Very similar was the report of a Select Committee of the House of

Commons, appointed to consider the best means of improving the

condition of the "aged and deserving poor." The report read: "Cases

are too often found in which poor and aged people, whose conduct and

whose whole career has been blameless, industrious and deserving, find

themselves from no fault of their own, at the end of a long and

meritorious life, with nothing but the workhouse or inadequate outdoor

relief as the refuge for their declining years."

And what is true of England in this respect is equally true of

America.

Let me repeat here that I am not defending intemperance. I believe

with all my heart that we must fight intemperance as a deadly enemy of

the working class. I want to see the workers sober; sober enough to

think clearly, sober enough to act wisely. Before we can get rid of

the evils from which we suffer we must get sober minds, friend

Jonathan. That is why the Socialists of Europe are fighting the drink

evil; that is why, too, the Prussian Government put a stop to the

"Anti-Alcohol" campaign of the workers, led by Dr. Frolich, of Vienna.

Dr. Frolich was not advocating Socialism. He was simply appealing to

the workers to stop making beasts of themselves, to become sober so

that they could think clearly with brains unmuddled by alcohol. And

the Prussian Government did not want that: they knew very well that

clear thinking and sober judgment would lead the workers to the ballot

boxes under Socialist banners.

I care most of all for the suffering of the innocent little ones. When

I see that under our present system it is necessary for the mother to

leave her baby's cradle to go into a factory, regardless of whether

the baby lives or dies when it is fed on nasty and dangerous

artificial foods or poor, polluted milk, I am stirred to my soul's

depths. When I think of the tens of thousands of little babies that

die every year as a result of these conditions I have described; of

the millions of children who go to school every day underfed and

neglected, and of the little child toilers in shops, factories and

mines, as well as upon the farms, though their lot is less tragic than

that of the little prisoners of the factories and mines--I cannot find

words to express my hatred of the ghoulish system.

I should like you to read, Jonathan, a little pamphlet on _Underfed

School Children_, which costs ten cents, and a bigger book, _The

Bitter Cry of the Children_, which you can get at the public library.

I wrote these to lay before thinking men and women some of the

terrible evils from which our children suffer. _I know_ that the

things written are true. Every line of them was written with the

single purpose of telling the truth as I had seen it.

I made the terrible assertions that more than eighty thousand babies

are slain by poverty in America each year; that some "2,000,000

children of school age in the United States are the victims of poverty

which denies them common necessities, particularly adequate

nourishment"; that there were at least 1,750,000 children at work in

this country. These statements, and the evidence given in support of

them, attracted widespread attention, both in this country and in

Europe. They were cited in the U.S. Senate and in Europe parliaments.

They were preached about from thousands of pulpits and discussed from

a thousand platforms by politicians, social reformers and others.

A committee was formed in New York City to promote the physical

welfare of school children. Although one of the first to take the

matter up, I was not asked to serve on that committee, on account of

the fact, as I was afterwards told, of my being a Socialist. Well,

that Committee, composed entirely of non-Socialists, and including

some very bitter opponents of Socialism, made an investigation of the

health of school children in New York City. They examined, medically,

some 1,400 children of various ages, living in different parts of the

city and belonging to various social classes. If the results they

discovered are common to the whole of the United States, the

conditions are in every way worse than I had declared them to be.

_If the conditions found by the medical investigators for this

committee are representative of the whole of the United States, then

we have not less than twelve million school children in the United

States suffering from physical defects more or less serious, and not

less than 1,248,000 suffering from malnutrition--from insufficient

nourishment, generally due to poverty, though not always--to such an

extent that they need medical attention._[4]

Do you think a nation with such conditions existing at its very heart

ought to be called a civilized nation? I don't. I say that it is a

_brutalized_ nation, Jonathan!

And now I want you to look over a list of another kind of shameful

social conditions--a list of some of the vast fortunes possessed by

men who are not victims of poverty, but of shameful wealth. I take the

list from the dryasdust pages of _The Congressional Record_, December

12, 1907, from a speech by the Hon. Jeff Davis, United States Senator

from Arkansas. I cannot find in the pages of _The Congressional

Record_ that it made any impression upon the minds of the honorable

senators, but I hope it will make some impression upon your mind, my

friend. It is a good deal easier to get a human idea into the head of

an honest workingman than into the head of an honorable senator!

