CHAPTER XXI.

Personal Narrative continued.--Mr. Lobschied.--His Reception at

Nankin.--Press Publications.--Mr. Lobschied leaves

Nankin.--Operations before Tait-san.--The Assault.--Act of

Bravery.--Route of the Imperialists.--Gordon's Art of

War.--Tait-san reinvested.--Siege of Tait-san.--Its

Capture.--Manchoo Atrocities.--Treatment of Ti-ping

Prisoners.--Mr. Sillar's Statement.--Quin-san

captured.--Gordon's Report.--Gordon reinforced.--The Chung-wang

recalled.--Critical Position of the Ti-pings.--The Chung-wang's

Retreat.--Difficulties encountered.--Reinforcements.--The Scene

of Battle.--Its Horrors.--Arrival at Nankin.--The Chung-wang's

Army.--General attack.--The Repulse.--The Surprise.--The Night

Attack.--The Flight and Pursuit.--Death of Marie.

When at last I became convalescent and able to leave my house in Nankin,

for several reasons I determined to take a trip to Shanghae. My wife

wished to see her relations there; I was anxious to ascertain the

political and practical position of affairs; and, besides, there were

many things to be done toward assisting the Ti-ping cause. The principal

inducement for the trip was, however, the fact that my friends, D. and

Captain P., had, upon their last voyage, brought me some letters from

Chin-kiang (to where they had been forwarded by my agent at Shanghae),

stating that the Rev. W. Lobschied, a distinguished missionary, was

anxious to visit the Ti-ping capital. I at once decided to proceed to

Shanghae and afford him every assistance by placing one of our vessels

at his service for the journey to and from Nankin.

During the last few months of my illness messengers had continually

arrived from the head-quarters of the I- and Chung-wang's armies,

reporting the uninterrupted successes of both. But at the same time

intelligence was received of the second capture of Kah-ding and

Tsing-poo, the capture of Fu-shan by the allies, and the treachery of

the chief in command at the city of Chang-zu, who had accepted the large

bribes offered by the enemy, and surrendered the city. Orders were

consequently despatched to the I-wang's victorious army, already beyond

the Po-yang lake, and that chief detached a considerable portion of it

to return and protect the threatened districts. This force, at the time

I left Nankin (early spring of 1863), was already besieging Chang-zu,

having closely invested the city upon every side.

Having embarked with my wife on board our lorcha, the _Anglo-Ti-ping_,

we proceeded under sail to Chin-kiang, and then took passage in a

steamer to Shanghae. A month after our arrival, every motive for the

visit being accomplished, and the Rev. W. Lobschied having arranged to

accompany me, we returned to Chin-kiang together, and then, getting on

board the lorcha, made sail for Nankin. When half-way there I engaged a

small steamer to tow us up to the forts, in order to oblige the

missionary, who was averse to the delay the calm weather seemed likely

to occasion.

In a couple of days we were cast off at our destination, and I proceeded

on shore with Mr. Lobschied, introducing him to the Sz-wang, who

received him very kindly, and immediately sent word of his arrival to

the Government inside the city. The next morning horses and attendants

were in waiting to escort us to the Kan-wang's presence. Upon reaching

the palace, Mr. Lobschied met with so warm and friendly a reception from

the Kan-wang and many other chiefs, that I am quite sure he can never

cease to remember it with pleasure, and at the same time with regret

that he has not been more energetic or useful to what he knew full well

was the cause of Christianity and righteousness. Many of the Ti-pings

had known him at Canton in former days, when they had studied the

wondrous truths of Scripture, and some, I believe, had been his own

converts and pupils. These men were most anxious that he should stay

among them, and earnestly entreated him to do so; but the Rev. W.

Lobschied, as he informed me, had to attend to some appointment at

Canton, and the wishes or whims of a young wife. Thus the last

opportunity for a teacher of the Gospel to support the cause of

Christianity in China was thrown away; my trouble lost (not that I cared

for ought but the fact that it was not used to advantage when every

opportunity was offered); and the visit of the last missionary who came

to the Ti-ping capital, rendered utterly fruitless. Something did result

from the visit in the shape of the following letter:--

"THE TAEPINGS.

"_A Visit to Nanking, and an Interview with the Kan-Wong._

"(To the Editor of the _Daily Press_, Hong Kong.)

"SIR.--The dreadful accounts given of the condition and

character of the rebels had long made me anxious to visit their

capital, and see for myself how far all that has been said of

them be true. There is a brisk trade carried on outside the city

of Nanking. The fields within the ancient wall were well

cultivated, as well as the country around; and wheat, barley,

and large beans, appeared to be there in abundance. The people

within the city _were certainly looking better than in any town

along the Yang-tse-kiang_. New shops and fine buildings were in

course of erection, and the people were in general well dressed.

The women moved about performing their daily work as they do

here in the South; aged persons were playing with their

grandchildren, and wheresoever I came I was treated with respect

and kindness. The kings, and particularly Kan-Wong, received me

with great kindness, and I felt that I was as safe in Nanking as

in any Chinese town I have ever visited. They were anxious to

know why England was so hostile against them. 'Have we ever

broken faith with foreigners? Have we ever retaliated the enmity

of England and France?' said Kan-Wong. 'If they force us to the

conclusion that we are to be treated as outlaws, then the day of

retribution will come! We are fighting in our own country, and

to rid ourselves of a foreign power, and woe to the stranger

who falls into our hands after the first shot has been fired

against Nanking.[41] We need not then take cities and hold them,

or allow foreigners to assist the Imperial imps in surrounding

us; we shall then move in one compact body, ravaging the country

and destroying trade.[42] We have not as yet sent men into the

foreign settlements to burn and destroy, but have strictly

prohibited such acts. Who can prevent us from committing such

acts, if we choose? And why should we not make the sojourn of

foreigners here intolerable, if they come to destroy us who

_would_ and _have_ opened to them every port we hold, and tried

to be friends with them? We will spare neither Hankow nor any

other place held by foreigners, who will then see the difference

between forbearance and determined hostility.' They told me that

they had _repeatedly_ applied to the foreign consuls, in order

to come to some arrangements, but all their communications had

been returned _unopened_, and no reply given. I was present at

their religious meetings, which are regularly held every morning

and evening, but would not join them until I knew what they were

doing. They sang a hymn; and having previously placed three cups

of tea on the table,[43] they knelt down, one of them[44]

reading or saying an appropriate prayer. There was _no worship

of Taiping-Wong_. Whilst sitting in the palace, there came

frequent orders for books on religious subjects, and, so far as

the Chinese care for religion, _these men sang and prayed with a

will and with apparent devotion_. As the Imperialists are going

to _restrict_ the development of trade on the Yang-tze-Kiang as

soon as _Osborn's_ fleet has come out, and as the rebels _are

willing to open the whole country to foreigners_, if they will

stretch out a friendly hand to them, everybody may judge for

himself which party will serve him best. China was conquered by

the help of Roman Catholic missionaries, and the Imperial House

has for 150 years been under their influence. So long as the

Emperors made use of them they prospered; and the moment they

expelled them from Pekin, misrule and effeminacy became the

order of the day. Sir Frederick Bruce will one day be recalled

to give an account of the _ruinous course of policy he has

advised his Government to adopt_, and foreign influence will at

last prevail in the council of the rebels. But whether that will

be upon the ruins of the silk and tea plantations, or upon the

graveyards of thousands of British subjects, we shall soon have

an opportunity of witnessing. As almost all the officers now in

the service of the Imperialists are on half-pay, _and receive

besides an enormous salary from the Chinese_, nobody need feel

any surprise at the strange doings of men worthy a more

honourable death.[45] And if _General_ Gordon does receive 1,200

taels per month from the Imperialists, and his half-pay as an

officer of the British army, where then is British neutrality?

