looking to the King of all kings, and have vowed to God, following the
example of my father, to be a righteous and gentle prince, to foster
piety and the fear of God, to maintain peace, to further the welfare of
the country, to be a help to the poor and oppressed, and to be to the
righteous man a true protector.
If I pray God for strength to fulfil these royal duties which He has
laid upon me, I am buoyed up by that faith in the Prussian people
which a consideration of our past history confirms in me. In good
and in evil days Prussia's people have ever stood faithfully to their
kings. I, too, count upon this fidelity, which has ever been preserved
inviolable toward my fathers in all times of trial and danger; for
I am conscious that I reciprocate it whole-heartedly, as a faithful
prince of a faithful people, and that we are both equally strong in our
devotion to a common Fatherland. From this consciousness of the mutual
love which binds me to my people, I derive the confidence that God
will give me wisdom and strength to exercise my kingly office for the
welfare of the Fatherland.
WILLIAM.
POTSDAM, June 18, 1888.
FIRST DECLARATION OF POLICY
BERLIN, JUNE 25, 1888
After the death of Frederick III the Reichstag was summoned to
meet in extraordinary session. Most of the affiliated sovereigns
of the German states assembled to pay homage to the youthful
Emperor. On this occasion he made from the throne a declaration
of policy which is interesting as showing his ideas before he was
subjected to the pressure of events. Before he had succeeded to
the throne it had been generally reported, possibly because of
his known fondness for the army, that he was by nature bellicose.
This report seriously distressed the new sovereign, and he began
his reign with declarations, which have often been renewed since,
that he would work for peace. He likewise outlines his foreign
policy and expresses the hope that he may further develop friendly
relations with Russia. In this he was to achieve but little
success, and a few years later the agreement which bound Russia
to observe neutrality in case Germany were involved in war was
allowed to lapse, much to the disgust of Bismarck, who at that time
had been superseded by Caprivi. Frederick the Great had warned
his successors that in the future, in case Prussia wished to wage
any war, she would first have to assure herself of the neutrality
of Russia. Bismarck had followed this policy and had established
it on the basis of an agreement. As the relationship to Russia
was to be of particular consequence, it will be interesting to
have before us an article which appeared October 26, 1896, in the
_Hamburger Nachrichten_, recognized as expressing the views of the
great Chancellor. It announces that already in Bismarck's time
the wire between Berlin and St. Petersburg was cut and takes up
certain events of the year 1890. "Up to this time," we are told,
"both empires were fully agreed that in case one of them should be
attacked the other would preserve a benevolent neutrality. After
the departure of Bismarck this agreement was not renewed, and if we
are correctly informed about events in Berlin, it was not Russia,
piqued at the change in chancellors, but Count Caprivi who declined
to continue this mutual assurance, while Russia was prepared to do
so."
Emperor William's announcement with regard to his personal
friendship and the interests of the realm may be taken as heralding
a new era in German foreign policy. He inaugurated what has been
called "personal diplomacy," and felt that it was possible to
arrange the relationships between states by personally visiting
and conferring with other sovereigns. Shortly after his accession,
therefore, he set out on a tour of the European capitals. Bismarck,
who planned his foreign relations on the basis of race psychology
and possible future clashes of interests, opposed this strenuously.
The visit to St. Petersburg (19th to 24th of July, 1888) gave rise
to certain unpleasant scenes and was only returned by the Czar
in a very perfunctory manner fifteen months later (October 11,
1889). The effect of the friendly attentions shown the Czar on this
occasion was doubtless weakened by the fact that, less than three
weeks later, Emperor William felt called upon to visit the Sultan,
by whom he was most enthusiastically received in Constantinople.
Even though the Emperor was most sincere in his desire to preserve
friendship with Russia, events were to prove that his method of
cultivating diplomatic relations was far less successful than
Bismarck's way of working in silence and waiting for events.
With regard to the internal administration of the realm, the
problem that seemed most pressing to William II was the rapid
growth of the Social Democratic party. This problem had already
engaged the attention of William I and of Bismarck, who recognized
its gravity. But here, too, the Emperor and Chancellor were
to disagree. The former felt that he could easily master the
situation, as may be seen from his remark to Bismarck: "Leave the
Social Democrats to me." He was doubtless sincerely concerned for
the welfare of the laborer and recognized in it one of the sources
of the prosperity of the state. His policy was to be patriarchal
and, bluntly put in Shakespearian phrase, amounted to giving them
medicine to make them love him. But if, to change the metaphor, he
offered them his hand in a velvet glove, they were, as may be seen
from his speech, soon to discover that it was a hand of iron.