Don't be frightened by a few figures. Read them. They are full of

human interest. I have put before you some facts relating to the

shameful poverty of the workers and their pitiable condition, and now

I want to put before you some facts relating to the pitiable condition

of the non-workers. I want you to feel some pity for the millionaires!

THE RICHEST FIFTY-ONE IN THE UNITED STATES.

"When the average present-day millionaire is bluntly asked to name the

value of his earthly possessions, he finds it difficult to answer the

question correctly. It may be that he is not willing to take the

questioner into his confidence. It is doubtful whether he really

knows.

"If this is true of the millionaire himself, it follows that when

others attempt the task of estimating the amount of his wealth the

results must be conflicting. Still, excellent authorities are not

lacking on this subject, and the list of the richest fifty-one persons

in the United States has been satisfactorily compiled.

"The following list is taken from Munsey's Scrap Book of June, 1906,

and is a fair presentation of the property owned by fifty-one of the

very richest men of the United States.

=====+=======================+================+================

Rank | Name. | How Made. | Total Fortune.

-----+-----------------------+----------------+----------------

1 | John D. Rockefeller | Oil | $600,000,000

2 | Andrew Carnegie | Steel | 300,000,000

3 | W.W. Astor | Real Estate | 300,000,000

4 | J. Pierpont Morgan | Finance | 150,000,000

5 | William Rockefeller | Oil | 100,000,000

6 | H.H. Rogers | do | 100,000,000

7 | W.K. Vanderbilt | Railroads | 100,000,000

8 | Senator Clark | Copper | 100,000,000

9 | John Jacob Astor | Real Estate | 100,000,000

10 | Russell Sage | Finance | 80,000,000

11 | H.C. Frick, Jr. | Steel and Coke | 80,000,000

12 | D.O. Mills | Banker | 75,000,000

13 | Marshall Field, Jr. | Inherited | 75,000,000

14 | Henry M. Flagler | Oil | 60,000,000

15 | J.J. Hill | Railroads | 60,000,000

16 | John D. Archbold | Oil | 50,000,000

17 | Oliver Payne | do | 50,000,000

18 | J.B. Haggin | Gold | 50,000,000

19 | Harry Field | Inherited | 50,000,000

20 | James Henry Smith | do | 40,000,000

21 | Henry Phipps | Steel | 40,000,000

22 | Alfred G. Vanderbilt | Railroads | 40,000,000

23 | H.O. Havemeyer | Sugar | 40,000,000

24 | Mrs. Hetty Green | Finance | 40,000,000

25 | Thomas F. Ryan | do | 40,000,000

26 | Mrs. W. Walker | Inherited | 35,000,000

27 | George Gould | Railroads | 35,000,000

28 | J. Ogden Armour | Meat | 30,000,000

29 | E.T. Gerry | Inherited | 30,000,000

30 | Robert W. Goelet | Real Estate | 30,000,000

31 | J.H. Flager | Finance | 30,000,000

32 | Claus Spreckels | Sugar | 30,000,000

33 | W.F. Havemeyer | do | 30,000,000

34 | Jacob H. Schiff | Banker | 25,000,000

35 | P.A.B. Widener | Street Cars | 25,000,000

36 | George F. Baker | Banker | 25,000,000

37 | August Belmont | Finance | 20,000,000

38 | James Stillman | Banker | 20,000,000

39 | John W. Gates | Finance | 20,000,000

40 | Norman B. Ream | do | 20,000,000

41 | Joseph Pulitzer | Journalist | 20,000,000

42 | James G. Bennett | Journalist | 20,000,000

43 | John G. Moore | Finance | 20,000,000

44 | D.G. Reid | Steel | 20,000,000

45 | Frederick Pabst | Brewer | 20,000,000

46 | William D. Sloane | Inherited | 20,000,000

47 | William B. Leeds | Railroads | 20,000,000

48 | James P. Duke | Tobacco | 20,000,000

49 | Anthony N. Brady | Finance | 20,000,000

50 | George W. Vanderbilt | Railroads | 20,000,000

51 | Fred W. Vanderbilt | do | 20,000,000

| | +----------------

| Total | | $3,295,000,000

-----+-----------------------+----------------+----------------

"It will thus be seen that fifty-one persons in the United States,

with a population of nearly 90,000,000 people, own approximately one

thirty-fifth of the entire wealth of the United States. The

Statistical Abstract of the United States, 29th number, 1906, prepared

under the direction of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor of the

United States, gives the estimated true value of all property in the

United States for that year at $107,104,211,917.

