And then, above all, strive to know the history of your Fatherland.

Learn to know the misery of our people in the later years of the

Middle Ages, in the struggles between church and state and between the

princes, in the strife of creeds during the Thirty Years' War, when

our people were trodden down and brought into the service of foreign

peoples and dynasties with whom its interests had nothing in common,

until the final great downfall in the time of Napoleon. The year 1870

first brought us a united German state again. And if you enter upon

a political career, keep your eye upon the field as a whole, and do

not be disturbed by parties. For these shove their interests before

those of the Fatherland and often draw a curtain between you and it.

And if your political efforts threaten to bewilder you, I advise you

to withdraw from them for a time--travel or go on a walking tour--and

let Nature have her way. Then when you return you will have a clearer

vision of the real relations. If at any time the waves overwhelm you,

if the many phenomena of modern art and literature bewilder and depress

you, you can always turn to these ideals of antiquity as a means of

recovering your balance.

You are now ready to enter the university. Therefore I would like to

give you one more counsel, which you must not take lightly, for it is

to me a very serious matter. Alcohol is a great danger to our people,

which, believe me, gives me great anxiety. I have led the government

now during twenty-three years, and through the reports which pass

through my hands I know how many crimes have been committed through

alcohol. Direct your gaze for a moment to a neighboring land. The

Americans are far ahead of us in this. At their universities there they

do great things, as you may convince yourselves, since so many students

come to us from there. There, at the reunions and at the great academic

gatherings--for instance, at the inauguration of a president--no wine

is seen on the whole table; and they get along very well without it. If

you enter the university, steel your body through sport and through

fencing--a thing I would blame in no one--or through rowing; but do

not seek to make a record for yourself by seeing who can gulp down the

greatest number of intoxicating drinks. Those are customs which come

to us from another time. If you will take this attitude in the corps

and societies, I shall be grateful to you. We have other tasks now than

they had in former years and must strengthen our knowledge of national

economy and finances. For it is worth Germany's while to protect her

position in the world, especially in the world market. Therefore we

must all hold fast together.

I herewith turn the flag over to you. The _primus omnium_, so I

understand, will carry it and will consider it an honor that he is the

first one to do so.

INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION

HAMBURG, AUGUST 27, 1911

After a religious service for the army, the Emperor and Empress

visited the race-course at Grossborstel. The relations between

Germany and England were becoming strained. At the time of the

uprising in Morocco on the twenty-first of May, 1911, the French

general Moinier took measures, so he said, to protect Europeans

in Morocco and later besieged certain native cities. Germany,

pursuing her world-policy, immediately sent the gunboat _Panther_

and later the cruiser _Berlin_ to the harbor of Agadir, and assumed

a threatening attitude, as she had done at Tangier and as Admiral

Diedrichs had done at Manila. When the English made it plain that

they would support France, in accordance with the _entente_ reached

in 1904, with regard to Morocco and Egypt, feeling between the two

nations became tense and has remained so. The Emperor here, while

insisting upon the place in the sun, is at the same time insisting

on friendly competition. (See the discussion of the speech of March

31, 1905.)

YOUR MAGNIFICENCE:

As often as her Majesty and I have the happy opportunity of coming to

Hamburg, it becomes our duty to express our gratitude for the joyful

reception and warm, heartfelt greeting which is accorded us by all

classes of the Hamburg citizens. We have felt this again to-day and are

constrained to express anew our thanks for the welcome on the part of

the city. It is an index of how close the relations have become between

the citizens of Hamburg and our house. As the highest commander of my

army, I would at the same time like to express the joy I take in the

fact that the Hanseatic cities are now about to express again their

lively interest and their love and fondness for the regiments which

bear their names. To me it is a proof that the relationship between

the garrisons and their cities is a deep and a close one, and that they

are proud to give some outward recognition for the service which their

sons have rendered in the past and for the zeal which they showed in

their work of peace.

When, yesterday, the city of Hamburg enthusiastically greeted a portion

of that army which has so long maintained peace, she did a very proper

thing, for she understands that under the protection of peace she can

devote herself to her labors. She is a world city and is situated on

one of the greatest rivers of our Fatherland, and the breath of the sea

and the wave beat of the tides come to her wharves. Just as for the

human body, it is necessary for a nation to breathe in order to live.

The breath of the body politic gives it life and strength. This breath

is commerce. Long ago the far-sighted Great Elector coined the phrase:

"Trade and navigation are the two main pillars of my state."

In the twenty-three years since I mounted the throne it has been a

pleasure to me to follow the progress which the Hanseatic cities and

especially Hamburg have achieved in their restless advance. If I do

everything that I can on my side to help the Hanseatic cities, it is a

duty that I gladly discharge.