The proclamation of the Queen is dust thrown into the eyes of

Europe and America. But more on this subject for the second mail

of this month.

"Yours respectfully,

"W. L.

"Hong Kong, 10th June, 1863."

The Rev. W. Lobschied, by his departure from Nankin and return to the

south of China, sacrificed a glorious opportunity of serving the cause

of the Master whose word he came abroad to teach. Had he installed

himself at the Ti-ping capital and proclaimed that fact, and then

reported the favourable points of their sincere Christianity,

friendliness to foreigners, desire for unrestricted commerce and

intercourse with Europeans, and general moral and physical superiority,

in _all_ the particulars for which the Chinese are condemned, he would

most likely have been the means of arresting the interference of

England, and purifying the religious errors of the only voluntary native

worshippers of Jesus in Asia.

Had Mr. Lobschied so acted, every mission society and ordained member of

the Church of England would necessarily have supported him; this would

simply have been their duty to God. Popular opinion, when fixed by the

voice of a well-known divine, speaking the _truth_ from Nankin, and with

all the authority of his presence among the revolutionists, and

undoubted personal knowledge of them, would almost certainly have

compelled the British Government to remain neutral.

Unfortunately Mr. Lobschied had private business which possessed greater

charms for him than this, although success was certain if the effort

were made. The Manchoo-Imperialists, unassisted by foreign mercenaries,

would have fled before the progress of Ti-ping tien kwoh like fine chaff

before a gale of wind. The ultimate results would have been the sure

establishment of Christianity, freedom, and modern civilization,

throughout the vast Chinese empire.

Private affairs overpowered all other considerations, and so, after a

few days spent at Nankin, I placed the rev. gentleman on board a passing

steamer and bid him adieu.

Soon after my return to Nankin, reports of disaster to the Ti-ping

forces in the Shanghae district were received; but previous to noticing

these I must describe the complete defeat the Anglo-Manchoo legion

experienced before the city of Tait-san.

Shortly after being placed in command of the drilled force, Captain

Holland was ordered by the Fu-tai, Le, Governor of the province, to

advance upon Tait-san and wrest it from the Ti-pings. Burning to

distinguish himself, and probably not averse to the _bonus_ it is

believed the Fu-tai offered for the capture of the city, besides the

prospect of much _loot_, the newly-fledged _general_ led forward his

men.

This expedition was accompanied by British volunteers, and the British

officers belonging to the force, besides which General Staveley lent

several large howitzers, the property of the English nation, to the

commanding officer. Attached to _General_ Holland, as body-guard, was a

motley brigade of European mercenaries, consisting of almost every

nationality. The whole strength of the disciplined division inclusive

was considerably over 3,000 men, with 22 pieces of heavy artillery,

field-pieces, and mortars, supported by an army of 10,000 Imperialists.

The legionaries, and a great proportion of the irregular troops, were

well armed with English rifles and muskets, well equipped in every way,

and supplied with abundance of ammunition.

After driving the Ti-pings from several small outworks and tearing from

a neighbouring village all its "doors, windows, tables, &c.," as one

account states, the Imperialist forces took up a position under the

walls of Tait-san. Of course the Ti-ping maligners, who followed upon

the track of the allies, raven-like croaked forth from the destroyed

village about the "ruthless devastation" of those "bloodthirsty

monsters." They should have seen the village, or rather those who have

been misled by their howling should have done so, _before_ the gallant

Anglo-Manchoo forces stripped it of furniture and partially pulled down

the houses. Undoubtedly many who have accused the Ti-pings of wanton

devastation have unintentionally mistaken the ravages of their own

friends for that of the people they condemned, though it is hard to

believe that any one could credit such opinions, when, in every account

of the Imperialist operations, the destruction of some Ti-ping city,

village, or store of grain, is prominently set forth.

Rows of stakes had been driven into the creeks by the Ti-pings, and the

boats carrying the siege train of the enemy were delayed in their

advance upon Tait-san until they could be pulled up. In spite of

obstructions and a strong sortie made by the garrison, which was not

repulsed without a sharp fight, the guns were landed during the night of

the 13th of February, 1863, and placed in position.

Early on the following morning the garrison received strong

reinforcements from the Ti-ping army investing Chang-zu, distant less

than twenty-five miles, which were welcomed with immense cheering.

Shortly afterwards the besiegers opened fire from their numerous

artillery.

In about five hours a large and practicable breach was made in the city

wall, and Captain, or rather _General_, Holland ordered the assault. Now

it so happened that the defenders had wisely sheltered themselves from

the deadly artillery fire to which they had only one or two small

6-pounders to reply, and instead of recklessly exposing themselves in

the usual Ti-ping style, had remained perfectly silent behind their

defences.

Led by a party of the body-guard and their European officers, the

trained troops rushed gallantly forward to storm the city. At this

moment the defenders suddenly manned the breach, and although fearfully

thinned by the enfilading artillery fire, kept up a fusillade which told

with terrible effect upon the dense masses of the enemy. A few crossed

the moat by their bridges, only however to be shot down, and the whole

division of stormers wavered and hesitated on the brink. A

sergeant-major of the disciplined rifle regiment here performed an act

of bravery that no European could have outdone. Seizing the colours of

the regiment, Ward's old flag, he rushed to the front with it, and

calling on the men to advance, stood there alone, a mark for the fire of

the besieged. It is remarkable that, though six bullets pierced his

clothes, not one injured him, or even cut his skin.

Unable to advance against the shower of missiles directed from the

breach and city walls, where even the little boys were stationed with

heaps of bricks to throw upon them, the Imperialists fell back on their

guns in confusion. _General_ Holland then ordered the artillery to the

rear, and a rapid retreat commenced. This, however, they were not

allowed to effect so easily, for the Ti-pings dragged a 6-pounder into

the breach, where it was worked by some Europeans, and directed upon the

men endeavouring to remove the siege guns, with deadly effect. At the

same time the garrison sallied forth from two gates, while others rushed

through the breach and attacked the enemy with vigour.

For some time the rifles and 1st regiment of the British contingent,

together with the European company, fought desperately to save the guns.

Meanwhile the main Imperialist army was routed with much slaughter, and,

with all the other regiments of disciplined troops, fled in every

direction from the field. The troops who so gallantly protected the

retreat of their comrades, managed also to save all the artillery,

except two heavy 32-pounders and several light howitzers. Upon these

guns the Ti-pings incessantly charged, and both sides lost heavily in

killed and wounded. _General_ Holland had left the field, and it was

entirely due to _Colonel_ Barclay and _Major_ Cooke, who jointly

conducted the retreat, and well animated and kept their men together,

that only a few pieces of artillery, instead of the whole park, were

captured by the Ti-pings.

