaus ihr Spiel mit Springen und allerlei Kurzweil getrieben’.
[753] The inevitable attempt to show that Shakespeare ‘must’ have been
of the party was made by J. Stefansson, _Shakespeare at Elsinore_,
in _Contemporary Review_, lxix. 20, and disposed of by H. Logeman,
_Shakespeare te Helsingör_ in _Mélanges Paul Fredericy_ (1904); cf.
_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xii. 241.
[754] Fürstenau, 69; Cohn, xxiii; Bolte, _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxiii. 99.
Herz, 5, endeavours to show traces of a visit to Danzig by this company.
[755] M. Röchell, _Chronik_, in J. Janssen, _Gesch. des Bisthums
Münster_ (1852), iii. 174; Cohn, cxxxiv (misdated 1599);
_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxxvi. 274.
[756] _Henslowe Papers_, 31. Greg, _Henslowe_, ii. 8, disposes of the
confusion between Robert Browne and Alleyn’s step-father, John Browne.
[757] Cohn, xxxi. There seems nothing to connect the Andreas Röthsch
who appeared at Leipzig in July 1591 with Browne, or even to justify
the conjecture (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlv. 311) that he was English.
[758] L. Ph. C. van den Bergh, _’s Gravenhaagsche Bijzonderheden_
(1857), 51 from Hague Archives; Cohn, xxviii. A letter from R. Jones to
Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 33), often assigned to this date, seems to
me probably to belong to 1615: cf. p. 287.
[759] Another Admiral’s passport is printed in Rye, 47.
[760] G. van Hasselt, _Arnhemsche Oudheden_, i (1803), 244, naming
Robert Bruyn, Johan Bradsdret, Thomas Saxwiell, Richardus Jonas, and
Everhart Sauss.
[761] Bolte in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxxiii. 104.
[762] Mentzel, 23.
[763] Cf. vol. i, p. 343.
[764] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 247.
[765] _Archiv_, xiv. 116.
[766] Mentzel, 25.
[767] Henslowe, i. 29.
[768] Cohn, xxxiii, xxxviii; Goedeke, ii. 519; Herz, 8. A conventional
clown, variously called ‘Jahn Clam’, ‘Jahn Posset’, ‘Jahn der
Engelländische Narr’, &c., also appears in plays, from 1596 onwards, by
Jacob Ayrer of Nuremberg, who has other debts, including the ‘jig’, to
the English players (Cohn, lxi; Goedeke, ii. 545).
[769] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxiii. 103.
[770] _Archiv_, xii. 320; xiii. 316; xiv. 118; xv. 115; Mentzel, 26,
37. Herz, 34, points out that about this date the Duke of Brunswick’s
_Ehebrecherin_ and _Vincentius Ladislaus_ were played in Frankfort,
probably by these men. They are referred to at length by Marx Mangoldt,
_Markschiffs-Nachen_ (1597), in a passage beginning:
Da war nun weiter mein Intent,
Zu sehen das Englische Spiel,
Dauon ich hab gehört so viel.
Wie der Narr drinnen, Jan genennt,
Mit Bossen wer so excellent.
Herz, 34, also assigns to the company anonymous appearances at Ulm,
Munich, and Tübingen in 1597 (_Archiv_, xii. 319; xiii. 316; xv. 212).
[771] Cohn, xxxiv.
[772] Cf. p. 279.
[773] Cohn, xxxiv.
[774] Herz, 37; T. Coryat, _Crudities_, ii. 291. Cf. also _Ein Discurss
von der Frankfurter Messe_ (1615):
Der Narr macht lachen, doch ich weht,
--Da ist keiner so gut wie Jahn begeht--
Vor dieser Zeitt wol hat gethan,
Jetzt ist er ein reicher Handelsmann.
[775] Cohn, xxxiv; _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xl. 342.
[776] _Henslowe Papers_, 37.
[777] Cohn, xviii, lvii; Goedeke, ii. 522; Duncker, _Landgrave Moritz
von Hessen und die Englischen Komödianten_ in _Deutsche Rundschau_,
xlviii. 260.
[778] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 361.
[779] Cohn, lviii; Herz, 13.
[780] Könnecke in _Z. f. vergleichende Litteralurgeschichte_, N. F. i.
85.
[781] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 174. Browne was also the agent for a similar
transaction licensed on 11 July 1597 (_S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxiv).
[782] _Archiv_, xiv. 117; xv. 114.
[783] Rommel, vi. 390, from Cassel archives, ‘Robert Brown und John
Wobster begleiteten ihn’. The payment therefore on behalf of the
Admiral’s men about Oct. 1596 ‘to feache Browne’ (Henslowe, i. 45) is
not very likely to refer to Robert.
