On this occasion a deputation from Alsace-Lorraine presented a

protest against the continuance of the _Passzwang_, a rule which

made it impossible to leave Alsace-Lorraine except under very

special circumstances and on receiving a pass from the imperial

agent. The rule was particularly obnoxious, and the strictness with

which it had been enforced was much resented, even by subjects

favorably disposed to the empire. It was, however, merely one

of many grievances. Since the time of the Franco-Prussian War,

Alsace-Lorraine had been governed like a conquered province--by

a governor appointed by, and responsible to, the Emperor alone.

Up to this time the policy had been one of repression, save for

a very brief period. It is possible that the Emperor might have

been inclined to give them some relief had it not been for the

unfortunate result of the visit of his mother to Paris. After a

visit in London, the Empress Frederick, in February, 1891 (it

is supposed on the advice of her son), visited Paris and, while

there, was to ask certain of the French artists to exhibit at

the Berlin exhibition. It had evidently been assumed that the

time had come for a _rapprochement_. The Empress descended at

the German embassy very quietly and had received promises from

several artists, when her presence in Paris became known to the

League of French Patriots and to the germanophobe Déroulède, who

immediately started a violent agitation and demonstrations against

Germany. The artists withdrew their promises under the pressure

of outraged patriotic opinion, and the situation became so tense

that the Empress was forced to depart very hastily in a manner

that suggested flight. The incident tended to make bad feeling

on both sides and reacted unfavorably upon the attitude of the

empire toward the former French provinces. The difficulties of

circulation were increased, and the regulations about passes were

made particularly trying. These difficulties were removed in 1899,

but the provinces continued to protest, as they were not given

equal rights with the other German states and have not enjoyed them

up to the present. In May, 1911, a new so-called constitution was

given to Alsace-Lorraine. The executive power is exercised by the

Emperor in the name of the empire; the province has three votes

in the Bundesrat, which are so restricted that they give very

little satisfaction to Alsace-Lorraine and are so far under the

control of Prussia that they give considerable dissatisfaction to

other German states. The Emperor appoints officials, including the

_Statthalter_, or governor, and the delegates are instructed by the

_Statthalter_ and must vote according to instructions. The votes

do not count in any vote concerning the imperial Constitution.

There was much protest because the new constitution did not grant

the provinces sufficient independence. The previous Provincial

Assembly (_Landesausschuss_) had been summarily closed on the

9th of May, 1911. Affairs were but little improved under the new

arrangement, and the Emperor came to Strasburg in great anger, May

13, 1912, and made the following threatening address: "If this

keeps up I shall knock your constitution to bits. Up to the present

you have known me from my good side, but you can perhaps learn to

know me from the other side also. If things do not change, we will

make of Alsace-Lorraine a Prussian province." This speech of the

Emperor's is not printed officially, but it was made the subject

of an interpellation in the Reichstag on May 17, 1912, and the

burgomaster of Strasburg admitted that the sense of the imperial

utterance was properly given. With regard to Alsace-Lorraine, the

Emperor has tried both kindness and severity. The Zabern incident

proved that in neither of these policies had he succeeded in

winning either the love or the subjection of the inhabitants.

The following is the estimate of Dr. H. A. Gibbons on the situation

in Alsace-Lorraine immediately before the outbreak of the European

War:

"One could easily fill many pages with illustrations of senseless

persecutions, most of them of the pettiest character, but some more

serious in nature, which Alsace and Lorraine have had to endure

since the granting of the constitution. Newspapers, illustrated

journals, clubs, and organizations of all kinds have been annoyed

constantly by police interference. Their editors, artists, and

managers have been brought frequently into court. Zislin and Hansi,

celebrated caricaturists, have found themselves provoked to bolder

and bolder defiances by successive condemnations and have endured

imprisonment as well as fines. Hansi was sentenced to a year's

imprisonment by the High Court of Leipsic only a month before

the present war broke out and chose exile rather than a Prussian

fortress.

"The greatest effort during the past few years has been made in the

schools to influence the minds of the growing generation against

the '_souvenir de France_,' and to impress upon the Alsacians what

good fortune had come to them to be born German citizens.