"Each of the favored fifty-one owns a wealth of somewhat more than

$64,600,000, while each of the remaining 89,999,950 people get $1,100.

No one of these fifty-one owns less than $20,000,000, and no one on

the average owns less than $64,600,000. Men owning from $1,000,000 to

$20,000,000 are no longer called rich men. There are approximately

4,000 millionaires in the United States, but the aggregate of their

holdings is difficult to obtain. If all their holdings be deducted

from the total true value of all the property in the United States,

the average share of each of the other 89,995,000 people would be less

than $500.

"John Jacob Astor is reputed to have been the first American

millionaire, although this is a matter impossible to decide. It is

also claimed that Nicholas Longworth, of Cincinnati, the great

grandfather of Congressman Longworth, was the first man west of the

Allegheny Mountains to amass a million. It is difficult to prove

either one of these propositions, but they prove that the age of the

millionaire in the United States is a comparatively recent thing. In

1870 to own a single million was to be a very rich man; in 1890 it

required at least $10,000,000, while to-day a man with a single

million or even ten millions is not in the swim. To be enumerated as

one of the world's richest men you must own not less than

$20,000,000."

I am perfectly serious when I suggest that the slaves of riches are

just as much to be pitied as the slaves of poverty. No man need envy

Mr. Rockefeller, for example, because he has something like six

hundred millions of dollars, an annual income of about seventy-two

millions. He does not own those millions, Jonathan, but they own him.

He is a slave to his possessions. If he owns a score of automobiles he

can only use one at a time; if he spends millions in building palatial

residences for himself he cannot get greater comfort than the man of

modest fortune. He cannot buy health nor a single touch of love for

money.

Many of our great modern princes of industry and commerce are good

men. It is a wild mistake to imagine that they are all terrible ogres

and monsters of iniquity. But they are victims of an unjust system.

Millions roll into their coffers while they sleep, and they are

oppressed by the burden of responsibilities. If they give money away

at a rate calculated to ease them of the burdens beneath which they

stagger they can only do more harm than good. Mr. Carnegie gives

public libraries with the lavishness with which travellers in Italy

sometimes throw small copper coins to the beggars on the streets, but

he is only pauperising cities wholesale and hindering the progress of

real culture by taking away from civic life the spirit of

self-reliance. If the people of a small town came together and said:

"We ought to have a library in our town for our common advantage: let

us unite and subscribe funds for a hundred books to begin with," that

would be an expression of true culture.

But when a city accepts a library at Mr. Carnegie's hands, there is an

inevitable loss of self-respect and independence. Mr. Carnegie's

motives may be good and pure, but the harm done to the community is

none the less great.

Mr. Rockefeller may give money to endow colleges and universities from

the very highest motives, but he cannot prevent the endowments from

influencing the teaching given in them, even if he should try to do

so. Thus the gifts of our millionaires are an insidious poison flowing

into the fountains of learning.

Mind you, this is not the claim of a prejudiced Socialist agitator.

President Hadley, of Yale University, is not a Socialist agitator, but

he admits the truth of this claim. He says: "Modern University

teaching costs more money per capita than it ever did before, because

the public wishes a university to maintain places of scientific

research, and scientific research is extremely expensive. _A

university is more likely to obtain this money if it gives the

property owners reason to believe that vested rights will not be

interfered with._ If we recognize vested rights in order to secure the

means of progress in physical science, is there not danger that we

shall stifle the spirit of independence which is equally important as

a means of progress in moral science?"