[784] Cohn, lviii; Duncker, 265.
[785] Mentzel, 41.
[786] _Archiv_, xv. 115. Herz, 17, assigns to them, conjecturally,
performances by ‘Englishmen’ at Memmingen, Cologne, Munich, Ulm, and
Stuttgart during 1600. But the wording of the Strassburg documents
suggests a continuous stay.
[787] On 21 Oct. 1603 Joan Alleyn wrote to Edward Alleyn (_Henslowe
Papers_, 59), ‘All the companyes be come hoame & well for ought we
knowe, but that Browne of the Boares head is dead & dyed very pore,
he went not into the countrye at all’. Obviously this is not Robert
Browne, who lived many years longer. But it may have been a relative,
as Lord Derby’s men are very likely to have preceded Worcester’s at the
Boar’s Head. There was at least one other actor of the name, Edward
Browne, and possibly more (cf. ch. xv).
[788] Mentzel, 46.
[789] Mentzel, 45, 48; _Archiv_, xiv. 119. A performance at Dresden in
Oct. 1600, assigned to them by Herz, 38, is anonymous.
[790] Mentzel, 48.
[791] Duncker, 267, from chronicle of Wilhelm Buch, ‘Anno 1602 hat er
die Engländer alle mit einander von sich gejagt und des springens und
tanzens müde geworden’.
[792] Mentzel, 50.
[793] Mentzel, 51; Bolte, _Das Danziger Theater_, 34.
[794] _Archiv_, xv. 117.
[795] Mentzel, 52.
[796] Mentzel, 50; _Archiv_, xiv. 122.
[797] The Frankfort archives call them ‘Thomas Blackreude’ and
‘Johannes Fheer’, which has prevented their identity with Worcester’s
men from being noticed.
[798] Mentzel, 51.
[799] Mentzel, 53; _Archiv_, xv. 117. Herz, 18, assigns to Browne
anonymous appearances by Englishmen at Strassburg in June 1601, Ulm in
Nov. 1602, Nördlingen in May 1605, and Ulm in May and June 1605. At
Nördlingen a play from the prophet Jonah, possibly Greene and Lodge’s
_Looking Glass for London and England_, was given.
[800] _Archiv_, xv. 120. Coryat, ii. 183, saw him at Strassburg in 1608.
[801] Mentzel, 53; Meissner in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 125; _Archiv_,
xiii. 320; Duncker, 268. The _Ottonium_ was named after Maurice’s son
Otto, the friend of Prince Henry Frederick, who paid a visit to England
in 1611 (Rye, 141).
[802] _Archiv_, xiv. 124.
[803] Cohn, lviii; R. P. Wülcker in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 360.
[804] Mentzel, 53.
[805] _Henslowe Papers_, 63.
[806] Bolte, 35.
[807] This might be Heywood’s _King Edward IV_.
[808] F. von Hurter, _Gesch. Kaiser Ferdinands II_, v. 395.
[809] _The Proud Woman of Antwerp_ might be the lost piece by Day and
Haughton.
[810] Meissner, 74, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 128; cf. pp. 284–6.
The text of _Nobody and Somebody_ is printed from a manuscript at Rein
by F. Bischoff in _Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark_,
xlvii. 127. I think it is just possible that the companies of 1608
and 1617 may have been Spencer’s. There seem to have been _Saxoni_,
as well as _Angli_, playing. These do not seem to have constituted a
distinct company, and are perhaps more likely to have been with Spencer
than with Green. Spencer, as well as Green, was in relations with the
imperial court in 1617; cf. p. 290. But I think that the evidence of
the Rein manuscript is fairly decisive in favour of Green.
[811] This may have been Green himself. A drawing of a red-haired
actor, in the traditional get-up of Nobody, is on the Rein manuscript.
[812] Mentzel, 54, 55, 56, 58.
[813] _Archiv_, xiv. 125; xv. 215. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous
appearances at Ulm, Nördlingen, and Augsburg. John Price, afterwards
well known as a musician at Dresden and Stuttgart, is said to be
recorded at Stuttgart in 1609 (Cohn, cxxxviii), and may have been with
the Hessian company.
[814] Cohn, lix; Duncker, 272.
[815] Meissner, 46; Duncker, 272. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous
appearances at the wedding of the Margrave John George, brother of
the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Princess Christina of Saxony at
Jägerndorf in July, and at Nuremberg and Ulm in November.