HONORED GENTLEMEN:
I greet you with deep sorrow in my heart, and I know that you grieve
with me. The recent memory of my late father's sufferings, the
astounding fact that three months after the death of his Majesty,
Emperor William I, I am called upon to mount the throne, arouses the
same feeling in the hearts of all Germans, and our grief has found a
sympathetic response in all countries of the world. Under the weight of
this sorrow, I pray God to give me strength to fulfil the high office
to which His will has called me.
As I follow this command I have before my eyes the example which
Emperor William bequeathed to his successors when, after serious wars,
he ruled with a love of peace. This same example the reign of my late
father strove to maintain in so far as he was not thwarted in his aims
by his illness and death.
I have called you together, Honored Gentlemen, in order in your
presence to announce to the German people that I am determined, as
Emperor and as King, to follow in that same path by which my late
grandfather won for himself the trust of his allies, the love of the
German people, and the kindly recognition of foreign countries. It lies
with God whether I shall be successful in this or not; but earnestly
shall I strive to that end.
The most important tasks of the German Emperor lie in the province of
establishing military and political safety for the realm from without
and in supervising the execution of the laws of the empire within. The
Constitution of the empire forms the highest of these laws. To guard
and defend it and all those rights which it secures to both of the
legislative bodies[3] of the nation and to every German citizen, as
well as those which it secures to the Emperor and to each of the states
of the union, and to the reigning princes, is the most important right
and duty of the Emperor.
[3] Bundesrat and Reichstag.
With regard to legislation in the realm, according to the Constitution
I am called upon to act more in my capacity as King of Prussia than
in that as the German Emperor; but in both it will be my aim to carry
out the work of imperial legislation in the same spirit in which my
late grandfather began it. Especially do I take to heart in its fullest
application the message published by him on November 17, 1881,[4] and
shall proceed in that spirit to bring it about that the legislation for
the working population shall make more secure the protection which,
in accordance with the principles of Christian ethics, it can afford
the weak and oppressed in the struggle for existence. I hope it may
be possible in this way more nearly to eliminate unhealthy social
distinctions, and I cherish the hope that in fostering our internal
welfare I shall receive the harmonious support of all true subjects of
the realm, without division of party.
[4] As this message of Emperor William I was practically the beginning
of labor legislation in Germany and is several times referred
to, its significant portion is given below. Emperor William I
had already failed in his policy of crushing Socialism through
drastic measures of repression. He was now to initiate a policy of
attempting to kill it with kindness. In spite of certain admirable
provisions, this too was to fail. The Social Democrats had learned
from bitter experience that they did not enjoy the good-will of
either the grandfather or the grandson, and for this reason the
projects of social legislation were looked upon with suspicion and
accepted without enthusiasm. The awkward and compromising nature of
the Emperor's position is evident in the preamble.
"Already in February of this year we expressed the conviction
that the healing of social grievances was not to be sought
exclusively in the repression of Social Democratic excesses, but
also in the direct advancement of the welfare of the laborer.
We hold it to be our royal duty to impress this matter upon the
Reichstag, and we would look back with greater satisfaction upon
all the achievements with which God has blessed our reign if we
could carry away with us the conviction that we had left to the
Fatherland new and lasting pledges of internal peace and to those
in need of help greater security and provisions for support,
upon which they may make rightful claim. In our attempts to this
end we are sure of the support of all the affiliated governments
and count upon the support of the Reichstag without distinction
of parties. To this end a draft of a bill for the protection of
laborers against accidents, which was presented by the affiliated
governments in the previous session, will be reformulated in view
of the discussions held in the Reichstag and will be offered for
further consideration. As a supplement to it, a project will be
brought forward which proposes a similar organization of the funds
for laboring men's sick insurance. But those, too, who on account
of age or infirmity are no longer able to work have just claim
upon the community for a higher degree of governmental protection
than it has previously been possible to accord them. To find the
proper ways and means for making such provision is one of the most
difficult but one of the highest tasks of any society which is
based upon the foundations of a Christian national life. By calling
upon the sources of this strong national life and organizing it
into incorporated associations under state protection we hope to
bring about the solution of problems which the state alone could
not solve with the same success. But even in this way the goal
cannot be reached without the employment of important means."
I hold it, however, likewise my duty to see to it that our political
and social development proceeds according to law and to meet with
firmness any attempt which aims at undermining the order of the state.
In foreign politics I am determined to keep peace with every one in
so far as in me lies. My love for the German army and my position in
it will never lead me into the temptation of robbing the country of
the benefits of peace, unless some attack upon the empire, or her
allies, forces war upon us. The army is to make our peace secure; yet
if that should, nevertheless, be threatened, the army will be able to
re-establish it with honor. And it will be able to do so by reason
of the strength which it has received from the last army bill, which
you voted unanimously. To make use of that force to wage a war of
aggression lies far from my thoughts. Germany needs no new martial
glory nor any conquest of whatever sort after she has, once for all,
established her right to exist as a single and independent nation.