Seeing that his men were falling thickly, and that they were in danger

of being surrounded, Colonel Barclay abandoned the guns and made a

pretty orderly retreat. The Ti-pings marked those guns for their

especial prey, and concentrated on them such a hail of shot that no one

could approach them from the hostile ranks and live. The enemy found

that it would be impossible even to spike them without a terrible loss

of life, and so left them uninjured as trophies for the victorious

garrison of Tait-san.

The day following their defeat only 1,500 of the British contingent

mustered at their head-quarters, but stragglers shortly came dropping

in. The same force lost 5 officers killed and 16 wounded. The

co-operating Imperialist army was totally dispersed, and lost more than

2,000 men _hors de combat_. The Ti-ping casualties were also very heavy,

for the men had rushed gallantly into the breach under withering volleys

from the disciplined and well-armed assailants, and at least 1,000 were

killed and wounded during the defence and subsequent fighting.

_General_ Holland, upon reaching Shanghae, resigned his command in

disgust, and was superseded by one Major Gordon, of the Royal Engineers,

a cold, calculating man, who possessed qualities far more conducive to

successful operations against the Ti-pings than even brilliant and

dashing generalship. His tactics were to destroy them from a distance

by his long-range artillery, which was a thing to be done generally with

perfect impunity, because the Ti-pings were almost entirely without

cannon.

The aim of the revolutionists is to get at close quarters with the

enemy, and wherever they have been able to accomplish this, even the

disciplined and foreign-officered troops have been beaten. Unfortunately

they have seldom been able to effect their favourite manoeuvre against

the latter, the overwhelming artillery and regular volleys of musketry

sweeping away every attempted formation of the Ti-ping troops long

before it could be completed.

_General_ Gordon having assumed command of the once despised

mercenaries, that is to say, despised before the despisers were able to

handle the loaves and fishes, he very wisely spent several months in

thoroughly reorganizing his troops and raising his artillery to a

strength and state of efficiency perfectly irresistible by the Ti-pings.

During this period, besides the officers of the force, numerous

drill-instructors were supplied by the British general at Shanghae, so

that Gordon's, Kingsley's, Cooke's, and other legions, soon became

formidable both as to numbers, armament, and discipline, _a l'Anglais_.

The first operations directed by Gordon were against Fu-shan and the

beleaguered city of Chang-zu, the former of which was captured and the

latter relieved, the Ti-pings losing some 1,200 men; Gordon's force, 2

killed and 3 wounded! These relative casualties afford a fair sample of

the usual result of nearly every engagement. The immense loss of life

upon the Ti-ping side during the years 1862-3-4, and part of the

present, may easily be imagined, and will be found stated in detail in

the approximate table at the end of this volume,[46] which has been

compiled principally from official sources. Gordon, in his own report of

the operations above referred to, states: "The number of guns was

terrific, and although after every shot the rebels would fire from one

or two loop-holes, it was evident they had no chance." The position

exposed to this "terrific" fire was simply a few open stockades,

undefended by artillery.

At this time Gordon's force mustered, all told, about 5,000 men;

Kingsley's, 1,000; Cooke's, 1,500; and the Franco-Manchoo contingents,

commanded respectively by _Generals_ D'Aguibelle, Giquel, and Bonnefoi,

from 3,000 to 4,000. Subsequently other legions and artillery corps

attached to the irregular Imperial troops, about 2,500 in all, were

formed and commanded by _Colonels_ Bailey, Howard, Rhode, &c., while the

total force of trained Chinese generally maintained the relative

strength here given, viz., 14,000.

The disaster to the Ti-pings in the vicinity of Shanghae, the report of

which, as mentioned before their victory at Tait-san, reached Nankin

shortly after my return, consisted in their loss of the former city, and

the still more important one of Quin-san, after a desperate and gallant

defence at each.

General Brown, Commander-in-Chief of H. B. Majesty's forces in China,

having, by every description of help and assistance, placed Gordon's

troops in a state of complete effectiveness, the latter once more moved

upon the devoted city of Tait-san.

Upon this occasion Gordon was supplied with a heavy siege train,

including 8-inch howitzers and large mortars, _all belonging to the

British army_; while General Brown sent a force of 550 men (including

detachments of Royal Artillery, H. M. 31st regiment, Belooches, and B.

N. I.) to look after his guns and take care that his _protege_ should

not suffer a similar defeat to that experienced by _General_ Holland. In

fact, General Brown maintained a large force at Shanghae for the express

purpose of assisting the Imperialists, supplying them with artillery and

men to garrison the cities they captured.

The capture of Tait-san is one of the most desperate encounters on the

records of the Anglo-Manchoo forces.

In addition to the trained troops, Sing, a Manchoo general, joined in

the attack with 5,000 to 7,000 men. The strength of the garrison was not

less than 4,000, including little boys, who, according to the usual

custom, were stationed with heaps of stones to throw upon the

assailants.

After shelling the Ti-pings from their outworks, Gordon arrived under

the walls of Tait-san on the 2nd of May, 1863. In his report to _General

Brown_, Gordon states:--"About noon fire was opened from two guns, and

by degrees more guns were brought into action, till at 2 p.m. every gun

and mortar was in action, _the troops being under cover_. As the

defences got dilapidated the guns were advanced, and at 4.30 p.m. the

boats were moved up and the assault commenced. The rebels swarmed to the

breach, and for ten to twelve minutes a hand-to-hand contest took place,

canister being fired into the breach from this side of the ditch, and a

heavy musketry fire kept up."

From this statement we find that after crumbling the ancient city walls

to dust, and pouring in the tremendous fire of his numerous artillery

for four hours and a half, his own men being in perfect safety, while

the unfortunate defenders were torn to pieces by the storm of shot and

shell to which they could make no reply, _General_ Gordon at last

ordered the assault. This, however, was gallantly repulsed by the brave

garrison, who, though almost decimated by the murderous artillery,

despite the hail of "canister" from enfilading batteries and the "heavy

musketry fire" poured upon them by the adverse covering parties, rushed

into the wide-spread ruins of the breach and drove the assailants back

in a desperate hand-to-hand encounter.

Rallied by their officers, the division of stormers again returned to

the assault, only, however, to be met with equal determination by the

Ti-pings, who again successfully repulsed them.

_General_ Gordon now placed his men under cover, inflicting heavy loss

upon the defenders of the breach by pouring continual discharges of

grape and canister shot into their dense ranks. For some time this

artillery practice was resumed; a fresh storming party was then told

off, and the breach again attacked with much bravery, and again defended

with equal courage. The trained troops wavered and were nearly driven

back a third time, but being reinforced by fresh men, rallied, and

finally carried the breach. This, however, was not effected until the

commandant of the city had been severely wounded, and a great proportion

of his officers killed or disabled. The Ti-pings then gave way and

escaped, carrying off many of their wounded, with their wives and

children, through the gates at the other side of the town. The snake

flags of Tsah, the commandant, remained in the breach until the summit

was in possession of the enemy, when they were carried off in safety.

