You belong to a union, Jonathan, because you want to put a check upon

the greed of the employers. But you never can expect through the union

to get all that rightfully belongs to you. It is impossible to expect

that the union will ever do away with the terrible inequalities in the

distribution of wealth. The union is a good thing, and the workers

ought to be much more thoroughly organized into unions than they are.

Socialists are always on the side of the union when it is engaged in

an honest fight against the exploiters of labor.

Later on, I shall take up the question of unionism and discuss it with

you, Jonathan. Meanwhile, I want to impress upon your mind that _a

wise union man votes as he strikes_. There is not the least bit of

sense in belonging to a union if you are to become a "scab" when you

go to the ballot-box. _And a vote for a capitalist party is a scab

vote, Jonathan._

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Note: In the American edition, published by Kerr, the page is

186.

V

THE DRONES AND THE BEES

Hitherto it is questionable if all the mechanical inventions

yet made have lightened the day's toil of any human being.

They have enabled a greater population to live the same life

of drudgery and imprisonment, and an increased number of

manufactures, and others, to make large fortunes.--_John

Stuart Mill._

Most people imagine that the rich are in heaven, but as a rule

it is only a gilded hell. There is not a man in the city of

New York with brains enough to own five millions of dollars.

Why? The money will own him. He becomes the key to a safe.

That money will get him up at daylight; that money will

separate him from his friends; that money will fill his heart

with fear; that money will rob his days of sunshine and his

nights of pleasant dreams. He becomes the property of that

money. And he goes right on making more. What for? He does not

know. It becomes a kind of insanity.--_R.G. Ingersoll._

Is it well that, while we range with Science, glorying in the time,

City children soak and blacken soul and sense in City slime?

There, among the gloomy alleys, Progress halts on palsied feet,

Crime and Hunger cast our maidens by the thousand on the street.

There the master scrimps his haggard seamstress of her daily bread,

There a single sordid attic holds the living and the dead;

There the smouldering fire of fever creeps across the rotted floor,

In the crowded couch of incest, in the warrens of the poor.

--_Tennyson._

When you and I were boys going to school, friend Jonathan, we were

constantly admonished to study with admiration the social economy of

the bees. We learned to almost reverence the little winged creatures

for the manner in which they

Improve each shining hour,

And gather honey all the day

From every opening flower.

We were taught, you remember, to honor the bees for their hatred of

drones. It was the great virtue of the bees that they always drove the

drones from the hive. For my part, I learned the lesson so well that I

really became a sort of bee-worshipper. But since I have grown to

mature years I have come to the conclusion that those old lessons were

not honestly meant, Jonathan. For if anybody proposes to-day that we

should drive out the drones from the _human_ hive, he is at once

denounced as an Anarchist and an "undesirable citizen."

It is all very well for bees to insist that there must be no idle

parasites, that the drones must go, but for human beings such a policy

won't do! It savors too much of Socialism, my friend, and is

unpleasantly like Paul's foolish saying that "If any man among you

will not work, neither shall he eat." That is a text which is out of

date and unsuited to the twentieth century!

"Allah! Allah!" cried the stranger,

"Wondrous sights the traveller sees;

But the greatest is the latest,

Where the drones control the bees!"

Every modern civilized nation rewards its drones better than it

rewards its bees, and in every land the drones control the bees.

I want you to consider, friend Jonathan, the lives of the people. How

the workers live and how the shirkers live; now the bees live and how

the drones live, if you like that better. You can study the matter for

yourself, right in Pittsburg, much better than you can from books, for

God knows that in Pittsburg there are the extremes of wealth and

poverty, just as there are in New York, Chicago, St. Louis or San

Francisco. There are gilded hells where rich drones live and squalid

hells where poor bees live, and the number of truly happy people is

sadly, terribly, small.

_Ten millions in poverty!_ Don't you think that is a cry so terrible

that it ought to shame a great nation like this, a nation more

bounteously endowed by Nature than any other nation in the world's

history? Men, women and children, poor and miserable, with not enough

to eat, nor clothes to keep them warm in the cold winter nights; with

places for homes that are unfit for dogs, and these not their own;

knowing not if to-morrow may bring upon them the last crushing blow.