[816] Cohn, lix, without reference. Herz, 41, adds an anonymous
performance of _The Merchant of Venice_ at the Court of Margrave
Christian of Brandenburg at Halle.
[817] _Archiv_, xiv. 126.
[818] Duncker, 273.
[819] _Archiv_, xiii. 319. If this is the company which, according
to Alvensleben, _Allgemeine Theaterchronik_ (1832), No. 158, played
_Daniel_, _The Chaste Susanna_, and _The Two Judges in Israel_ at Ulm
in 1602, the identification with the company found at Nördlingen and
Rothenburg is assisted.
[820] Cohn, lxxvii, from Erhard Cellius, _Eques Auratus
Anglo-Wirtembergicus_ (1605); cf. Rye, cvii.
[821] _Archiv_, xi. 625; xiii. 70. They also played _Daniel in the
Lions’ Den_, _Susanna_ (? by Henry Julius of Brunswick or another
version), _The Prodigal Son_, _A Disobedient Merchant’s Son_ (? _The
London Prodigal_), _Charles Duke of Burgundy_, _Annabella a Duke’s
Daughter of Ferrara_ (? Marston’s _Parasitaster_), _Botzarius an
Ancient Roman_, and _Vincentius Ladislaus_ (? by Henry Julius of
Brunswick). Three of these plays (_Romeo and Juliet_, _The Prodigal
Son_, and _Annabella_) are in the repertories of John Green; cf. p. 285.
[822] _Archiv_, xiv. 122.
[823] _Zeitschrift für vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte_, N. F.
vii. 61. They played in 1604 _Daniel in the Lions’ Den_, _Melone
of Dalmatia_, _Lewis King of Spain_, _Celinde and Sedea_, _Pyramus
and Thisbe_, _Annabella a Duke’s Daughter of Montferrat_; and in
1606 _Charles Duke of Burgundy_, _Susanna_, _The Prodigal Son_,
_A Disobedient Merchant’s Son_, _An Ancient Roman_, _Vincentius
Ladislaus_. The Nördlingen and Rothenburg companies must be the same.
_Celinde and Sedea_, however, is found in a repertory, not of Green,
but of Spencer; cf. p. 289.
[824] Herz, 42, 65.
[825] A. van Sorgen, _De Tooneelspeelkunst in Utrecht_.
[826] Bolte, 41, 47. Herz, 27, conjectures that these may have been the
English players at Wolfenbüttel in May 1615; cf. p. 277.
[827] Schlager, 168; Meissner in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 139.
[828] Cohn, xciii; cf. p. 282 as to the inference that Green was at
Gräz in 1607–8.
[829] _Archiv_, xiv. 129.
[830] _Archiv_, xv. 120.
[831] Mentzel, 60.
[832] Bolte, 51.
[833] Herz, 22, from Wolter, 97.
[834] Mentzel, 61; Meissner, 65.
[835] _Archiv_, xiv. 130; Mentzel, 61.
[836] Herz, 30, from Wolter, 97; A. van Sorgen, _De Tooneelspeelkunst
in Utrecht_.
[837] Herz, 30.
[838] Goedeke, ii. 543, could find no copy of _Musarum Aoniarum tertia
Erato_ (Hamburg, 1611), the title-page of which claims ‘etlichen
Englischen Comedien’ as a source.
[839] The last two plays have some kind of relation to Shakespeare’s
_Two Gentlemen of Verona_ and _Titus Andronicus_. _Sidonia and
Theagenes_ is a prose version of Gabriel Rollenhagen’s _Amantes
Amentes_ (1609). A supplement to the 1620 collection, with six other
plays and two jigs, appeared as _Liebeskampff oder Ander Theil der
Englischen Comödien und Tragödien_ (1630), but none of these are
traceable before the Thirty Years’ War.
[840] Cf. pp. 279, 281, 283. The Dresden list is in Cohn, cxv.
[841] Played at Nördlingen in 1604. Cohn, 309, prints a German version
from a Vienna manuscript.
[842] Possibly Heywood’s _The Silver Age_.
[843] Green played at Gräz in 1608 ‘Von ein Herzog von Florenz der sich
in eines Edelmann’s Tochter verliebt hat’. This seems too early for
Massinger’s _Great Duke of Florence_, but suggests the same story.
[844] Possibly _1 Jeronimo_.
[845] Possibly Dekker’s _Patient Grissel_.
[846] Played at Nördlingen and Rothenburg in 1604. Bolte, 177, prints
from a Danzig manuscript a later German version based on Marston’s
_Parasitaster_.