But we need not wonder that the great increase of trade in our

newly united Fatherland has disquieted many people in the world. I,

nevertheless, believe that in the domain of commerce competition is

healthful; it is necessary in order to spur on states and nations to

new achievement. Indeed, it is the same thing with sports, as we have

seen to-day at the magnificent race-course, where before the eyes of

thousands of Hamburg's men and so many of her beautiful women the

officers of my army rode in competition. There we see one rider who in

thought has already won first prize, and on the right and on the left

the next two work up to him and it becomes an earnest contest between

the three. Then he who up to this point was at the head reaches for his

whip, not in order to strike his two rival riders but his own horse,

and he gives him the spur. In the same way competition between nations

can be fought out in peace.

The powerfully developing German fleet of war, which is distinguished

by its cult of manliness and discipline, has in the last decades been

created by the German people as a protection to trade and navigation.

It represents the will of the German people to count for something

upon the seas. This growing young fleet is particularly proud of the

interest of Hamburg's citizens. If, then, I have correctly interpreted

this expression of your enthusiasm, I believe that I dare assume that

it is your purpose to further strengthen our fleet in order that we

may be certain that no one will dare challenge the "place in the sun"

which should be rightfully ours. I, therefore, raise my glass to the

health of the Hanseatic cities, and especially to Hamburg, the greatest

of them all! The gentlemen know what I think about Hamburg and how I

feel myself bound to her. And at the risk of repeating myself I say it

again: the citizens of Hamburg and I understand each other! The city of

Hamburg--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!

IMPERIAL GLORIES

AIX, OCTOBER 18, 1911

The special fondness of the Emperor for Aix is indicated in the

address of June 19, 1902. With his assistance the cathedral had

been restored in this year, and a marble tablet had been set

up in his honor. If the Emperor's father was concerned about

restoring the splendor of the crown, it is also true that he was

by nature one of the most liberal of the Hohenzollerns. The book

which Frederick I gave his son to read was in all probability the

magnificent volume, "Die Reichskleinodien" by Doctor Fr. Bock,

published in Vienna in 1864.

MY DEAR BURGOMASTER:

You have strengthened with your friendly words of greeting the deep

impression which I received to-day as I found myself within your walls.

I thank you, the city magistrates and the citizens, most heartily

for this memorable day. I do not see how the eightieth birthday

of my father, who was all too soon taken from us, could have been

celebrated more beautifully than through the solemn unveiling of the

magnificent equestrian statue dedicated to his memory, which we owe

to the unselfish reverence of the citizens of Aix for the favorite of

the German people. I congratulate the city on this new monument, which

will serve as a bond and a joy for generations yet unborn. It will

indicate that, in spite of all the frictions and political, social,

and religious differences of our time, a firm bond of love and trust,

nevertheless, surrounds and binds together the prince and the people.

If ever a prince deserved a monument here in Aix it was my late

father. From my childhood I had occasion to observe with what interest

he devoted himself to the study of the German Emperors and of their

traditions and how deeply he was impressed by the power of their

position and the splendor of the old German imperial crown. When as a

lad I played in his room and had earned some reward through my good

behavior, he allowed me to turn the leaves of a magnificent volume in

which were represented the jewels, insignia, robes, and weapons of the

Emperors, and finally, in brilliant colors, the crown itself. How his

eyes glistened when he told stories of the coronations at Aix with

their ceremonies and banquets, of Charlemagne, of Barbarossa, and their

greatness! He always closed by saying: "That must all come again, the

power of the empire must rise, and the glitter of the Emperor's crown

must shine forth once more. Barbarossa must be freed from the tower

again!" And it was granted him by Providence to play a large part in

the accomplishment of this great work. On the bloody field of battle he

helped his honored father to win the Emperor's crown and the unity of

the German people.

Educated by my father for the high position which was one day to be

mine, I grew up in wonder and in reverence for the Emperor's crown,

which, with its burden and its responsibility, I have taken over from

him. It is a sacred jewel from which, under God's protection, many

blessings have gone forth upon the Fatherland and which has proved

itself a shield for the national honor. All Germans can look up to

it with trust, and it will show itself the stronger the more it is

surrounded and supported by loyal affection and earnest co-operation.

As my forefathers bestowed their special favor upon Aix, so with me

it has always been a pleasure to be able to show her my interest and

good wishes, within whose walls here, in the extreme western part

of the empire, German culture and German manners have found a place

fortified by a famous past and traditions many hundred years old. May

the city in the future also, with her salutary springs and beautiful

wooded hills, with her manifold industries and her far-reaching

commerce, grow, flourish, and prosper! May the citizens, through

loyalty to God, King, and Fatherland, pursue their work and enjoy the

fruits of their industry in peace! The old imperial city and her loyal

citizens--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!