All these conditions, and conditions infinitely worse than these, are

contained in the poverty of those millions, Jonathan.

If people were poor because the land was poor, because the country was

barren, because Nature dealt with us in niggardly fashion, so that all

men had to struggle against famine; if, in a word, there was democracy

in our poverty, so that none were idle and rich while the rest toiled

in poverty, it would be our supreme glory to bear it with cheerful

courage. But that is not the case. While babies perish for want of

food and care in dank and unhealthy hovels, there are pampered poodles

in palaces, bejeweled and cared for by liveried flunkies and waiting

maids. While men and women want bread, and beg crusts or stand

shivering in the "bread lines" of our great cities, there are monkeys

being banqueted at costly banquets by the profligate degenerates of

riches. It's all wrong, Jonathan, cruelly, shamefully, hellishly

wrong! And I for one, refuse to call such a brutalized system, or the

nation tolerating it, _civilized_.

Good old Thomas Carlyle would say "Amen!" to that, Jonathan. Lots of

people wont. They will tell you that the poverty of the millions is

very sad, of course, and that the poor are to be pitied. But they will

remind you that Jesus said something about the poor always being with

us. They won't read you what he did say, but you can read it for

yourself. Here it is: "For ye have the poor always with you, and

_whensoever ye will ye can do them good_."[3] And now, I want you to

read a quotation from Carlyle:

"It is not to die, or even to die of hunger, that makes a man

wretched; many men have died; all men must die,--the last exit

of us all is in a Fire-Chariot of Pain. But it is to live

miserable we know not why; to work sore and yet gain nothing;

to be heart-worn, weary, yet isolated, unrelated, girt-in with

a cold universal Laissezfaire: it is to die slowly all our

life long, imprisoned in a deaf, dead, Infinite Injustice, as

in the accursed iron belly of a Phalaris' Bull! This is and

remains forever intolerable to all men whom God has made."

"Miserable we know not why"--"to die slowly all our life

long"--"Imprisoned in a deaf, dead, Infinite Injustice"--Don't these

phrases describe exactly the poverty you have known, brother Jonathan?

Did you ever stop to think, my friend, that poverty is the lot of the

_average_ worker, the reward of the producers of wealth, and that only

the producers of wealth are poor? Do you know that, because we die

slowly all our lives long, the death-rate among the working-class is

far higher than among other classes by reason of overwork, anxiety,

poor food, lack of pleasure, bad housing, and all the other ills

comprehended in the lot of the wage-worker? In Chicago, for example,

in the wards where the well-to-do reside the death-rate is not more

than 12 per thousand, while it is 37 in the tenement districts.

Scientists who have gone into the matter tell us that of ten million

persons belonging to the well-to-do classes the annual deaths do not

number more than 100,000, while among the very best paid workers the

number is not less than 150,000 and among the very poorest paid

workers at least 350,000. To show you just what those proportions are,

I have represented the matter in a little diagram, which you can

understand at a glance:

[Illustration: DIAGRAM

Showing Relative Death-Rate Among Persons of Different Social

Classes.]

There are some diseases, notably the Great White Plague. Consumption,

which we call "diseases of the working-classes" on account of the fact

that they prey most upon the wearied, ill-nourished bodies of the

workers. Not that they are confined to the workers entirely, but

because the workers are most afflicted by them. Because the workers

live in crowded tenement hovels, work in factories laden with dust and

disease germs, are overworked and badly fed, this and other of the

great scourges of the human race find them ready victims.

Here is another diagram for you, Jonathan, showing the comparative

mortality from Consumption among the workers engaged in six different

industrial occupations and the members of six groups of professional

workers.

[Illustration: DIAGRAM

Showing Relative Mortality From Tuberculosis.