The Imperialists were assisted by the steamer _Hyson_ in their attack

upon Tait-san, which vessel caused no little alarm to the garrison by

steaming along the creeks encircling the city, and throwing heavy shell

among them, besides seriously menacing their line of retreat. Another

great help to the besiegers consisted in the presence of the British

_corps de reserve_, stationed at the village of Wy-con-sin close by, and

which the Ti-pings fully expected would attack them should the

disciplined Chinese be defeated.

The loss of the Anglo-Manchoo force upon this occasion was about two

hundred; the Ti-pings, soldiery and civilians, killed in action, or

afterwards caught by the Imperialists and cruelly put to death, cannot

have been less than two thousand.

At Tait-san, as at Kah-ding, Tsing-poo, and every other city wrested

from the Ti-pings either before or subsequently, the capture was

followed by the perpetration of most revolting barbarities by the

Imperial troops and Mandarins, whenever the attention of the British

officers who assisted them to capture the places was withdrawn.

_General_ Gordon and the commanding officers of other contingents saved

some of the Ti-ping prisoners who had been captured; but for the

destruction of many thousands of innocent men, including country people,

non-combatant inhabitants of the cities, and women and children, they

are criminally responsible.

Upon the first capture of Kah-ding by the British forces, when General

Staveley's _humane_ disposition led him to station the Imperialist

troops so as to intercept the flight of the garrison from his artillery

fire, the following scenes were enacted, as appears by a letter from the

Rev. Mr. Lobschied, published in the _Hong Kong Daily Press_ of June

28th:--

"A small gate being the only issue through which the women and

children could escape from their _deliverers_, they rushed upon

the wall, and threw themselves down a great height, rather than

fall into the hands of the combined forces. Those that were

immediately killed were lucky enough; for they were saved from

the sufferings that awaited the survivors. Whilst looting and

killing was going on within the walls, until darkness threw her

veil over the scenes of horror, several hundreds of men, women,

and children, whose only crime was that of being citizens of

Kah-ding when taken by the rebels, were lying outside the city

walls with broken limbs, helpless, and parched with thirst. When

morning arrived, a few gentlemen passed outside the wall through

the narrow gate, in order to take a retrospect of the field of

action. What did they see? The Imperialists, having become aware

of the large number of sufferers outside the wall, had resorted

thither long before the rising of the sun, were just stripping

the poor people, and cutting off their heads, which they would

take with them as trophies of their victory, when the two

gentlemen (one of whom was an officer) happened to disturb

them."

The unfortunate people above referred to were a portion of those

massacred by the troops of the Chinese general Le, the same worthy who,

when reporting to General Staveley his execution of the duties assigned

him, offered to produce the left ears of 1,300 rebels.

At Tait-san similar atrocities were committed by the forces of Sing, the

Manchoo commander. Hundreds of civilians were killed for the sake of

their heads, and some prisoners were actually taken to the camp of the

British _corps de reserve_, formed in conjunction with an Imperialist

one, and there cruelly tortured to death. The execution of seven victims

in particular is fully attested by Dr. Murtagh,[47] 22nd B. N. I.; other

"eye-witnesses," including the Bishop of Victoria, have personally

assured me of their positive knowledge as to this and other atrocities

more revolting, and upon a more extensive scale, that have been

inflicted upon Ti-pings captured by means of the British alliance with

the Manchoo. The following is an extract from a letter published in most

of the Shanghae papers, and vouched for as being true by Dr. Murtagh:--

EXTRACT FROM THE "NORTH CHINA HERALD" OF JUNE 13, 1863.

_Treatment of Ti-ping Prisoners._

(To the Editor of the _Daily Shipping and Commercial News_.)

"... About 11 o'clock a.m. on the day following the capture of

Tait-san (_Sunday_, May 3rd), seven prisoners were brought into

the Imperialist camp near Wy-con-sin; being stripped perfectly

nude, they were each tied to a stake, and tortured with the most

refined cruelty. Arrows appeared to have been forcibly driven

into various parts of their bodies, from whence issued copious

streams of blood. This mode of torture falling short of

satiating the demoniacal spirit of their tormentors, recourse

was had to other means. Strips of flesh were cut, or rather

hacked (judging from the appearance presented, the instrument

seemed too blunt to cut), from different parts of their bodies,

which, hanging by a small portion of skin, presented an

appearance truly horrible....

"For hours these wretched beings writhed in agony. About sunset

they were led forth more dead than alive by a brutal

executioner, who, sword in hand, thirsting to imbrue his hand in

blood, seemed the very incarnation of a fiend. Seizing his

unfortunate victims, he exultingly dragged them forth, mocking

and insulting them, and then, by hewing, hacking, and using a

sawing motion, he succeeded eventually in putting an end to

their sufferings by partially severing the head from the body.

Such are the bare facts, which can, if necessary, be fully

substantiated by other eye-witnesses....

"(Signed) AN EYE-WITNESS."

As further evidence of the atrocities which were committed in these

fearful times, the following letter will speak emphatically. It was

written at the time, and addressed to the editor of the _Shanghae

Recorder_, by Mr. J. C. Sillar, a merchant of high position, by whose

permission it is now published:--

"NO MORE MURDERS.

"(To the Editor of the _Shanghae Recorder_.)

"SIR,--A gentleman who was present at the capture of Tsingpo

informed me that he held the heads of fourteen women with his

own hands while their throats, which had been cut by the English

or French soldiers (perhaps both) were being sewn up. There were

many more, but he held the heads of fourteen with his own hands.

"I trust that, in the event of the capture of Kading, steps may

be taken to prevent such atrocities either by our own men or the

'disciplined Chinese.'

"Your obedient servant,

"J. C. SILLAR.

"Shanghae, October 18, 1862."

"The women stated that their throats had been cut by the English

soldiers; but, upon being asked to identify them, pointed to the

French.

"J. C. S."

Placing the Manchoo, Sing, in charge of Tait-san, _General_ Gordon moved

forward to reconnoitre Quin-san, the next Ti-ping city in the direction

of Soo-chow, the provincial capital. After establishing a large

Imperialist army in a stockaded position close to its walls, he returned

with his own force to Soong-kong, the head-quarters, for the purpose of

obtaining from General Brown, at Shanghae, further supplies of H. B.

Majesty's shot and shell, preparatory to bombarding the city. When all

the necessary munitions of war had been received from the British

arsenals, Gordon returned to his allies outside the east gate of

Quin-san.

The garrison, upon the arrival of Gordon's troops, sallied forth upon

them in strong force, but after a desperate attempt to come to close

quarters were driven back by the artillery with much loss. Now,

unfortunately for the Ti-pings, the scientific knowledge of their enemy

led him to investigate the strategic and defensive position of Quin-san

with unmistakable perception of its weak points. He quickly discovered

that the place was so situated as to possess but one line of retreat or

supply, in consequence of the numerous small lakes, Imperialist

outposts, and broad creeks in every other direction. Consequently,

instead of directly attacking the city, Gordon moved his army, supported

by the steamer _Hyson_ and a large fleet of well-armed gunboats, against

its only line of communication, a road constructed along the bank of a

wide creek leading to Soo-chow. This movement was no sooner perceived by

the garrison of Quin-san, than, finding their position rendered

perfectly untenable, they commenced to evacuate the city as fast as

possible. Refugees from Tait-san and the surrounding country had

increased the number of inhabitants considerably, and, as at many places

their only line of retreat was but a few feet broad, with deep creeks on

either side, and continual narrow bridges spanning the numerous canals

intersecting the country with a perfect maze of water, their escape from

the city occupied the entire day, and their long thin line stretched for

miles along this narrow road. The rush of the panic-stricken people was

so great that the Ti-ping troops became inextricably mingled with and

confused among them.