"Among the boys, the influence of this teaching has been such

that over twenty-two thousand fled from home during the period of

1900-13 to enlist in the Foreign Legion of the French Army. The

campaign of the German newspapers in Alsace-Lorraine and, in fact,

throughout Germany was redoubled in 1911. Parents were warned of

the horrible treatment accorded to the poor boys who were misguided

enough to throw away their citizenship and go to be killed in

Africa under the French flag. The result of this campaign was that

the Foreign Legion received a larger number of Alsacians in 1912

than had enlisted during a single year since 1871!

"Among the girls, the German educational system flattered itself

that it could completely change the sentiments of a child,

especially in the boarding-schools. Last year the Empress of

Germany visited a girls' school near Metz which is one of the best

German schools in the _Reichsland_. As she was leaving she told

the children that she wanted to give them something. What did they

want? The answer was not sweets or cake but that they might be

taught a _little_ French!

"The former French provinces have been flooded with garrisons

and have been treated just as they were forty years ago. The

insufferable spirit of militarism and the arrogance of the

Prussian officers in Alsacian towns have served to turn against

the empire many thousands whom another policy might have won; for

it must be remembered that by no means _all_ the inhabitants of

the _Reichsland_ have been by birth and by home training French

sympathizers. Instead of crushing out the '_souvenir de France_,'

the Prussian civil and military officials have caused it to be born

in many a soul which was by nature German.

"The Prussian has never understood how to win the confidence of

others. There has been no Rome in his political vision. As for

conceptions of toleration, of kindness, and of love, they are

non-existent in Prussian officialdom."

It gives me great satisfaction that the committee of the provinces

has turned to me in an important question concerning the interests of

Alsace-Lorraine. I see in this fact a valuable proof of the increasing

understanding which my good-will and my interest in the development of

your home country has begotten in the minds of its representatives.

I am also pleased to accept this assurance that the people of

Alsace-Lorraine, satisfied for the time being with the existing

political relations, spurn every interference by foreign elements and

look to the empire alone for the protection of their interests.

While I offer you my thanks for this expression of loyal sentiment, I

regret that for the present I cannot fulfil your wishes. I must confine

myself in this matter to expressing the hope that in a not too distant

future our relations may make possible the alleviation of conditions on

the western boundary. This hope will be the sooner realized the more

the people of Alsace-Lorraine are convinced of the inviolability of the

union which binds them to Germany and the more decidedly they exhibit

their resolution to remain forever faithful and immovable in their

loyalty to me and to the empire.

SWEARING IN THE RECRUITS

POTSDAM, NOVEMBER 23, 1891

Every year the Emperor is present at the swearing in of the

recruits to the guard and to the navy. He has made innumerable

speeches on such occasions. The present somewhat striking

pronouncement was delivered at a time when his feeling toward the

Socialists, who had been guilty of no particular outrage, still

ran very high. Tolstoi saw in it the worst excesses of militarism

and issued shortly after the following criticism of the Emperor's

attitude:

"This man expresses what all wise men know but carefully conceal.

He says frankly that men who serve in the army serve him and his

advantage and must be prepared for his advantage to kill their

brothers and fathers.

"He expresses frankly, and with the coarsest of words, all the

horror of the crime for which the men who enter into military

service are prepared, all that abyss of degradation which they

reach when they promise obedience. Like a bold hypnotizer, he

tests the degree of the hypnotized man's sleep: he puts the glowing

iron to his body, the body sizzles and smokes, but the hypnotized

man does not awake.

"This miserable, ill man, who has lost his mind from the exercise

of power, with these words offends everything which can be holy for

a man of our time, and men--Christians, liberals, cultured men of

our time, all of them are not only not provoked by this insult but

do not even notice it."

It is possible that such criticism and the resentment aroused in

the minds of the law-abiding Socialists led him later to tone down

his utterances, though on one subsequent occasion, again with the

Socialists in mind, he made a somewhat similar address (March 28,

1901).