Deaths per 100,000 living in the same occupation

Marble and stone cutters. 540

Cigar makers and tobacco workers. 476

Compositors, printers, pressmen. 435

Barbers and hairdressers. 334

Masons (brick and stone). 294

Iron and steel workers. 236

Physicians and Surgeons. 168

Engineers and Surveyors. 145

School teachers. 144

Lawyers. 140

Clergymen. 123

Bankers, brokers, officials of companies, etc. 92]

I want you to study this diagram and the figures by which it is

accompanied, Jonathan. You will observe that the death rate from

Consumption among marble and stone cutters is six times greater than

among bankers and brokers and directors of companies. Among cigar

makers and tobacco workers it is more than five times as great. Iron

and steel workers do not suffer so much from the plague as some other

workers, according to the death-rates. One reason is that only fairly

robust men enter the trade to begin with. Another reason is that a

great many, finding they cannot stand the strain, after they have

become infected, leave the trade for lighter occupations. I think

there can be no doubt that the _true_ mortality from Consumption among

iron and steel workers is much higher than the figures show. But,

taking the figures as they are, confident that they understate the

extent of the ravages of the disease in these occupations, we find

that the mortality is more than two and a half times greater than

among capitalists.

Now, these are very serious figures, Jonathan. Why is the mortality so

much less among the capitalists? It is because they have better homes,

are not so overworked to physical exhaustion, are better fed and

clothed, and can have better care and attention, far better chances of

being cured, if they are attacked. They can get these things only from

the labor of the workers, Jonathan.

_In other words, they buy their lives with ours. Workers are killed to

keep capitalists alive._

It used to be frequently charged that drink was the chief cause of the

poverty of the workers; that they were poor because they were drunken

and thriftless. But we hear less of that silly nonsense than we used

to, though now and then a Prohibitionist advocate still repeats the

old and long exploded myth. It never was true, Jonathan, and it is

less true to-day than ever before. Drunkenness is an evil and the

working class suffers from it to a lamentable degree, but it is not

the sole cause of poverty, it is not the chief cause of poverty, it is

not even a very important cause of poverty at all.

It is true that intemperance causes poverty in some cases, it is also

true that drunkenness is very frequently caused by poverty. They act

and react upon each other, but it is not doubted by any student of our

social conditions whose opinion carries any weight that intemperance

is far more often the result of poverty and bad conditions of life and

labor than the cause of them.

The International Socialist Congress which met at Stuttgart last

summer very rightly decided that Socialists everywhere should do all

in their power to combat alcoholism, to end the ravages of

intemperance among the working classes of all nations. For drunken

voters are not very likely to be either wise or free voters: we need

sober, earnest, clear-thinking men to bring about better conditions,

Jonathan. But the Socialists, while they adopt this position, do not

mistake results for causes. They know from actual experience that

Solomon was right when he attributed intemperance to ill conditions.

Hunt out your Bible and turn to the Book of Proverbs, chapter 31,

verse 7. There you will read: "Let him drink and forget his poverty,

and remember his misery no more."

That is not very good advice to give a workingman, but it is exactly

what many workingmen do. There was a wise English bishop who said a

few years ago that if he lived in the slums of any of the great

cities, under conditions similar to those in which most of the workers

live, he would probably be a drunkard, and when I see the conditions

under which millions of men are working and living I wonder that we

have not more drunkenness than we have.

A good many years ago, "General" Booth, head of the Salvation Army,

declared that "nine-tenths" of the poverty of the people was due to

intemperance. Later on, "Commissioner" Cadman, one of the "General's"

most trusted aides, made an investigation of the causes of poverty

among all those who passed through the Army shelters for destitute men

and women. He found that among the very lowest class, the "submerged

tenth," where the ravages of drink are most sadly evident, depression

in trade counted for much more than drink as a cause of poverty. The

figures were:

Depression in trade 55.8 per cent.

Drink _and Gambling_ 26.6 per cent.

Ill-health 11.6 per cent.

Old Age 5.8 per cent.

Even among the very lowest class of the social wrecks of our great

cities, who have long since abandoned hope, depression in trade was

found to count for more than twice as much as drink and gambling

combined as a producer of poverty.

That is in keeping with all the investigations that have ever been

made in a scientific spirit. Professor Amos Warner, in his valuable

study of the subject, published in his book, _American Charities_,

shows how false the notion that nearly all the poverty of the people

is due to their intemperance proves to be when an intelligent

investigation of the facts is made.