Professor Bascom is not a Socialist agitator, either, but he also

recognizes the danger of corrupting our university teaching in this

manner. After calling attention to the "wrongful and unflinching way"

in which the wealth of the Standard Oil magnate has been amassed, he

asks: "Is a college at liberty to accept money gained in a manner so

hostile to the public welfare? Is it at liberty, when the Government

is being put to its wits' end to check this aggression, to rank itself

with those who fight it?"

And the effect of riches upon the rich themselves is as bad as

anything in modern life. While it is true that there are among the

rich many very good citizens, it is also perfectly plain to any honest

observer of conditions that great riches are producing moral havoc and

disaster among the princes of wealth in this country. Mr. Carnegie has

said that a man who dies rich dies disgraced, but there is even

greater reason to believe that to be born rich is to be born damned.

The inheritance of vast fortunes is always demoralizing.

What must the mind and soul of a woman be like who takes her toy

spaniel in state to the opera to hear Caruso sing, while, in the same

city, there are babies dying for lack of food? What are we to think of

the dog-dinners, the monkey-dinners and the other unspeakably foolish

and unspeakably vile orgies constantly reported from Newport and other

places where the drones of our social system disport themselves? What

shall we say of the shocking state of affairs disclosed by the

disgusting reports of our "Society Scandals," except that unearned

riches corrode and destroy all human virtues?

The wise King, Solomon, knew what he was talking about when he cried

out: "Give me neither poverty nor riches." Unnatural poverty is bad,

blighting the soul of man; and unnatural riches are likewise bad,

equally blighting the soul of man. Our social system is bad for both

classes, Jonathan, and a change to better and juster conditions, while

it will be resisted by the rich, the drones, with all their might,

will be for the common good of all. For it is well to remember that in

trying to get rid of the rule of the drones, the working class is not

trying to become the ruling class, to rule others as they have been

ruled. We are aiming to do away with classes altogether; to make a

united and free social state.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] Mark 14:7.

[4] Quar. Pub. American Statistical Association, June 1907.

VI

THE ROOT OF THE EVIL

All for ourselves and nothing for other people seems in all

ages to have been the vile maxim of the masters of

mankind.--_Adam Smith._

Hither, ye blind, from your futile banding!

Know the rights and the rights are won.

Wrong shall die with the understanding,

One truth clear, and the work is done.--_John Boyle O'Reilly._

The great ones of the world have taken this earth of ours to

themselves; they live in the midst of splendour and

superfluity. The smallest nook of the land is already a

possession; none may touch it or meddle with it.--_Goethe._

I have by no means exhausted the evils of the system under which we

live in the brief catalogue I have made for you, my friend. If it were

necessary, I could compile an immense volume of authentic evidence to

overwhelm you with a sense of the awful failure of our civilization to

produce a free, united, healthy, happy and virtuous people, which I

conceive to be the goal toward which all good and wise men should

aspire. But it is dreary and unpleasant work recounting evil

conditions; constantly looking at the sores of society is a morbid and

soul-destroying task.

I want you now to consider the cause of industrial misery and social

inequality, to ask yourself why these conditions exist. For we can

never hope to remove the evils, Jonathan, until we have discovered the

underlying causes. How does it happen that some people are thrifty and

virtuous and yet miserably poor and that others are thriftless and

sinful and yet so rich that their riches weigh them down and make them

as miserable as the very poorest? Why, in the name of all that is fair

and good, have we got such a stupid, wasteful, unjust and unlovely

social system after all the long centuries of human experience and

toil? When you can answer these questions, my friend, you will know

whither to look for deliverance.

You said in your letter to me the other day, Jonathan, that you

thought things were bad because of the wickedness of man's nature.

Lots of people believe that. The churches have taught that doctrine

for ages, but I do not believe that it is true. It is a doctrine which

earnest men who have been baffled in trying to find a satisfactory

explanation for the evils have accepted in desperation. It is the

doctrine of pessimism, despair and wild unfaith in man. If it were

true that things were so bad as they are just because men were wicked

and because there never were good men enough to make them better, we

should not have any ground for hope for the future.

