THE COMPARISON
The comparisons between the history and problems of the Roman republic
and those of our own country have been sometimes directly referred to,
sometimes merely indicated, in the course of this book. While it is
hoped that the reader has been able to follow the train of ideas
suggested by the author, and to apply the lessons taught by the story
of the fall of the Roman republic to aid in the solution of the
American problems of to-day, it is thought advisable, in this final
chapter of the book, to combine and summarize the difficult problems
of economics, civics, and politics anticipated in Roman experience.
First of all comes the lesson, so often taught by Roman history, so
often already referred to in this book, that political equality is
never by itself sufficient to secure either the protection of the
weaker members of society or the general welfare of the community.
Political equality means nothing unless supplemented by laws which
secure economic justice.
The oft-repeated cry that politics and business should be kept
separate is the product of a shallow, unreasoning, or hypocritical
mind--generally the latter. This cry is the argument of the
stand-patter, of the man who trembles for the existence of the United
States Constitution and of American institutions when any proposal is
made to pass a law in the interests of the mass of the community, but
who can view with complacency the enactment of statutes for the
benefit of certain favored classes. Economic problems and special
privileges were among the greatest problems and dangers in the Roman
republic, as they are in America to-day.
When we come to the exact form of the economic questions, differences,
of course, begin to appear. Tariffs, trusts, regulation of commerce,
were never great political questions in the days of the Roman
republic. The greatest source of scandal and class favoritism at Rome
was to be found in the management and distribution of the public
lands. This particular problem was one which our country, for nearly a
century of national existence, was able to handle, in the main, wisely
and honestly. The great body of that vast expanse of rich farming
land, which was once the greatest asset of the United States, was
disposed of to actual settlers, who have played an important part in
the development of our wonderful West. Recently, however, corruption
even along this line has begun to manifest itself in America. Passing
over the numerous charges of actual corruption which have been made,
it is to be regretted that the United States government has of late
shown a decided disposition to favor great interests rather than
ordinary individuals in the management of the public resources. An
extremely indefensible discrimination is to be found in the act of
July 1, 1902, which established the form of civil government for the
Philippine Islands. Section 15 of this act, in providing for the
management of the public lands, provided that no more than sixteen
hectares of such land can be disposed of to any one individual, while
a corporation may acquire as much as 1,024 hectares.
From the standpoint of pure governmental science the most interesting
comparison between Rome and the United States lies in the elaborate
and complicated system of checks and balances to be found in each
government. The framers of each system seem generally to have been
thinking more of securing perfect brakes than of installing sufficient
operating power. It is a mere hackneyed remark to say that the most
prominent characteristic of the work of the Federal Constitutional
Convention was the system of checks and balances it developed, while
this same principle was carried to such an extreme in the organization
of the Roman government that it almost seems strange to an outside
observer that at times the resisting power of the "brakes" did not
prove more powerful than the operating power of the government, with
the result of a total failure of all government, and chaos, or
anarchy.
The most interesting of the "checks" in the Roman government was the
veto power of the tribunes--interesting alike for its contemporary
importance at Rome, and perhaps even more so for the great and
strangely directed influence which it has had upon the later
development of governmental institutions throughout the world.
The veto power of the Roman tribune was an innovation in government.
It was, however, a political idea which was destined to take deep
root, and to be copied by countries whose very beginnings were, as
yet, far in the future. There is to-day no constitutional government
in whose organization the veto power is not found in some form; in the
great majority of modern governments the veto power occupies a most
prominent place.
The modern veto power has departed far from that of the Roman tribune,
both in practice and theory. The veto power of the latter was merely a
check upon power; the modern veto power is both a check upon power and
a positive power in the hands of the official to whom it is given.
The Roman veto was given to an officer who had no power except of a
negative character; it could be interposed against executive acts and
judicial proceedings as well as against legislative enactments.
The modern veto power is directed solely against legislative acts and
is put in the hands of the executive department of the government.
Against the legislative department it is a check, but to the executive
department it is a grant of positive power. In the United States the
veto is more a club in the hands of the executive department than a
check upon the legislative. The veto power also tends to break down
the dividing line between the executive and the legislative
departments. In the United States the President and the governors of
the different states in reality constitute a third branch of the
respective legislative departments.
The story of the Gracchi is replete with suggestions of comparisons
with modern conditions. The failure of these reformers was primarily
due to the lack of steadfast perseverance on the part of the mass of
their followers. It is this same phenomenon which does more than any
other to bring about the failure of needed and widely supported
reforms at the present time in our country. It is always much easier
to win the support of a majority of voters to a reform measure than it
is to retain such majority during the tedious delays which the
opponents of reform are so adept in producing. Delay is always the
great weapon of the supporters of any special interest which is
attacked. The beneficiaries from unfair discriminations or special
interests, and their allies, never desert the fight from weariness, no
matter how long it may be continued; but once the first spell of
enthusiasm has passed away, the supporters of the reform gradually
drop by the wayside. How many times have we seen the people vote time
after time in support of a certain reform only to weaken at the
crisis, and allow the ultimate victory to rest with the supporters of
special interests! For illustration we need only cite the long contest
in the metropolis of the West for a fair deal to the people from the
street-car companies, where after nine years of contest the majority
of the voters, at the critical contest, deserted the mayor, who had
resolutely stood for the principles for which the voters had declared
year after year, and gave to the companies a contract giving them all
that they had even dared to hope for.