RECRUITS TO THE REGIMENT OF MY GUARD:

You are brought together here from all parts of the empire to fulfil

your military duty, and in this holy place have just sworn fealty to

your Emperor to your last breath. You are still too young to understand

all this. You will, however, little by little, be made familiar with

its significance. Do not imagine it too difficult, and trust in God;

occasionally also say the Lord's Prayer--that has frequently given many

a warrior fresh courage.

Children of my guard, to-day you have become incorporated into my

army; you now stand under my command and have the privilege of

wearing my uniform. Wear it honorably. Think of the famous history of

your Fatherland; remember that the German army must be armed against

the internal as well as the external foe. More and more unbelief and

discontent raise their heads in the Fatherland, and it may come to

pass that you will have to shoot down or stab your own relatives and

brothers. Then seal your loyalty with your heart's blood! And now go to

your homes and fulfil your duties.

--(According to the _Breslauer Lokalanzeiger_ of December 8.)

According to the _Neisser Zeitung_, the second paragraph ran as

follows:

Recruits! You have now before the consecrated servant of the Lord

and before His altar, sworn fealty to me. You are still too young to

understand the true meaning of what has just been said; but be diligent

now and follow the directions and instructions given you. You have

sworn loyalty to me; that means, children of my guard, that you are

now my soldiers, you have given yourselves up to me, body and soul;

there is for you but one enemy, and that is my enemy. In view of the

present Socialistic agitations it may come to pass that I shall command

you to shoot your own relatives, brothers, yes, parents--which God

forbid--but even then you must follow my command without a murmur.

Entirely similar, but shorter, is a clipping from the Berlin paper

_Das Volk_, according to the account of one who heard the speech.

You have sworn to me the oath of loyalty; that means, from now on you

know only one command, and that is my most high command; you have only

one enemy, and that is my enemy! And so I may sometime--which God

forbid--have to bid you to shoot upon your own relatives, yes, brothers

and parents--then remember your oath!

THE EMPEROR'S FIRST ARMY BILL

BERLIN, JULY 4, 1893

The opposition between the Reichstag and the government reached

a climax when the session which opened in 1886 was dissolved in

January, 1887, because it refused to vote for the bill fixing

the army status for the ensuing seven years. The next Reichstag,

elected in February, voted the bill. In spite of the fact that

the new arrangement was to have been effective until March, 1894,

as early as the session of 1890 changes were introduced which

fixed the peace footing at 468,983 men, exclusive of the one-year

volunteers. In November, 1892, a new army bill was presented,

to run for six years, fixing the peace footing at 492,068. All

infantrymen were to serve two years. In the debates of 1887 it

was announced that Russia was an ally of Germany. The failure to

renew the neutrality agreement with that power and the growing

_rapprochement_ between France and Russia seems to have been most

in the Emperor's mind in calling for an increase. The increased

appropriation of 1887 was covered by a tax on spirits, sugar, and

grain. The new increase was to be met by indirect taxes, mostly on

beer and brandy. When the Reichstag refused to vote the bill as it

stood, it was dissolved and a new one called. The new Reichstag,

which is here addressed, accepted the bill on July 15. As much of

the opposition had been due to the fear of the less-favored classes

that the increased cost would fall heavily on them through indirect

taxes, the Chancellor assured the representatives (as the Emperor

here indicates) that there would be no tax on beer or brandy nor

any other necessities of life.

Since you have been called to work in common with the confederated

governments, it is my desire at the beginning of your deliberations to

greet you and bid you welcome.

The draft of the bill concerning the peace footing of the German army,

through which a strengthening of our available force would have been

achieved, was presented to the last Reichstag. To my great regret the

project did not meet with the approval of the representatives of the

people. The conviction, unanimously shared by my corulers, that in

the face of the development of the military arrangements of the other

powers this government could no longer put off such a shaping of its

military status as should guarantee its safety and its future led to

the decision to dissolve the Reichstag and, by the calling of new

representatives to attain the end recognized as necessary. Since the

proposal of this law the political situation of Europe has undergone no

change. To my great satisfaction, the relations of the empire to the

foreign states are altogether and everywhere friendly and free from

any cloud. The organized military force of Germany, however, compares

still more unfavorably with that of our neighbors than it did last

year. Since her geographical position and her historical development

impose upon Germany the duty of taking thought for a proportionately

large standing army, the further development of our defensive strength,

therefore, with regard to the progress of other countries becomes a

pressing necessity. In order to satisfy the duties constitutionally

laid upon me, it seemed to me incontrovertible that I should exercise

every existing means at my command toward the restoration of a

sufficient and effective defense of the honor of the Fatherland.