A few miles from Quin-san the _Hyson_ and the gunboats came upon the

fugitives where their line of retreat was intersected by the creek, up

which the vessels were advancing; their progress, however, was for some

time arrested by a couple of stockades, into which a few soldiers

managed to throw themselves, and by an obstruction presented by a strong

row of stakes driven firmly across the creek. During the delay, the

_Hyson's_ European officers amused themselves by an incessant fire of

grape and canister poured among the helpless people seeking to escape

almost in front of the muzzle of her 32-pounder bow gun. Gordon, in his

report to General Brown,[48] after noticing the "well-cultivated"

appearance of the country, states that the _Hyson_ continued this

murderous work for "over three hours," at the expiration of which time

he arrived with his troops and drove the defenders from their stockades.

Immediately upon this, the _Hyson_, as Gordon states, "overhauled the

rebels and followed them slowly up. The creek was positively jammed up

with their boats, and at the bridge at Edin the crush was awful." Now,

how those who directed the fire of shell and _mitraille_ from the

_Hyson_ managed to avoid injuring the women and children, who

constituted a great proportion of the people contained in the boats,

does not appear.

When the unfortunates had been leisurely followed up and ceaselessly

attacked until they reached the vicinity of Soo-chow, and the protection

afforded by its garrison, the steamer turned about and slowly ran back.

The report, continuing from this point, states:--

"All this time rebel stragglers had been dropping into the

Soochow road from all parts, and the _Hyson_ had to _continue

her work_ all the way back, sometimes being so close on masses

of rebels that she had to resort to some measure to get clear of

them, and so adopted the novel expedient of using her steam

whistle, which, singular as it may appear, had the desired

effect.... Mounted men would try and gallop by the steamer not

six yards from her; others positively rode or tried to ride past

when she was alongside the road. _The grape and canister must

have told fearfully, owing to their numbers._... We had not

ceased shelling until 2.30 _a.m._"

At least nine-tenths of the wretched people who thus perished under the

orders of _General_ Gordon--who, by the way, seems to have become very

quickly imbued with the "Chinese character" prophesied by the British

minister at Pekin--were non-combatants. The manner in which British

officers dealt destruction to their victims during _twenty hours_, with

absolute impunity to themselves, would be too revolting to be credible,

but for its plain avowal by Major Gordon, R.E., himself. This almost

unparalleled proceeding is merely the prototype of many other atrocities

perpetrated by the Anglo-Manchoo legion and its Imperialist allies.

During all the operations against the Ti-pings, and all the terrible

consequences following the fall of their cities, can Major Gordon say

how many were peaceful inhabitants, whose only fault was the fact that

they were inmates of a town captured and held by the revolutionists?

Fully nine-tenths of the Ti-ping killed and wounded, so vain-gloriously,

were only guilty of submission to the _de facto_ Power; the remainder

were _bona fide_ Ti-ping soldiers, whose only crime was their endeavour

to expel the foreign and oppressive dynasty, and to establish the

Christian faith, the persecution of the first converts to which caused

their revolution.

Thousands of the people who fled before the ceaseless shelling from the

_Hyson_ had never seen a steamer before; even the few who had, like all

Chinese, were greatly awed by the supposed qualities of the "fiery

dragon ship;" thus, the shrieking of the steam whistle, the dashing

noise of her paddles, the flaming appearance of her funnel, and the

fearful effect of her artillery fire, must have thrown them into the

wildest consternation. Other steam gunboats, similar to the _Hyson_,

were shortly added to the flotilla attached to Gordon's force, and ever

afterwards their appearance threw the Ti-pings into confusion, and

proved more effective than a great army in the field. The dread inspired

by the steamers was always fatal to every Ti-ping position they

attacked, and not without cause. They were each protected by iron

mantlets, proof against musketry fire, which was all they had to resist,

and carried a heavy bow gun and another at the stern. If the garrison

of any stockade attempted to resist them, their artillery soon battered

down the defences or shelled the defenders, and then came a massacre

similar to that attending the evacuation of Quin-san. The whole country

between Shanghae and Soo-chow is low, marshy, and cut up by innumerable

creeks, canals, dykes, and lakes, the only roads being a few narrow

causeways built along the sides of the principal creeks; therefore,

whenever the garrison of a stockade was driven out, their only line of

retreat was along the bank of a creek, up which a steamer could follow

them for miles, and pour in deadly discharges of grape and canister at a

distance of only a few feet.

It has been estimated that the Ti-ping loss during the evacuation of

Quin-san and the subsequent route was not less than 3,000. Gordon's

force lost 2 killed and 5 drowned!

Having noticed the particulars of the disastrous loss of Tait-san and

Quin-san, we must now come to the still more unfortunate effect caused

by the receipt of the intelligence at Nankin, and the further report

that the ships of the Anglo-Chinese or "Vampyre" flotilla were arriving

at Shanghae.

These events took place in the month of May, 1863, and immediately the

Ti-ping Government heard of them, couriers were despatched in hot haste

after the Chung-wang, recalling his army to the capital. At this time

the Commander-in-Chief had advanced about four hundred miles in the

direction of Pekin, having captured many cities from the enemy, and

completely defeated several large Manchoo armies, one led by the

Imperialist Prince Sung-wang, or San-ko-lin-sin, as he is known to

Europeans. Upon receipt of the orders from Nankin, the Chung-wang was

compelled to forsake all the important advantages he had gained, and

derive no benefit from the series of victories he had achieved, by

abandoning every captured position and precipitately returning to the

capital.

The Ti-ping forces had quite lately reached a fertile part of the

country, where they were recruiting and gradually recovering from the

hardships endured throughout the previous march. From the edge of the

river Yang-tze, in the vicinity where the army first crossed from

Nankin, throughout a naturally sterile country, for a distance of more

than three hundred miles, the retreating Imperialists had devastated

everything far and near, so as to stay the advance of the Ti-pings by

the deadly medium of famine. Every rice-field, farm, and plantation were

destroyed and made a desert waste, so that not the smallest article of

food could be obtained. Fortunately the Chung-wang's commissariat was

well supplied, so his troops were able to traverse the desolated regions

without very much suffering, and by quick movements to limit the

devastation to an extent of three hundred miles.

At the time, however, when the Chung-wang received his orders to return

to Nankin, the supplies of his army had become well nigh exhausted, and

the urgent tone of the despatches made an immediate retreat so

imperative, that no delay to gather in the standing crops or otherwise

collect a sufficient quantity of provisions was possible.

Besides the fall of Tait-san, Quin-san, &c., and the presence of several

"Vampyre" ships at Shanghae, where others were momentarily arriving,

other dangers menaced the Ti-pings; namely, either the destruction of

their best army by starvation, or the prevention of its retreat to

Nankin, by the immense fleet of Imperialist gunboats threatening the

city.