The deposition of the tribune Marcus Octavius is without question the
first historical application of the principle of the recall of public
officials. This precedent was never again followed at Rome, and the
recall of public officers never became a part of the Roman political
system. Such an expedient, in fact, could never have been necessary at
Rome, except in very extreme cases, on account of the very short terms
of office for which all Roman officials were elected. The only states
of this country which follow the Roman example in this respect are
some of the New England states.
The actions of the Roman proletariat in so consistently supporting the
grain laws of Gaius Gracchus, and in so soon disregarding his
proposals for the allotment of the public land, are very typical of
the attitude of a vast element in every community. The too great
concern for the present and the too great disregard for the future are
among the greatest obstacles to be overcome by those who attempt to
line up the people of any community in the support of true
constructive reforms.
Side by side with the lack of true proportion in the view taken by the
majority of men, of the relative importance of different measures,
stand the constant errors made by the people in their judgment of the
character and objects of different politicians.
The tribune Carbo, the successor of Tiberius Gracchus as the leader of
the popular party, may stand as a typical representative of a
never-changing type of politician.
No one can read of this life without being inevitably reminded of some
politician of his own acquaintance or locality. It is but another
proof of how slowly human nature changes, despite the vast changes in
the external conditions with which mankind is surrounded.
The law proposed by Carbo furnished an illustration of that class of
laws directed against the rich, so often brought forward by
demagogues, not because of any justice in the law, not even because of
any benefit which the law will confer upon the people at large, but
merely for the purpose of winning popular favor and political office.
Such laws are generally supported by unrestrained and indiscriminating
abuse. It is the proposed laws and attacks of this character which
generally lead to a reaction, and in the end work to the benefit of
the classes against which they are directed.
The whole story of Carbo is one well calculated to present in vivid
colors all that is lowest and most despicable. To the faults and
errors already referred to must be added the charge of absolute
insincerity. To Carbo the rights of the people and the popular cause
were dear only as a means by which he could acquire power and money
for himself. When it was for his interest, he became the servile tool
of the senatorial party. America to-day has her full share of
politicians who use popular measures only as a ladder for their own
rise; or, even worse, who seek the leadership of a popular cause with
the premeditated purpose of betraying it, at the proper moment, to the
special interests. Where the purpose at first is sincere, the advocate
of the object frequently deserts the cause when greater gain to him
may be had by a surrender.
The impossibility of the voters being able to discriminate between the
true reformer and the unscrupulous demagogue is shown time and again
in the political history both of Rome and the United States. There has
always been a class of politicians without character, without honesty,
without any pretense of truthfulness, without any ability of a kind to
be of value to the public, but possessed of an almost superhuman
ability to deceive the public and to advertise themselves. Examples of
this class may be found in Roman history in such men as Carbo and
Cæsar; striking examples in recent American history will readily occur
to every one. Notably in municipal politics in the great American
cities, this aspect often appears.
It is not only in great but also in smaller things that we see the
ever-recurring resemblances between Roman and American conditions.
Cicero's complaint, "Let me tell you that there is no class of people
so harassed by every kind of unreasonable difficulty as candidates for
office," finds a responsive chord in every modern American politician.
His account of his campaign for the consulship at Rome, as well as the
historical record of other Roman political contests, shows many points
of similarity between the details of the problems and methods of
ancient and modern political battles.
Political expenditures, in the latter days of the Roman republic, had
become an even greater evil than is the case in the United States
to-day. It is interesting, though alarming, to note that the greater
political freedom became at Rome, the greater became the amount of
political expenditures and the greater the power of money in
elections. A similar alarming phenomenon has recently been noticed in
this country in the greater increase of political expenditures which
have followed the introduction of the direct primaries, and the
consequent greater difficulties of the candidate for office not
possessed of a large fortune.
Innumerable other points of resemblance might be mentioned to complete
the comparison between Roman and American political conditions. A
strong point in the Roman character (at least during the greater part
of the republican period) is found in the fact that foreign
hostilities always produced a cessation, or at least a laxation, of
domestic political hostilities. This was in striking contrast with the
general rule in Grecian cities, where one political faction or another
would generally seize the opportunity offered by the external
difficulties of their state to advance their selfish individual
interests at the expense of the public. The public attitude in America
has always resembled the Roman rather than the Grecian attitude.
Perhaps this attitude in America has sometimes been carried too far,
and resulted in too great a degree of credit and support being given
to the party in power, for victories won by the united efforts of
members of all political parties in the country.
The effect of a mere name, both in Rome and in the United States, has
always been unduly great. The charge (even when entirely unsupported)
that a Roman politician was aiming to make himself a king was
generally sufficient to drive him from power; though the Romans
finally calmly submitted to the rule of an absolute ruler under the
new title of emperor. The efficiency of denunciation by calling names,
instead of by argument, is known and made use of in American politics.