[847] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608, in a version extant in a Rein
manuscript; a later one is in the 1620 collection. Cf. p. 282.
[848] Possibly _Clyomon and Clamydes_.
[849] Cohn, 236, prints a German version from a late copy.
[850] Possibly Robert Greene’s play.
[851] Played by Browne at Cassel in 1607; a text is in the 1620
collection.
[852] Probably Kyd’s _Spanish Tragedy_, played by Browne at Frankfort
in 1601.
[853] Printed in the 1620 collection.
[854] Probably Dekker’s _Virgin Martyr_.
[855] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608.
[856] Possibly Robert Greene’s _Alphonsus_, _King of Arragon_ or
_Mucedorus_.
[857] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608. A version, related to Dekker’s
_Old Fortunatus_, is in the 1620 collection.
[858] Played by an anonymous company at Halle in 1611; cf. p. 283. _The
Jew_, played by Green at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8, might be either
this play or _The Jew of Malta_. Dekker wrote a _Jew of Venice_, now
lost; but a German version, printed by Meissner, 131, from a Vienna
manuscript, is in part based on _The Merchant of Venice_.
[859] Could this be _The Winter’s Tale_?
[860] Green played _The King of Cyprus and Duke of Venice_ at Gräz in
1608.
[861] Played at Nördlingen in 1604 and Rothenburg in 1606 and by Green
at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8. A version is in the 1620 collection.
[862] Green played _Dives and Lazarus_ at Gräz in 1608.
[863] Fleay, _Sh._ 307.
[864] _Henslowe Papers_, 33.
[865] Ibid. 94.
[866] Cf. ch. xvi, introd.
[867] C. F. Meyer in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxxviii. 208.
[868] _D. N. B._ s.v. Giles Farnaby.
[869] Cf. pp. 279, 283.
[870] Cohn, lxxviii.
[871] Fürstenau, i. 76.
[872] Cf. p. 282. Herz, 44, identifies them with ‘English’ at The
Hague (June 1606), Cologne (Feb. 1607), The Hague (April), Ulm (May),
Nördlingen (June), and Munich (July).
[873] Wolter, 93.
[874] L. Schneider, _Geschichte der Oper in Berlin_, Beilage, lxx. 25;
Fürstenau, i. 77.
[875] Cf. p. 283.
[876] Cohn, lxxxiv.
[877] Ibid. lxxxvii.
[878] _Archiv_, xiv. 128. _Philole and Mariana_ may be Lewis Machin’s
_The Dumb Knight_, and _The Turk_ Mason’s play of that name. _Celinde
and Sedea_ had formed part of a repertory at Rothenburg in 1604
apparently related to those of Green; cf. p. 284. Spencer is not
recorded to have played any other piece found in Green’s repertories.
[879] _Archiv_, xii. 320; xiv. 128.
[880] Schlager, 168; Elze in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 362; Meissner, 53,
and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 120.
[881] _Archiv_, xiv. 129; _Zeitschrift für vergl. Litt._ vii. 64;
Mentzel, 58.
[882] _Archiv_, xv. 118.
[883] Ibid. xii. 320; xiii. 322.
[884] Ibid. xv. 119.
[885] Ibid. xv. 215; cf. Herz, 48.
[886] Wolter, 96; Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 260; Cohn, xci, from
_Harl. MS._ 3888, _The Evangelic Fruict of the Seraphicall Franciscan
Order_.
[887] _Archiv_, xv. 119.
[888] Mentzel, 59.
[889] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 261; Wolter, 96.
[890] Meissner, 59, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 122.
[891] Cohn, lxxxviii.
[892] Ibid. lxxxiii; Mentzel, 54.
[893] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 257; Wolter, 95.
[894] _Archiv_, xiv. 124; Mentzel, 54; Schlager, 168; Herz, 53.
[895] Cohn, xxxv; Bolte, 41.
[896] Cohn, xcii.
[897] Bolte, 51.
[898] Cohn, xcii; Meissner, 38, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 122.
[899] Cf. pp. 275, 285.
[900] _Archiv_, xiv. 131.
[901] Ibid., xiii. 316; xiv. 116; Heywood, 60.
[902] Mentzel, 55. H. Chardon, _La Troupe du Roman comique_, 32,
notices Maurice of Nassau’s company at Nantes in 1618 and Paris in
1625, but does not say that they were English.
[903] _Archiv_, xiii. 317; xiv. 121.
[904] Cohn, lxxvii.
[905] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlv. 311.
[906] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 253.
[907] Cf. p. 273.