Dr. Edward T. Devine, of Columbia University, editor of _Charities and

the Commons_, is probably as competent an authority upon this question

as any man living. He is not likely to be called a Socialist by

anybody. Yet I find him writing in his magazine, at the end of

November, 1907: "The tradition which many hold that the condition of

poverty is ordinarily and as a matter of course to be explained by

personal faults of the poor themselves is no longer tenable. Strong

drink and vice are abnormal, unnatural and essentially unattractive

ways of spending surplus income." Dr. Devine very frankly and bravely

admits that poverty is an unnecessary evil, "a shocking, loathsome

excrescence on the body politic, an intolerable evil which should come

to an end." What else, indeed, could a sane man think of it?

As a conservative man, I say without reservation that accidents

incurred in the course of employment, and sickness brought on by

industrial conditions, such as overwork accompanied by under

nourishment, exposure to extremes of temperature, unsanitary workshops

and factories and the inhalation of contaminated atmosphere, are far

more important causes of poverty among the workers than intemperance.

Every investigation ever made goes to prove this true. I wish that

every one who seeks to blame the poverty of the poor upon the victims

themselves would study a few facts, which I am going to ask you to

study, without prejudice or passion. They would readily see then how

false the belief is.

Last year there was a Committee of very expert investigators in New

York which made a careful inquiry into the relation of wages to the

standard of living. They were not Socialists, these gentlemen, or I

should not submit their testimony. I am anxious to base my case

against our present social system upon evidence that is not in any way

biased in favor of Socialism. Dr. Lee K. Frankel was Chairman of the

Committee. He is Director of the United Hebrew Charities of New York

City, an able and sincere man, but not a Socialist. Dr. Devine,

another able and sincere man who is by no means a Socialist, was a

member of the Committee. Among the other members were also such

persons as Bishop Greer, of New York, Reverend Adolph Guttman,

president of the Hebrew Relief Society, Syracuse, New York, Mrs.

William Einstein, president of Emanu El Sisterhood, New York; Mr.

Homer Folks, Secretary State Charities Aid Association and Reverend

William J. White, of Brooklyn, Supervisor of Catholic Charities. The

Committee was deputed to make the investigation by the New York State

Conference of Charities and Corrections, and made its report in

November, 1907, at Albany, N.Y.

I think you will agree, Jonathan, that it would be very hard to

imagine a more conservative body, less inoculated with the virus of

Socialism than that. From their report to the Conference I note that

the Committee reported that as a result of their work, after going

carefully into the expenditure of some 322 families, they had come to

the conclusion that the lowest amount upon which a family of five

could be supported in decency and health in New York City was about

eight hundred dollars a year. I am quite sure, Jonathan, that there is

not one of the members of that Committee who would think that even

that sum would be enough to keep _their_ families in health and

decency; not one who would want to see their children living under the

best conditions which that sum made possible. They were

philanthropists you see, Jonathan, "figuring out" how much the "Poor"

ought to be able to live on. And to help them out they got Professor

Chapin, of Beloit College and Professor Underhill, of Yale. Professor

Underhill being an expert physiological chemist, could advise them as

to the sufficiency of the expenditures upon food among the families

reported.

But the total income of thousands of families falls very short of

eight hundred dollars a year. There are many thousands of families in

which the breadwinner does not earn more than ten dollars a week at

best. Making allowance for time lost through sickness, holidays, and

so on, it is evident that the total income of such families would not

exceed four hundred and fifty dollars a year at best. Even the worker

with twenty dollars a week, if there is a brief period of sickness or

unemployment, will find himself, despite his best efforts, on the

wrong side of the line, compelled either to see his family suffer want

or to become dependent on "that cold thing called Charity." And Dr.

Devine, writing in _Charities and the Commons_, admits that the

charitable societies cannot hope to make up the deficit, to add to the

wages of the workers enough to raise their standards of living to the

point of efficiency. He admits that "such a policy would tend to

financial bankruptcy."