There will, therefore, be laid before you without delay a new bill

concerning the peace footing of the army. In it the wishes which

were strongly expressed during the discussion of the former bill are

taken account of, and, in accordance with this, demands made upon the

personal capacity and upon the people's ability to pay taxes have, in

so far as this could be done without endangering the end sought, been

lessened.

The interest of the realm demands, especially in looking forward to the

impending expiration of the seven-year arrangement next spring, that

the bill should be decided upon with all possible despatch, in order

that this year's recruiting can be undertaken on the new basis. A delay

in carrying out this proposal would be felt for more than twenty years,

to the detriment of our defensive strength.

To make it possible for you to give your undivided attention to the

discussion of the bill, the confederated governments will refrain from

burdening the session with other important matters.

I and my honored corulers are still of the opinion that the means

necessary for the reorganization of our military equipment can be

raised properly, and without overburdening the people, in the manner

brought forward last autumn in the draft of the proposed taxation

bill. Nevertheless, the question of making good the deficit is still

the object of continued discussions. I expect that a proposal will be

set before you by the beginning of the next winter session in which is

expressed, even more strongly than in the former bill, the principle

that the providing of the necessary means must be carried out with the

utmost regard for the individual's ability to pay and with as little

draft as possible upon our power of levying taxes. Until the expiration

of the present official year the contributions from the various states

may be drawn upon to cover the excess.

Honored Sirs, we have succeeded in the difficult task of welding the

German race into a strong union. The nation honors those who have given

their possessions and their blood for this work and who have brought

the Fatherland to political and industrial prosperity--a prosperity

which is the pride and the pleasure of their contemporaries and which,

if they build in the same spirit as their fathers, will guarantee to

the generations to come the greatness and the happiness of the empire.

To protect the glorious acquisitions with which God has blessed us in

our struggle for independence is our most sacred duty. We can, however,

only fulfil such a duty toward the Fatherland by making ourselves

sufficiently strong in military power to defend ourselves, so that we

may remain a reliable guarantor of the peace of Europe. I trust that

your patriotic, self-sacrificing assistance in the pursuance of this

aim will not fail me and my honored corulers.

The Emperor followed the formal address from the throne with the

following:

And now, gentlemen, go forth. May our ancient God look down upon you

and bestow upon you His blessing to the end that you may bring to

successful issue an honorable work for the welfare of our Fatherland!

Amen.

ARRIVAL IN METZ

METZ, SEPTEMBER 3, 1893

On the 3d of September the Emperor, accompanied by the Crown Prince

of Italy, paid a visit to Metz. To Burgomaster Halm's speech of

welcome the Emperor replied as follows:

It is with a heart deeply stirred that I enter the city of Metz, and if

I could not come last year, as I wished,[7] I see, nevertheless, that

the reason for my remaining away has been rightly understood.

[7] The Emperor came to Metz ordinarily to review the Eighth and

Sixteenth Army Corps. Because of the cholera scare, the imperial

manoeuvres had not taken place in the previous year, 1892. The

Emperor, who was anxious to conciliate his subjects, had taken up a

domain in Urville.

I rejoice to see the monument to my late grandfather at length finished

and to be able to allow my troops to pass before it. Metz and my army

corps are a corner-stone in the military might of Germany, destined to

protect the peace of Germany--yes, of all Europe--and it is my firm

purpose to maintain this peace.