[908] Pellicer, i. 80, citing the records of the Madrid hospital,
‘en 11 de Enero de 1583 voltearon unos ingleses en el Corral de la
Pacheca’. The original record is probably lost, as it is not with
those of 1579–82, 1590, and 1601–2 published from the _Archivo de la
Diputacion provincial de Madrid_ by C. Pérez Pastor in the _Bulletin
Hispanique_ (1906) and reprinted by Rennert, 345.
[909] E. Soulié, _Recherches sur Molière_, 153; cf. Rigal, 46;
Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, 51.
[910] Henslowe, i. 114.
[911] Soulié et de Barthélemy, _Journal de Jean Héroard_, i. 88, 91, 92.
[912] H. C. Coote in _Intermédiaire des Chercheurs et Curieux_, ii.
105; cf. _5 N. Q._ ix. 42. The idea was that ‘Tiph, toph’ represented
a reminiscence of _2 Henry IV_, II. i. 205, ‘This is the right fencing
grace, my lord; tap for tap, and so part fair’. The phrase ‘tiff toff’
occurs in brackets in a speech of Crapula while he beats Mendacio in
_Lingua_ (Dodsley,^4 ix. 434). Collier explains it as hiccups; Fleay,
ii. 261, on the authority of P. A. Daniel, as an Italian term for the
thwack of stage blows.
[913] E. Fournier, _Chansons de Gaultier Garguille_, lix, and
_L’Espagne et ses Comédiens en France au xvii^e Siècle_ (_Revue
des Provinces_, iv. 496), cites H. Ternaux in _Revue Françoise et
Étrangère_, i. 78, for statements that the head of the English at
Fontainebleau was Ganassa, who in Spain had had a mixed company of
English, Italians, and Spanish, and on 11 Jan. 1583 had a share in the
receipts of a troupe of English _volteadores_. I have not been able to
see the work of M. Ternaux, who does not inspire confidence by calling
Ganassa Juan instead of Alberto. There seems to be nothing to connect
Ganassa with the _volteadores_ of 1583, except the fact that the Corral
de la Pacheca where they played was leased to him for nine or ten years
in 1574 (Rennert, 29), and they may therefore have paid him rent.
His troupe in 1581–2, as given by Rennert, 479, consisted entirely
of Italians, with two Spanish musicians. He is said to have been in
Spain in 1603 (Pellicer, i. 57, 72; Rennert, 30), but there is nothing
to show that, if so, he went on to France. But Héroard tells us that
there was a Spanish rope-dancer at Fontainebleau in 1604, and a very
obscure passage in his diary suggests that this Spaniard was really
an Irishman. Irish marauders (_voleurs_) were then giving trouble in
Paris, which led Louis to say ‘Ce voleur qui voloit sur la corde étoit
Irlandois?’ and Héroard comments, ‘Il étoit vrai; il accommoda le mot
de voleur à l’autre signification, il l’avoit vu voler à Fontainebleau’
(_Journal_, i. 90, 126).
[914] F. Bischoff in _Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark_,
xlvii. 127; cf. p. 282.
[915] De Bry, _India Orientalis_ (1613), xii. 137, ‘Angli ludiones per
Germaniam et Galliam vagantur’.
[916] Alleyn’s life is more fully dealt with than is here possible
in G. F. Warner and F. Bickley, _Catalogue of Dulwich MSS._ (1881,
1903); G. F. Warner in _D. N. B._ (1885); W. Young, _History of Dulwich
College_ (1889); W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_ (1907), _Henslowe’s
Diary_, vol. ii (1908). An earlier treatment of the material is that
by J. P. Collier, _Memoirs of Edward Alleyn_ (1841), _Alleyn Papers_
(1843). On an account by G. Steevens in _Theatrical Review_ (1763) with
a forged letter from Peele to Marlowe, cf. Lee, 646.
[917] _Dulwich Muniments_, 106.
[918] Cf. ch. xiv.
[919] _Henslowe Papers_, 34, from _Dulwich MSS._, i. 9–15; Edward to
Joan Alleyn, 2 May 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 5 July 1593; Edward
to Joan Alleyn, 1 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, _c._ August
1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 14 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward
Alleyn, 28 September 1593; John Pyk (Alleyn’s ‘boy’) to Joan Alleyn,
_c._ 1593. Later letters of 4 June and 26 September 1598 from Henslowe
to Edward Alleyn and of 21 October 1603 from Joan to Edward Alleyn are
in _Henslowe Papers_, 47, 59, 97.
[920] _Works_, i. 215, 296.
[921] _Henslowe Papers_, 32. The verses on the same theme in Collier,
_Memoirs_, 13, are forged.