Since the fall of Ngan-king (towards the close of the year 1861), the

Imperialists had gradually approached along both banks of the river,

until at last they managed to capture every place up to the walls of

Nankin. This result was accomplished entirely by the presence of the

well-equipped and innumerable flotilla of row-galleys, just at the

period the Ti-ping Government was alarmed by the loss of Tait-san and

Quin-san. But though the revolutionists were unable to dispute the

supremacy on the great river, simply because they were entirely

destitute of war vessels, they held the country within five miles of the

water for a considerable distance above Nankin on the south bank of the

Yang-tze.

The army commanded by the Chung-wang consisted principally of veteran

troops, natives of the south of China, who originally joined the

movement, and was by far the best in the Ti-ping service. Its strength

of fighting men was not less than 50,000, while numberless refugees,

prisoners, coolies, and others, far more than doubled those figures.

From the intelligence conveyed in his despatches, the General knew at

once that only one course--an instant retreat by forced marches--was

possible, either to save his army from destruction, or succour the

hardly-pressed garrisons of the cities of the silk district. Gathering

all the rice at hand, though it was quite unripe, and foraging

everything that could be used as food, though a full treasury could have

supplied them with suitable provisions had such been available in

sufficient quantity, the army broke ground and commenced its disastrous

return to Nankin. The supplies soon proved inadequate to last one half

the distance to be traversed; consequently, this retreat proved more

terribly destructive to the army than a dozen bad defeats would have

been. The latter part of the forced marches these starving men had to

perform led through desert places and low marshy ground; and, to add to

the horrors of their situation, the Yang-tze having considerably

overflowed its banks, the low country for a great distance inland was

completely flooded. Through this, and many a weary mile of bamboo swamp,

had the exhausted and starving Ti-pings to force their way.

Whenever a piece of firmer ground was reached, it could only be passed

after defeating the Manchoo troops in occupation, who, well supplied

with food, clothing, and boats, swarmed around the perishing and

retreating army in thousands, now that it could be done with impunity.

As the unfortunate Ti-pings approached nearer and nearer to the bank of

the river, their sufferings (if possible) became increased. Frequently

they came to places totally impassable except by swimming, and at such

they had to cross exposed to the attacks of numerous squadrons of

Imperialist gunboats, stationed at every available position to cut off

or harass their retreat. Can anything more dreadful than the state of

these unhappy patriots be imagined? For nearly a month they had

subsisted entirely upon the grass of the fields, the green tops of

bamboo, and the bodies of the dead!--while their march lay through the

mazes of dense bamboo jungle, and swamps of mud and water--frequently of

a depth which prevented fording. During the whole of this fearful

retreat, their rear, front, and flanks were incessantly harassed by the

attacks of the cowardly and bloodthirsty enemy, who cruelly murdered

hundreds of exhausted men, whom they were quite unable to withstand in

fair fight. Thousands perished in this manner, and thousands more were

horribly suffocated in the morasses, or drowned among the swamps. Who is

responsible for all this misery and loss of life? It was _caused_

entirely through British intervention, and the material aid given to the

Manchoo. At last the leading division of the army made its appearance

opposite Nankin, and then arose the difficulty of transporting it across

the river.

During several days preceding the arrival of the remnant of the

Chung-wang's troops, the enemy had maintained an incessant attack upon

the batteries and forts commanding the passage of the river, and had

particularly concentrated their efforts against a large fort on the

opposite side, the capture of which would have placed the whole north

bank in their hands, and would also have cut off all retreat. About a

week previous, the _Anglo-Ti-ping_, with my old craft and three junks,

had run the Imperial blockade and safely arrived at the Nankin creek,

each heavily laden with rice and other provisions. My friend D---- had

caught a passing steamer, and proceeded on to Shanghae upon business.

P---- remained with the lorcha, and I joined him on board, taking my

wife with me, as the Sz-wang and principal chiefs in the city had

requested me to assist in the defence of the river forts. Directly the

Imperialists became aware of the near approach of the Chung-wang's army,

they began their attacks upon the fort on the other side of the river.

This work, Kew-fu-chew, as the Ti-pings named it, was directly opposite

the batteries (at the entrance of the creek) which extended along the

edge of the river, on the narrow strip of land forming the outer bank of

the creek until it turned inland towards the city. These batteries

mounted a number of heavy guns; though, as nearly all were of Chinese

make--huge, unwieldy masses of iron, bigger than an English 68, but with

the bore of only a 4 or 6-pounder--few were moveable or manageable. As a

rule, until taught by Europeans, the Chinese are wretched artillerists,

their guns being usually lashed firm in one position, from which they

can neither be moved by the muzzle radius, nor breech-elevating

principle; so that, be the object far or near, the guns are fired at the

same range in every case. Among the many useless guns, the appearance of

which had far more to do with frightening away the enemy than their

effectiveness, I at last found five or six that were really

serviceable--including an English naval 32-pounder, one 18-pounder, a

large French cannon, and several fine brass Chinese guns. As there

happened to be nearly thirty European and American trading vessels at

the port, I managed to raise a corps of about twenty-five volunteers to

work the artillery. My own lorcha carried two beautiful pivot-guns

amidships, which proved of no little use during the different actions.

Regularly at daylight every morning the enemy would commence their

attack upon Kew-fu-chew, and the smaller forts above the Sz-wang's

position. Their plan of battle was well formed and very picturesque in

appearance; successive squadrons of gunboats would sail down and engage

the fort, delivering their fire; and then, filling away before a fair

wind, returning to their position up the river. These vessels were

assisted by others co-operating from below the Ti-ping lines; all being

profusely decorated with gaudy flags, and propelled by numerous oars on

either side.

The whole scene of battle formed a never-to-be-forgotten spectacle. The

gallant appearance of the innumerable gunboats tacking down stream, and

opening fire, one after the other, in regular order; some crossing in

every direction, and others running back dead before the wind, with

their broad and prettily-cut lateen sails stretching out on either side

like a pair of snowy wings; the incessant roar of the cannonade; the

flash of the guns; the curling smoke, at first dense and impenetrable,

and then dissolving into thin wreaths, gracefully circling round the

rigging and the white sails; the steady reply from the flag-covered

forts, now enveloped in clouds of sulphurous vapour, anon standing forth

clear and sharply defined against the dark background formed by the

waving bamboo; the peaceful current of the noble Yang-tze river--here

narrowed to a point less than 1,800 yards across, though stretching far

and wide immediately beyond on either side; the grim embattled walls of

Nankin, towering over the plain a few miles distant; mountains of

fantastic shape on every side--some near, impending and majestic;

others, cloud-capped and dimly visible in the distance; the cheer and

cry of battle mingling with the echo of artillery--all combined,

produced an effect truly grand and imposing.

At last the garrison of Kew-fu-chew reported that the leading columns of

the Chung-wang's army were in sight; upon which further reinforcements

were instantly thrown into all the forts, while every boat was made

ready for the purpose of transporting the approaching troops across the

river. Even when they had arrived within sight of their capital, the

sufferings of the unfortunate people were not completed until they had

endured much more loss by the assaults of the enemy. Upon the arrival of

the famished and emaciated troops at the brink of the river, they were

saluted with one continuous cannonade from the gunboats that now found

ample opportunities of slaughtering them as they crowded the bank for a

distance of nearly two miles. With incredible fortitude they maintained

their position, and did not flinch backward by the least perceptible

movement; and, in the face of the terrible fire poured into their dense

masses at point-blank range (mostly from _English_ guns), proceeded to

the work of embarkation as steadily as their weakened condition would

permit.