I thank the city of Metz for its festive welcome, and I pray you

that my thanks be made known to the citizens through an official

announcement. If I have removed my headquarters to Urville it is

because as a landholder in Lorraine I could not do otherwise, since

my subjects in this province wish to have me there. In token of my

imperial favor I extend to the burgomaster a golden chain of office

which the burgomasters of Metz shall be entitled to wear from this time

forth. It gives me especial pleasure, however, to be able to bestow

this chain upon the present burgomaster.

DEDICATION OF FLAGS

BERLIN, OCTOBER 18, 1894

Through a reorganization of the army which was to be made effective

in the next legislative session, a large number of partial bodies

of troops were created which were later to be increased to bring

up the peace footing of the army from 538 whole and 173 half

battalions to 624 whole battalions. Every two of these constitute

a regiment and every two regiments a brigade. On the anniversary

of the battle of Leipzig the Emperor, in the presence of a large

number of princes, including the young King of Servia, turned

over flags to these troops. His statement that the only pillar

upon which the empire rested was the army was strongly resented

by many of his loyal subjects of the empire who happened to be

merely peaceful merchants or farmers or laborers. The Emperor was

doubtless provoked into making the statement from the fact that

some of his legislative policies had met with determined opposition

on the part of representatives of the people. This he has always

regarded as disloyalty and as boding disaster to the empire. Since

the army's tradition for loyalty to the imperial war lord renders

opposition here impossible, he saw in it the only salvation of the

state.

In order that they may serve as a shining symbol of glory for the

troops, we have had the blessing of Heaven called down upon the ensigns

which I have bestowed upon every fourth battalion of my regiments, and

I now turn them over to the regimental commanders and to the regiments

themselves. This inspiring day is one whose memories move the world

and which marks an epoch in our German history. I first salute the

mausoleum of him[8] whose birthday was once wont to fill the entire

German Fatherland with jubilation, the mausoleum of him to whom it was

granted to win glorious victories under the eyes of the great, heroic

Emperor, his father, and to cover the flags which were consecrated

in 1861 with glory. They were nailed to their staffs in the rooms

in which the history of Brandenburg and Prussia is immortalized in

paintings. The monuments of the rulers and of the generals who created

the glory of Prussia have looked down upon them. These flags have now

been brought before the monument of the Prussian King who focussed

the eyes of the world upon them in years of fierce conflict and whose

last breath was a wish of blessing for his army. In the year 1861,

when my grandfather undertook the reorganization of his arms, he was

misunderstood by many and attacked by even more; nevertheless, the

future gave him his splendid justification. Just as at that time, so

now, too, distrust and discord are rife among the people. The only

pillar on which the empire rested was the army. So is it to-day! The

flags which are assembled here are destined for entire bodies of

troops, and I hope that the half battalions to which they are to-day

delivered will soon stand as entire battalions in the army of the

Fatherland.

[8] Emperor Frederick III.

But you, gentlemen, now take over these ensigns and with them the

obligation of maintaining the tradition of devotion, of discipline

unto death, of unconditional obedience toward the war lord against

all inward and outward enemies. Even as heretofore, may the blessing

of the Most High rest upon our army, and may the watchful eyes of our

ancestors look down upon and protect Prussia's army and her flags! With

God for King and Fatherland!

NAVY RECRUITS

KIEL, DECEMBER 3, 1894

It is part of the Emperor's duty to administer the oath every

year to the recruits for the navy as well as to the recruits for

the guard. He is inclined to talk to them usually in very simple

language, as here, for instance. Indeed, though they are usually

twenty years of age, he often addresses them as the "children of my

guard."

The oath is holy, and holy is the place in which you swear it. The

altar and the crucifix bear witness to this; it means that we Germans

are Christians, that we at all times first give the glory to God in

every affair that we undertake, especially in the highest--that of

strengthening the defense of the Fatherland. You wear the uniform of

the Emperor; you are thereby preferred over other men, and take your

rank equally with your comrades of the army and navy; you receive

a special place and assume obligations. By many you will be envied

because of the uniform which you wear; hold it in honor, and do not

besmirch it; this you will accomplish best when you think of your

oath--you especially, you people of the sea, who so often have the

opportunity in your various journeyings upon the water to learn to know

the almighty power of God!

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