Our alliance with Austria-Hungary is publicly known; I hold fast to
this in German faith not only because it is concluded but because I
perceive in this defensive alliance a basis for European balance of
power as well as a legacy from German history. The public opinion of
the entire German people supports this alliance, and it is founded
upon the European law of nations, as it prevailed undisputed until
1866. Similar historical relations, and the fact that we have similar
national needs to-day, ally us with Italy. Both nations wish to
hold fast to the blessings of peace in order to devote themselves
undisturbed to the strengthening of their newly acquired unity, to the
development of their national institutions, and to the furtherance of
their prosperity.
To my great satisfaction, our existing agreements with Austria-Hungary
and Italy permit me to foster carefully my personal friendship for
the Russian Emperor and the friendly relations which have existed for
a hundred years with the neighboring Russian Empire, a course which
accords with my own feelings as well as with the interests of Germany.
I stand as ready to serve the Fatherland in the conscientious promotion
of peace as in the care for our army and rejoice in the traditional
relations with foreign powers through which my efforts in the former
direction are being furthered.
Trusting in God and in the ability of our people to defend themselves,
I entertain the hope that for an appreciable time we may be allowed to
preserve and strengthen through peaceful labor what my two predecessors
on the throne had acquired through their efforts on the field of battle.
OPENING OF THE REICHSTAG
BERLIN, NOVEMBER 22, 1888
The first months of the Emperor's reign were devoted largely
to visiting the heads of the confederated German states and in
cultivating the acquaintance of foreign rulers. His main purpose,
as he tells us on a later occasion, was to combat the idea that it
was his intention to enter upon a career of war.
The workingman's insurance act, which has been referred to, was
one of the most important legislative provisions ever made in the
interests of labor. The cost of this insurance was distributed
between the employer, the employed, and the state. In spite of its
undoubted benefits, it had failed to disarm the Social Democrats,
and the party had continued to increase. They complained that
the proportion of the cost borne by them was too great, and, as
they had been previously and were soon again to be treated as
enemies, they were inclined to look upon it as a bribe. By his
"social-political" legislation the Emperor meant to forestall the
Socialist programme. When this well-intentioned movement failed to
dissolve the party, which continued to increase, he was not slow to
show his resentment.
HONORED GENTLEMEN:
When I greeted you for the first time, at the beginning of my reign,
you stood with me under the weight of the severe visitations which my
house and the empire have experienced in the course of the present
year. The sorrow over this loss will never be wholly extinguished
during the lifetime of the present generation, but it cannot hinder me
from following in the footsteps of my late ancestors and completely
fulfilling the demands of duty with manly vigor and fidelity.
Buoyed up by this sense of duty and assuming that this exists in you to
the same degree, I give you my greeting and bid you welcome as we again
take up our common labors.
My travels have carried me into different parts of the empire, and
everywhere I have found evidences, both on the part of my exalted
colleagues and of the people, that the princes and the population
of Germany are, with absolute trust, devoted to the empire and its
institutions and find the pledge of safety in their union. From such
testimony you have doubtless come to the conclusion, no less satisfying
to you than to me, that the organic union which now binds the empire
together has taken deep and firm rooting in the people at large. I
therefore feel the need of gratefully expressing on this occasion the
pleasure which it gives me.
It fills me with great satisfaction that, after difficult and laborious
negotiations, the inclusion of the free Hanseatic cities, Hamburg and
Bremen, into the customs union of the empire has now been realized.
I see in this the blessed fruit of our combined efforts. May the
expectations which we count upon from this extension of the empire's
customs districts be realized in fullest measure, both for the empire
and for these two most important seacoast towns!
The government of the Swiss Federation has suggested a revision of the
commercial treaty between Germany and Switzerland. Filled with the
desire of confirming the existing friendly relations between the two
countries and of extending them also into the realm of their commercial
policies, I stand ready to meet their proposal. The negotiations have
been conducted through the offices of representatives from the states
bordering upon Switzerland, and their result consists in a further
agreement through which the treaty regulations for reciprocal trade
will be extended and the exchange of industrial products will be made
easier. After its successful acceptance by the Bundesrat the agreement
will be presented to you with the proposal, in order that you may
bestow upon it your constitutional sanction.
The budget for the next fiscal year will be laid before you without
delay. The draft gives proof of the satisfactory condition of the
imperial finances. As a result of the reforms instituted in the
last few years, with your co-operation, in the way of tariffs and
internal revenues, surplus receipts may be expected, and upon this
basis we shall not only be provided with a new means of fulfilling
the inevitable obligations of the empire but it may be possible for
our constituent states to expect an increase of means for their own
purposes.