Directly the first detachment appeared on the beach, I sailed over to

help them with all my vessels, and getting a dozen Europeans on board

the lorcha, worked her against the enemy with considerable effect. The

fearful sights that met my gaze upon every part of the shore I shall

never forget. Very many of the weakest men, totally unable to assist

themselves further, were left to die within sight of the goal for which

they had striven so hard and suffered so greatly, their number being so

large that their comrades were not sufficient to help, or get them over

the river in the presence of the enemy. The horrible "thud" of the

cannon shot crashing continuously among the living skeletons, so densely

packed at places that they were swept off by the river, into which they

were forced by the pressure from behind; the perfect immobility with

which they confronted the death hurled upon them from more than a

thousand gunboats; and the slow effort the exhausted survivors made to

extricate themselves from the mangled bodies of their stricken comrades,

were scenes awful to contemplate. It was dreadful to watch day after day

during the time occupied in getting the remnant of that once splendid

army across the river, with but little means to succour them, the lanes

cut through the helpless multitude on the beach by the merciless fire of

the enemy; all so passively endured. The gaunt, starved forms, and wild

staring eyes of those who had laid themselves down to die, haunted me

for many a future night.

Frequently during the passage of the river, some small boat, with its

scarcely living freight, would be drifted away from the protection of

the Nankin batteries by the strength of the tide, the overcrowded boat

being too heavily laden to be moved quickly enough by the weakened arms

of the rowers. Whenever such an event took place, the mandarin boats

would dart upon their defenceless prey, and immediately chop off the

heads of all on board in the most brutal manner, throwing the bodies of

the victims into the river within sight of their comrades, who were

totally unable to assist them. In these cases the poor fellows struggled

and fought against their murderers with the energy of despair, as

desperately as their enfeebled condition would permit; but this was of

little avail, for nearly all their fire-arms were rendered useless, the

powder being saturated with water, while they were far too weak to wield

other weapons effectively.

I received the Chung-wang on board my vessel, and carried him to the

Nankin side, when he had seen the greater part of his surviving troops

safely across the river. My comrade, L----, was with him, also the

Sardinian officer of the late Ling-ho's regiment; but I never saw my

brave lieutenant, Phillip Bosse, again: he had fallen at the head of the

Chung-wang's guards, while gallantly protecting the retreat of the main

body.

Upon the twelfth day all who could be saved were across the Yang-tze,

and under the friendly shadow of the Nankin walls, whilst, on the other

side of the river, none remained but the garrison of the fort and the

numerous bodies of those who had perished of hunger or had been

slaughtered by the enemy. At last all seemed laid in the sleep of death,

until some poor wretch would suddenly crawl to the brink of the desired

water, and then fall into the swift current either to quench his burning

thirst or terminate his agony.

Even now the bleached skeletons of many thousands of these unfortunate

victims to British intervention may be seen in the positions in which

they fell, waiting for the hand of decay to obliterate the last sad

trace of their existence.

The Chung-wang's army had formed the best and bravest part of the whole

Ti-ping forces; in fact, his troops were the _elite_ of the whole

military organization, being principally composed of veterans who had

joined the cause from its infancy, and to whom defeat was really

unknown. A great proportion of the original nucleus of the revolution

was included in its ranks, consisting of the men from Kwang-tung,

Kwang-si, and the Miau-tze, who, inspired with the religious enthusiasm

so conducive to the wonderful success which attended the earlier stages

of the Ti-ping movement, and imbued with that spirit of chivalry which

defied all obstacles, dreaded no dangers, and endured cruel torture,

became the true champions of the great religious and political Chinese

revolution. Unless Christendom chooses to deny the theory that Asia is

to be Christianized by a process similar to the manner in which it was

itself converted from Heathenism, it is impossible to dispute the fact

that Hung-sui-tshuen and his followers have commenced a work that shall

never perish nor be forgotten. The very fact that the leaders of the

Ti-ping movement, from the first day of its existence, forced their

tenets upon the sage contempt of the literati, the general repugnance of

the people, and the well-known hatred of the innumerable Manchoo

employes, proves most convincingly that it was a holy element which

animated those chiefs and their followers, and which induced them to

forsake the theories of their ancient and deeply venerated sages, to

rely upon the help and attributes of an Eternal Judge.

Unfortunately, by the disastrous retreat to Nankin, the Ti-pings lost

the greater proportion of those adherents whose religious fervour has

induced me to compare them to the heroes and champions of the early

Christian Church. There are doubtless those who, from their self-erected

pinnacle of righteousness, will prove sceptics as to the reality of

Ti-ping Christianity; but I trust all who have had the patience to

accompany me through this history will consider that point effectually

proved in favour of the revolutionists.

The remnant of the Chung-wang's army scarcely amounted to 15,000

effective men, and from this number reinforcements had to be thrown into

Nankin, Soo-chow, Chang-chow, Wu-sie, and other cities menaced by the

enemy; consequently, when the General-in-Chief proceeded to the

districts invaded by the Anglo-Franco-Manchoo mercenaries in the

neighbourhood of Soo-chow, he was not accompanied by more than 7,000

troops; yet with this small force he managed to keep the overwhelming

numbers of the enemy for some time at bay, to control and reassure many

garrisons wavering in loyalty, and to protect a great extent of

frontier. Had his once splendid army been intact and serviceable, the

Imperialists and their allies would have to tell a very different tale

to that of the expulsion of the Ti-pings from their former territory.

On the day succeeding the passage of the last surviving troops across

the river, the enemy seemed determined to vent his wrath at their escape

by a general attack upon all the fortifications. From early morning the

assailants had swarmed down in countless gunboats, covering the whole

expanse of the Yang-tze, and completely hiding the fort of Kew-fu-chew

from our view by the dense clouds of smoke proceeding from their

ceaseless bombardment. The adverse flotilla in the neighbourhood of

Nankin was closely estimated at a strength of 3,000 gunboats of all

sizes, some carrying only one light gun in the bow, others mounting four

or five rather heavy cannon.

The Imperialists maintained their attack with much vigour and

determination until late at night. Throughout the day we were unable to

do much harm to them, their vessels being nearly always perfectly

concealed by smoke, so that our guns could only be pointed at chance

range. The roar from nearly 2,000 pieces of artillery was terrific and

deafening beyond description. As night closed in we were enabled to make

much better practice from our batteries by noticing the flashes of the

enemy's guns, and aiming in the direction indicated. At about 10 p.m.

our fire proved so effective that the whole fleet relinquished the

attack and retreated both up and down the river. Owing to the vast

number of gunboats which were crowded together in the comparatively

small space between the Nankin batteries and the fort opposite, our fire

must have inflicted severe loss, yet they persisted in the engagement

with a courage I have never before or afterwards seen equalled by troops

of the Manchoo Government.