Taking the unskilled workers in New York City, the vast army of

laborers, it is certain that they do not average $400 a year, so that

they are, as a class, hopelessly, miserably poor. It is true that many

of them spend part of their miserable wages on drink, but if they did

not, they would still be poor; if every cent went to buy the

necessities of existence, they would still be hopelessly, miserably

poor.

The Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics showed a few years ago, when

the cost of living was less than now, that a family of five could not

live decently and in health upon less than $754 a year, but more than

half of the unskilled workers in the shoe-making industry of that

State got less than $300 a year. Of course, some were single and not a

few were women, but the figures go far to show that the New York

conditions are prevalent in New England also. Mr. John Mitchell said

that in the anthracite district of Pennsylvania it was impossible to

maintain a family of five in decency on less than $600 a year, but

according to Dr. Peter Roberts, who is one of the most conservative of

living authorities upon the conditions of industry in the coal mines

of Pennsylvania, the _average_ wage in the anthracite district is

less than $500 and that about 60 per cent. receive less than $450 a

year.

I am not going to bother you with more statistics, Jonathan, for I

know you do not like them, and they are hard to remember. What I want

you to see is that, for many thousands of workers, poverty is an

inevitable condition. If they do not spend a cent on drink; never give

a cent to the Church or for charity; never buy a newspaper; never see

a play or hear a concert; never lose a day's wages through sickness or

accident; never make a present of a ribbon to their wives or a toy to

their children--in a word, if they live as galley slaves, working

without a single break in the monotony and drudgery of their lives,

they must still be poor and endure hunger, unless they can get other

sources of income. The mother must go out to work and neglect her baby

to help out; the little boys and girls must go to work in the days

when they ought to be in school or in the fields at play, to help out

the beggars' pittance which is their portion. The greatest cause of

poverty is low wages.

Then think of the accidents which occur to the wage-earners, making

them incapable of earning anything for long periods, or even

permanently. At the same meeting of the New York State Conference of

Charities and Corrections as that already referred to, there were

reports presented by many of the charitable organizations of the state

which showed that this cause of poverty is a very serious one, and one

that is constantly increasing. In only about twenty per cent. of the

accidents of a serious nature investigated was there any settlement

made by the employers, and from a list that is of immense interest I

take just a few cases as showing how little the life of the average

workingman is valued at:

_Nature of Injury._ _Settlement_

Spine injured $ 20 and doctor

Legs broken 300

Death 100

Death 65

Two ribs broken 20

Paralysis 12

Brain affected 60

Fingers amputated 50

The reports showed that about half of the accidents occurred to men

under forty years of age, in the very prime of life. The wages were

determined in 241 cases and it was shown that about 25 per cent. were

earning less than $10 a week and 60 per cent. were earning less than

$15 a week. Even without the accidents occurring to them these workers

and their families must be miserably poor, the accidents only plunging

them deeper into the frightful abyss of despair, of wasting life and

torturous struggle.

No, my friend, it is not true that the poverty of the poor is due to

their sins, thriftlessness and intemperance. I want you to remember

that it is not the wicked Socialist agitators only who say this. I

could fill a book for you with the conclusions of very conservative

men, all of them opposed to Socialism, whose studies have forced them

to this conclusion.

There was a Royal Commission appointed in England some years ago to

consider the problem of the Aged Poor and how to deal with it. Of that

Royal Commission Lord Aberdare was chairman--and he was a most

implacable enemy of Socialism. The Commission reported in 1895: "We

are confirmed in our view by the evidence we have received that ... as

regards the great bulk of the working classes, during their lives,

they are fairly provident, fairly thrifty, fairly industrious and

fairly temperate." But they could not add that, as a result of these

virtues, they were also fairly well-to-do! The Right Honorable Joseph

Chamberlain, another enemy of Socialism, signed with several others a

Minority Report, but they agreed "that the imputation that old age

pauperism is mainly due to drink, idleness, improvidence, and the like

abuses applies to but a very small proportion of the working

population."

The Common Sense of Socialism A Series of Letters Addressed to Jonathan Edwards, of Pittsburg · 第 3 / 12 段