The pretense of patriotism in America assumed by having one's self
designated by a name of patriotic appellation--such as "Honest" John
Doe, "Brave" Richard Roe, and the "Patriot" John Stiles--is but a
parallel to the schemes of the ancient tricksters. Truly, there is
nothing new under the sun, and as man so are republics of men--both
alike in greatness and in littleness.
There is slight opportunity for comparison between the Roman colonial
system and that of our own country. It is true that of both alike it
may be said the beginning of foreign conquest came as an accident, and
the acquisition of territory beyond the seas found them unprepared
for its government. Here, it is to be hoped, the resemblance will be
found to have ceased. When Rome had once tasted the fruits of foreign
conquest, the extension of such conquests became the great object of
Roman ambition. It was not by accident but by deliberately planned
wars of conquest that the so-called world empire of the Romans was
acquired.
With the United States the comparatively few and unimportant insular
possessions are still a matter of secondary concern. But few of the
citizens of this country give any thought or attention to these
possessions, and many even favor their abandonment.
Both Rome and the United States found the problem of reconciling
foreign colonies with republican institutions a difficult one. The
Roman administration of her colonies was always tinged with corruption
and injustice; and, unfortunately, our own insular rule has not been
entirely free from these evils. A great trouble in the case of each
republic was that she failed or refused to make any real effort to
introduce her own principles of government into the government of her
provinces. There is much more excuse for this failure in the case of
Rome than in that of our own country. As was shown in the chapter on
Roman legislative assemblies, her ignorance of the principle of
representative legislative assemblies made the extension of free
government over extended areas impossible, or at least very difficult.
But our own system of local self-government is one adapted to any
country, and capable of indefinite expansion. The highly centered
bureaucracy of the Philippine government is one without precedent in
our own country, and without any fitness for the Philippines or any
other colony. The slight self-government given to the Filipinos is
merely enough to call attention to that which is refused them. No
successful government of these Islands, either by our country or by
the Filipinos themselves, will ever be secured while all questions of
government for so many diverse races are settled by a few high
government officials at the capital--Manila. Particularly will this
objectionable condition continue so long as the places of authority
are filled by men named from every portion of the country except that
part most nearly associated with the destiny of the Islands. The
system of rewarding political service--and that ofttimes of a
questionable character--given in America to men who served ballot-box
emergencies, and to men who hope to reward themselves by fruitful
opportunity, must cease, or government in these outlying possessions
will lead to internal revolt or external military imperialism.
It is plainly to be seen that conditions in the United States of
America have tended toward those of Rome which preceded the latter's
downfall. Particularly true is this of latter-day conditions in the
United States. The monopoly of Crassus in town lots in Rome--and the
exclusive right to dictate the price of farm products by the Fabii and
their successors, which produced riots in the country and uprisings in
the cities--have their parallel in the "corners" of the stock
exchanges and grain houses of America, and in the monopoly in oil and
its elements. These methods and the domination of legislative bodies
by these massive interests, the corrupting of the assemblies of the
people and the defiling of the courts, have created a revolt in the
hearts of the Americans and awakened an insurrection among the
citizenship. These, if not abated by the government's action in
controlling these agencies or restraining with plenary punishment the
perpetrators of the wrong, will surely reproduce a parallel in the
results which befell the Roman republic. Cicero has well said,
"Governments, like all organized creations, have their time to perish
and to fade. The same conduct of persecution or protection work on
each alike in the final results"--a sure continuance of life, or a
sure result of certain death.
Let it be remembered that man is ever himself and mankind ever human.
No ill will be borne that can be overthrown. It will all return to the
first principle of force--Byron puts it well--as the moral of all
human tales:
"First freedom, then glory;
With that past--avarice--corruption--
Barbarism at last--
And all of history's volumes vast
Hath writ but one page."
It has been the dream of those who in war fought for, and in peace
strove for, a just republic in the United States, that the awakened
conscience of a people educated anew under a Christian era would be a
guarantee against the repetition of those evils which harassed
government and injured men in the days of the Roman republic. It is
now seen that this dream is being to a most encouraging extent
gratified. In America wrong is at last condemned because it is not
right. Right is approved--for that it is right. Justice is praised and
sustained because it is just to do so, and the oppression of man
resisted and despised because it is unworthy civilized man and in
violation of the dictates of conscience speaking the voice of God.
In this new era America is working out her destiny of equality of man
and equity of mankind, and this by the methods of peaceful
persuasion--dictated from the heart. War is abhorred and brotherhood
of man cherished as a coming state of modern citizenship proving in
all its effect the justice and right of the theory of the American
republic founded on the assertion that "Just governments derive their
power from the consent of the governed." Education, bringing
enlightenment in all avenues of life's pursuits, is rapidly giving to
the American man the assurance and security that his government will
be perpetuated by its citizens, not destroyed--will be glorified as an
ideal after which other nations and people may pattern.
"Our Fathers' God! from out whose hand
The centuries fall like grains of sand,
* * * * *
Oh, make Thou us, through centuries long,
In peace secure, in justice strong:
Around our gift of freedom draw
The safeguards of Thy righteous law;
And, cast in some diviner mold,
Let the new cycle shame the old."