I greet with joy the signs of a revival of economic activity in various
fields. Even though the pressure which bears upon the farmer is not
yet relieved, nevertheless, as I look forward to the possibility which
has lately appeared of a greater utilization of certain agricultural
products, I hope that an amelioration also of this most powerful branch
of our industrial work will be brought about.
The bill which has already been announced on the regulation of the
industrial and agricultural societies will be laid before you for your
decision. It is to be hoped that the enfranchising of associations with
limited liability which the bill proposes will prove itself beneficial
in increasing agricultural credit.
Certain shortcomings which have appeared in connection with the
insurance against sickness call for legal remedy. The necessary
preliminary investigations for this have so far progressed as to make
it possible, in all probability, to lay before you in the course of
this session an adequate presentation of the case.
As a precious legacy from my grandfather, I have taken over the problem
of carrying out the social-political legislation begun by him. I do not
allow myself to be carried away by the hope that through legal measures
the exigencies of our time and human misery can be abolished from
the world. I judge it to be a duty, however, of the executive power
to strive with all its faculties toward the mitigation of existing
industrial grievances and through organized measures to emphasize
the fact that love of our neighbor, which has its foundations in
Christianity itself, should be a recognized duty of the entire state.
The difficulties which stand in the way of the state's assisting in
the universal insurance of all workers against the dangers of age and
sickness are great; but, with God's help, they are not insurmountable.
As the result of extensive investigations a bill will be presented to
you which reveals a possible means of attaining this end.
Our settlements in Africa have imposed upon the German Empire the duty
of converting that part of the world to a Christian civilization. The
friendly government of England and her Parliament has known for a
hundred years that the fulfilment of this obligation must begin with
combating the hunting of slaves and the trade in negroes. I have,
therefore, sought and concluded an understanding with England, whose
meaning and aim you shall learn. On it depend further negotiations with
other friendly and interested governments and further proposals for the
Reichstag.
Our relations with all foreign governments are peaceful, and my efforts
are continually directed toward cementing this peace. Our treaties
with Austria and Italy have no other aim. It is incompatible with my
Christian faith and with the duties which as Emperor I have assumed
toward the people needlessly to bring upon Germany the sorrows of a
war, even of a victorious one. In this conviction I have looked upon
it as my duty soon after I ascended the throne to greet not only my
affiliated rulers within the realm but also the friendly neighboring
sovereigns. I have sought to find an understanding with them concerning
the fulfilment of this trust which God has placed upon us, of
preserving, so far as in us lies, the peace and welfare of our people.
The confidence with which I and my policies have been received at all
the courts which I have visited leads me to hope that, with God's help,
I and my allies and my friends will succeed in preserving the peace of
Europe.
THE EMPEROR AND THE STRIKING MINERS
BERLIN, MAY 14, 1889
The Emperor's change of attitude toward the Socialists is evident
from his conduct in the conflict which had arisen in the Rhenish
and Westphalian coal districts between the miners and their
employers. He personally received delegations from both sides. The
miners' delegation consisted of Schröder (spokesman), Siegel, and
Bunte. In answer to Schröder's speech, the Emperor announced:
It goes without saying that every subject, when he presents a wish or
a petition, has the ear of his Emperor. Of this I have given evidence
in that I have invited the deputation to come here and to set forth
their wishes in person. You have, however, placed yourselves in the
wrong, because your agitation is unlawful for no other reason than the
fact that the fourteen days of warning have not yet expired, after
which the workers would have been legally justified in ceasing work.
In consequence of this you are guilty of breaking a contract. It is
self-evident that this breach of contract has angered and injured the
employers.
Further, there are workers who do not wish to strike and who, either
through force or by means of threats, are hindered from continuing
their work. Also, certain of the workers have seized upon organs of
the authorities and upon property which did not belong to them and
have even, in individual cases, offered resistance to the military
force called to protect them. Finally, you wish that work should be
generally resumed again only when your combined demands shall have
been fulfilled at all the mines.
As for the demands themselves, I shall, through my government,
carefully examine them and have the results of the investigation
delivered to you through the appointed authorities. Should, however,
there occur transgressions against the public order and peace, or
should the agitation ally itself with the Social Democrats, then I
should not be in a position to reconcile your wishes with my good-will
as ruler. For, to me, every Social Democrat is synonymous with an enemy
of the realm and of the Fatherland. Should I, therefore, discover that
Social-Democratic tendencies become involved in the agitation and
instigate unlawful opposition, I will step in sternly and ruthlessly
and bring to bear all the power that I possess--and it is great.
Now go to your homes, think over what I have said, and seek to
influence your comrades to reflection. Above all, however, you must
not, under any circumstances, hinder your comrades who wish to return
to their work.
VISIT OF THE KING OF ITALY
BERLIN, MAY 22, 1889