I propose to try and show you that the wickedness of our poor human

nature is not responsible for the terrible social conditions, so that

you will not have to depend for your hope of a better society upon the

very slender thread of the chance of getting enough good men to make

conditions better. Bad conditions make bad lives, Jonathan, and will

continue to do so. Instead of depending upon getting good men first to

make conditions good, we must make conditions good so that good lives

may flourish and grow in them naturally.

You have read a little history, I daresay, and you know that there is

no truth in the old cry that "As things are now things always have

been and always will be." You know that things are always changing. If

George Washington could come back to earth again he would be amazed at

the changes which have taken place in the United States. Going further

back, Christopher Columbus would not recognize the country he

discovered. And if we could go back millions of years and bring to

life one of our earliest ancestors, one of the primitive

cave-dwellers, and set him down in one of our great cities, the mighty

houses, streets railways, telephones, telegraphs, wireless telegraphy,

electric vehicles on the streets and the ships out on the river would

terrify him far more than an angry tiger would. Can you think how

astonished and alarmed such a primitive cave-man would be to be taken

into one of your great Pittsburg mills or down into a coal mine?

No. The world has grown, Jonathan. Man has enlarged his kingdom, his

power in the universe. Step by step in the evolution of the race, man

has wrested from Nature her secrets. He has gone down into the deep

caverns and found mineral treasuries there; he has made the angry

waves of the ocean bear great, heavy burdens from shore to shore for

his benefit; he has harnessed the tides and the winds that blow and

caught the lightning currents, making them all his servants. Between

the _lowest_ man in the modern tenement and the cave-man there is a

greater gulf than ever existed between the beast in the forest and the

_highest_ man dwelling in a cave in that far-off period.

Things are not as they are to-day because a group of clever but

desperately wicked men came together and invented a scheme of society

in which the many must work for the few; in which some must have more

than they can use, so that they rot of excess while others have too

little and rot of hunger; in which little children must toil in

factories so that big strong men may loaf in clubs and dens of vice;

in which some women sell themselves body and soul for bread while

other women spend the sustenance of thousands upon jewels for pet

dogs. No. It was no such fiendish ingenuity which devised the

capitalistic system and imposed it upon mankind. It has _grown_ up

through the ages, Jonathan, and is still growing. We have grown from

savagery and barbarism through various stages to our present

commercial system, and the process of growth is still going on. I

believe we are growing into Socialism.

There have been many forces urging mankind onward in this long

evolution. Religion has played a part. Love of country has played a

part. Climate and the nature of the soil have been factors. Man's ever

growing curiosity, his desire to know more of the life around him, has

had much to do with it. I have put the ideals of religion and

patriotism first, Jonathan, because I wanted you to see that they were

by no means overlooked or forgotten, but in truth they ought not to be

placed first. It is the verdict of all who have made a study of social

evolution that, while these factors have exerted an important

influence, back of them have been the material economic conditions.

In philosophy this is the basis of a very profound theory upon which

many learned volumes have been written. It is generally called "The

Materialistic Conception of History," but sometimes it is called

"Economic Determinism" or "The Economic Interpretation of History."

The first man to set forth the theory in a very clear and connected

manner was Karl Marx, upon whose teachings the Socialists of the

world have placed a great deal of reliance. I don't expect you to read

all the heavy and learned books written upon this subject, for many of

them require that a man must be specially trained in philosophy in

order to understand them. For the present I shall be quite satisfied

if you will read a ten-cent pamphlet called _The Communist Manifesto_,

by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels and, along with that, the fourth,

fifth and sixth chapters of my book, _Socialism_, about a hundred

pages altogether. These will give you a fairly clear notion of the

matter. I shall not mention the hard, scientific name of this

philosophy again. I don't like big words if little ones will serve.

If you enjoy reading a good story, a novel that is full of romance and

adventure, I would advise you to read _Before Adam_, by Jack London, a

Socialist writer. It is a novel, but it is also a work of science. He

gives an account of the life of the first men and shows how their

whole existence depended upon the crude weapons and tools, sticks

picked up in the forests, which they used. They couldn't live

differently than they did, because they had no other means of getting

a living. How a people make their living determines how they live.

The Common Sense of Socialism A Series of Letters Addressed to Jonathan Edwards, of Pittsburg · 第 4 / 12 段