VIII

LAST MONTHS OF PEACE

FEBRUARY 7, 1912--JUNE 23, 1914

OPENING OF THE REICHSTAG

BERLIN, FEBRUARY 7, 1912

As a result of the Morocco crisis and the increasing imminence of

international difficulties, the war footing of the German army

had been increased to 3,860,000 men. The navy had been steadily

extended, and projects for further increases in both army and navy

were to be introduced at this session of the Reichstag and to

be granted. The question of taxation was becoming more and more

serious. In view of the project for increased armament and higher

taxation, Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg had earnestly urged all

parties to unite against the Social Democrats. His efforts were

not nearly so successful as had been those of Bülow in 1907. One

hundred and ten Social Democrats were returned. It is perhaps

significant that at this session the Reichstag voted a bill

creating a German oil company, which was to conduct its operations

under the supervision of the government and thus render Germany

more independent of foreign countries in this regard.

HONORED SIRS:

In the name of the affiliated governments, I bid the newly elected

Reichstag welcome!

To maintain the solid framework of the empire and the order of the

state undisturbed, to increase the welfare of the people in all classes

and conditions, to protect and raise the strength and credit of the

nation is the aim of all my efforts. In this I find myself in accord

with my honored colleagues, and I cherish the conviction that you, as

the chosen representatives of the nation, will exert your best powers

in this common work.

For a generation past questions of social regulation have occupied

a prominent place in the legislation of the realm. Even at the last

session of the previous Reichstag the benefits of insurance were

extended to a large portion of the population. The same social spirit

with which the work has previously gone forward must prevail even

further. For development does not stand still.

The finances of the realm have attained a firm position. On the basis

of definitely calculated contributions from the states, we have

succeeded in establishing a balance in the imperial economy, and by

the help of the surplus which resulted we have relieved the excess of

the budget. By holding fast to the rigorous policies in vogue up to

the present, the empire will within a short time arrive at a complete

restoration of its finances.

It fills me with satisfaction when I think to what a point the free

spirit of enterprise has attained in industry and crafts, in trade,

and in commerce, and how, through the increasing perfection of its

technic, agriculture has gradually blossomed forth again. In view of

this gratifying progress, the affiliated governments will henceforth

not neglect to strengthen the foundation of our customs policy by means

of alterations and the addition of new trading regulations.

A project which will be shortly put before you is to serve for the

strengthening of the German interests in foreign countries. It

regulates dependence upon the empire and the state in such a way that

it will be easier for natives of Germany in foreign parts to remain

citizens of the empire, or, in case they have lost their imperial

rights, to recover them again.[47]

[47] This project resulted in a law promulgated by the Emperor July 22,

1913. It has been made the subject of considerable hostile comment

in foreign countries, as it would seem under certain conditions,

not definitely fixed, to permit a German subject to divide his

allegiance.

Article 17 of this law asserts that (German) citizenship is

lost through the acquiring of citizenship in a foreign country.

It, however, refers to Article 25, which makes the following

conditions:

Art. 25, Sec. 2. Citizenship [German] shall not be lost by him

who, before acquiring citizenship in a foreign country, shall,

on his request, have received the written permission to retain

[German] citizenship from the proper authority in his home

state. The German consul is to be consulted before granting this

permission.

Art. 25, Sec. 3. The Imperial Chancellor, on a vote of the

Bundesrat, can decree that the permission specified in Section 2,

shall not be granted to persons who wish to acquire citizenship in

a specified foreign state.

On the face of it, this decree would seem to be open to the

interpretation that it lies within the power of the German

Bundesrat to allow a man who has ostensibly acquired citizenship

in a foreign country to be counted as a German citizen.

The success of our work of peace at home and overseas depends upon

the empire's remaining powerful enough to stand for and protect its

national honor, its possessions, and its rightful interests in the

world at all times. On this account it is my continual duty and care

to maintain and strengthen by land and by sea the armies of the German

people, which does not lack young men capable of bearing arms. Bills to

this end are in preparation and will be laid before you together with

proposals which will provide for the increased expenditure. If, Honored

Sirs, you help to carry out this great project you will be doing the

Fatherland a great service.

We have given a new proof of our willingness to settle international

points of dispute amicably wherever this can be done in accordance with

the dignity and the interests of Germany, through the conclusion of

our agreements with France. In addition to strengthening our alliances

with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the kingdom of Italy, my policy

is directed toward the maintenance of friendly relationships with all

powers on the basis of mutual respect and good-will.