In spite of this resolute attack, the Ti-pings garrisoning the

fortifications were singularly indifferent, and laughed to scorn the

idea that the _Ya-mun-qui_ (Mandarin-palace devils, as they delighted to

call them) could ever capture any outwork of Nankin. When I remonstrated

with the old Kung-wang about the negligent guard at night, he replied:

"I have held these forts for twelve years, and, unless Tien-voo deserts

me, shall hold them twelve years more, so far as the 'Imps' are

concerned." That very night, or rather morning, he found occasion to

regret his overweening confidence.

The lurid glare of battle during the early night, the thunder of

artillery, the crashing of shot, the fiery track of the arrow-headed

rockets, followed by the occasional explosion of a gunboat, the whole

din and prospect of tumult, had died away, and been replaced by the

deathlike calm of a beautiful summer's night. Dirty, begrimed with

powder, and fatigued with labour and excitement, my party of European

volunteers, L---- (who had remained on board our lorcha), Captain P----,

and myself, took advantage of the quiet interval and retired to rest.

Unfortunately for us, the deceitful calm proved doubly treacherous.

Tap, tap, went the bamboo signals of the solitary sentinels around the

forts under whose shadow our vessel rode silently at anchor; tum, tum,

sounded the drums of the guards ensconced in the little look-out houses

perched along the walls; and at last these monotonous echoes, sharply

distinguished from out the surrounding stillness, proved irresistibly

somniferous; gradually they became fainter and less frequent, and then

ceased altogether.

How long our sleep lasted I do not know, but suddenly I was aroused by

the crashing roar of artillery seemingly right alongside our vessel. At

the same moment I heard my friends start up in the adjoining cabin, and

together we rushed on deck.

Daylight was just dawning, but it was not required to enlighten the

scenes taking place around. The water, neighbouring shore, and forts,

were illuminated by the red glare of war. Above and below on the river;

outside the batteries; on the broad arm of the Yang-tze, running past

the Nankin creek and forming Tasohea Island; everywhere, in fact, the

gunboats of the enemy were upon us in countless numbers; while the vivid

and repeated flashes of their artillery made the air alive with bright

coruscations. Early on the morning of June 28, 1863, the Imperialists

made their daring and partially successful _coup de main_. In dense

lines, completely covering the broad expanse of the river, they had

pulled rapidly down stream; running the gauntlet of the stronger forts

held by the Sze and Kung Wangs, and making the weaker ones just

beyond the entrance of the Nankin creek the object of their attack. Each

gunboat maintained a very quick fire of cannon, heavy gingals, rockets,

fire-arrows, and every description of missile known in China, many of

which took effect among the light-built houses inside the larger forts.

On the other hand, the Ti-pings were entirely taken by surprise; the

guns of the river forts were not loaded, and, being heavy, could not be

quickly enough worked, or sufficiently depressed to obtain more than a

couple of rounds before the last division of the enemy had swept past,

the first having run by, and entered the channel between Tasohea Island

and the mainland, almost before the alarm was given. The few shots that

were delivered inflicted great havoc among the closely-packed gunboats

right under the muzzles of the heavy artillery in the Kung-wang's fort;

and the yellow waters of the mighty Yang-tze engulphed many a shattered

man and vessel, while pieces of wreck were strewed upon the surface, and

swiftly borne away to excite the wonder of distant villagers on the

banks of the rapid river.

[Illustration:

DAY & SON (LIMITED) LITH.

IMPERIALIST ATTACK ON THE RIVER FORTS AT NANKIN]

When off Theodolite Point, hundreds of the war-boats pulled inside the

island, and made a dash upon the small forts on the mainland, and the

foreign trading vessels anchored in the channel; while many soldiers,

landing from others, captured the works on the end of the island,

killing man, woman, and child, as the affrighted people rushed from

their houses and attempted to escape. The small forts, being surrounded

by overwhelming numbers, were quickly taken and then set on fire. Three

large war-junks defending the mouth of the Nankin creek were also fired

by the enemy, before their crews were fairly awake or had time to

deliver a second broadside. At this moment I rushed on deck with my

comrades. Our lorcha was lying close astern of the last _Ti-mung_, or

war-junk, and many European craft were at anchor closer to Tasohea

Island, and nearer to the main river; some of these I saw boarded by

the Imperialists, who instantly murdered the few Europeans, plundered

the vessels, and then set them on fire.

I saw at a glance that nothing but instant flight could save our lives,

if it were not already too late. The gunboats were everywhere around,

firing away indiscriminately in all directions. Fortunately our old junk

was fast alongside the lorcha, which was far too heavy to escape from

smaller craft; so abandoning the latter, containing all our property and

nearly everything we had in the world, with my wife and friends I went

on board the lighter vessel. We then cut her adrift and tried to escape

down the channel. The land on each side being occupied by hostile

troops, and the upper part of the channel leading into the river being

crowded with their war-boats, it was the only course open.

At the moment we shoved off and left the _Anglo-Ti-ping_ to her fate,

several gunboats boarded her from the opposite side, while others poured

a terrible fire into our old junk, whose decks were covered with

grape-shot, which had fallen harmless, from the hurried loading of our

assailants.

While all around seemed a mass of fire and flame, the daylight obscured

by the dense pall of smoke above, the earth shaken by the ceaseless

cannonade below, and while the fiery track of rockets, accompanied by

their hissing sound, and the "wheep" of the shot whistling everywhere

about, kept up the jubilee of war and destruction, we had drifted with

the tide a few cables' length away from the lorcha, and made sail to the

light though freshening breeze that offered our only chance of escape.

A squall of wind was parting the heavy volume of smoke and fire, and

coming towards us, when a number of gunboats appeared in full chase,

keeping up a very heavy fire, the crew of the nearest throwing

stink-pots, with which they managed to ignite our mainsail. I was just

turning to my dear wife to hurry her below, when a volley of musketry

was poured in by the troops on board the attacking vessels. I saw my

faithful friend and companion, L----, fall to the deck, but almost at

the same moment, struck by a spent ball, I became senseless.

I know not what period may have elapsed, but when at length I was

restored to consciousness, it was but to realize the exquisite

bitterness of my loss. Close to where my best and long-proved friend had

fallen, lay the lifeless form of my well-loved wife, pierced by a flight

of bullets.

FOOTNOTES:

[41] Alluding to _Admiral_ Sherrard Osborne's 'Vampyre' fleet.

[42] Since the loss of Nankin, and all their former cities, through

British hostility, this has resulted to a certain extent only; for

still, with wonderful forbearance, the Ti-pings have not begun to ravage

the country, their moderation in the neighbourhood of Amoy, where they

now are in force, being well known.

[43] In honour of the Holy Trinity.

[44] The officiating priest.

[45] It is hardly to be understood how dishonourable men are "worthy a

more honourable death."

[46] Table of Ti-ping loss of life.

[47] _Vide_ pp. 126 and 108, Blue Book on China, No. 3, 1864, for Dr.

Murtagh's letter, and the attestation by Bishop Boone and the Bishop of

Victoria of the statements of two other eye-witnesses.

[48] _Vide_ Blue Book on China, No. 3, 1864 p. 111.

Ti-Ping Tien-Kwoh: The History of the Ti-Ping Revolution (Volume II) · 第 7 / 12 章