I trust the healthy power of the German people, and, counting upon the

support of a gracious God, I look out hopefully over the struggles of

the day toward the future of the empire. Therefore, at the beginning of

a new legislative session, I offer you, Honored Sirs, my greeting in

the hope that your activities will be exerted for the benefit of the

people and the country.

BRANDENBURG ONCE AGAIN

MAY 30, 1912

The indications of particular good-will which the Emperor had

always exhibited for the Brandenburgers and the marks of special

favor which he had seemed to accord to them have occasionally

aroused a certain suspicion, not to say ill will, in the minds of

some of his South German subjects. In his hereditary provinces,

Brandenburg and Prussia, it will be noticed that the Emperor had

always expressed himself most freely with regard to his personal

pretensions that he ruled by divine right alone. The two speeches

which have been most criticised in this respect are the ones

delivered at Breslau (February 3, 1899) and Königsberg (August 25,

1910). They served, unfortunately, to accentuate the differences

which existed between the subjects in various parts of the empire

and to remind them that they had a Prussian Emperor. If certain

portions of his audiences here acquiesced in these pretensions of

their hereditary ruler and were somewhat proud of the particular

confidence he vouchsafed to them, critics, and even conservative

critics, referred to these ideas of "_Gottesgnadentum_,"

grace-of-Godism, with touches of what was at least irony. After

the unfortunate crisis following the _Daily Telegraph_ interview

Chancellor von Bülow had felt constrained to request the Emperor

"henceforward to observe, even in private interviews, that reserve

which is indispensable both to the interests of a consistent policy

and to the authority of the crown." As we have seen, in spite

of the Emperor's seeming acceptance of this necessity, it had

not modified to any particular extent the tenor of his speech at

Königsberg in 1910. It may be that by this time (1912) he had taken

the admonition to heart, for it will be noticed that, though we

have the customary reference to Frederick of Hohenzollern and the

glorification of his ancestors, and also the marks of special favor

and trust in the Brandenburgers, we miss any mention of the theory

of divine right.

La Fontaine has said that it is difficult to please every one and

his father. The Emperor must have felt this when he learned that

certain of his subjects, nevertheless, resented that closing part

of his speech which would seem to imply that the Franco-Prussian

War was a sort of family affair through which the grateful

Brandenburgers decided to present the imperial crown to their

beloved overlord. Through such an interpretation the position and

interests of Bavaria, for instance, became for Bavarians somewhat

too incidental. If, then, foreign critics have drawn a distinction

between Prussia and Germany, the distinction has, therefore, a

certain warrant, since it seems to be made by the Emperor himself.

The heir to the Bavarian crown took occasion to object in one of

his speeches to the conception that the affiliated sovereigns are

"vassals of the Emperor." That he should have gone so far would

indicate that, in his mind at least, there was a disposition to

make them so. He was even more emphatic in a speech delivered in

May, 1900, before the Association for the Furtherance of Inland

Navigation in Bavaria. "I do not see," he said, "why we, if we

belong to the German Empire should not enjoy precisely the same

rights and privileges as North Germany, for the German Empire was

welded together just as much through Bavarian blood as through

the blood of any other German stock; and for that reason we do

not wish to be regarded as minor brothers, but as brothers with

full rights and privileges." So, too, it is said that the King

of Würtemberg left the Emperor's side in anger and withdrew from

the army manoeuvres in 1894. It will be plain to any one who

reads the Emperor's speeches that very few of them are made in

South Germany. Münich, Leipzig, and Stuttgart have been visited

by him less frequently than certain foreign capitals. This is due

in part, no doubt, to the fact that the reigning sovereigns of

these capitals do not wish to see a greater at their side. But it

is likewise true that in most of these districts the Emperor's

reception at the hands of the populace would be far less warm

than that accorded to him at Breslau and Berlin; for, if the

Emperor is warranted in expecting a particular loyalty from his

Prussians and Brandenburgers, so, too, are the hereditary rulers of

Bavaria, Saxony, and Würtemberg warranted in expecting a particular

recognition at home, which must necessarily be deducted from the

possible tribute which can be paid the Emperor, who is likewise a

rival King and King of a province which has not always enjoyed the

favorable consideration of South Germans.

It was on this day, May 30, five hundred years before that the

Burgrave Frederick VI of Hohenzollern, the later Elector Frederick

I, entered the fortified place of Brandenburg, on the Havel. In

commemoration of this fact, a fountain and an equestrian statue

of the Elector by Professor Manzel were dedicated. The church of

St. Catherine had likewise been restored and was rededicated on

this day. After the unveiling, the Emperor proceeded to the old

town hall, where he inscribed his name in the city's Golden Book,

and after he had accepted the drink of honor offered him by the

burgomaster, he delivered the following address:

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