_March_ 1. This morning the Bey sent us a couple of fine sheep,

and, before we were dressed, a cowhass called to summon me to his

divan. He showed us his stables, in which were six horses, of the

true Dongolah breed, black and brown, of whom the black were the

finest, but all of them had rather upright pasterns, and four white

legs: sometimes the white extends over the thighs, and occasionally

over the belly. They are not light, slender horses like some of

the best race of Arabs, being more remarkable for their strength:

their appearance reminded me very much of the Egyptian horses,

as represented on the walls of Thebes. They would make magnificent

cavalry horses; but if they were brought on a race course, I think

their appearance would induce few to back them, except, perhaps,

for a _three-mile_ heat; certainly not for the St. Leger. The breed

is rare now, and valuable. Even here a good Dongolah horse fetches

from 50_l._ to 150_l._ After dinner he went to his harem to sleep,

and then returned to the government-house. He then sent for me again,

and kept me with him until ten at night. Dinner and supper were

served in the same style as on the preceding day.

_March_ 2. This morning the Bey sent for me as before, and kept me

till after dinner, when I started for Shendy in his own boat, which

he had the goodness to lend me. He invited me to make a longer stay,

but I had no time to lose. These three days, however, have not been

altogether mis-spent, as I have obtained some important information. I

complained to the Bey yesterday, that, on account of the prejudices

of the people, we were unable to draw any of the costumes of the

country. The Bey very coolly declared, that whoever dared to refuse,

he would cut off his head! Though this summary order was coolly

received in the divan, we did not hesitate to avail ourselves of

it, and immediately set to work, and drew the portraits of all the

dignitaries of consequence at his court. I have already referred

the reader to the portraits of Melek Nazr ed Deen, Sheakh Beshir,

and Sheakh Seyd. Some of them were very reluctant, in spite of all

our persuasion, particularly one native prince called Mousa. (See

coloured plate, XVI.) His likeness, taken by Signor B., is admirable,

the colour correct, and his figure is the finest specimen of manly

beauty I have seen in this country. His breast, as will be observed

in the plate, has somewhat of a projection, a peculiarity I have

often observed in Upper Nubia. It is considered a great deformity,

and those who have it often submit to a most painful operation for

its removal. Mousa, when my artist had finished his portrait, begged

the Bey to treat him as a man, and not show him like a beast. He

is the son of a melek, but now serves as a groom. He is famous for

his courage and dexterity in the use of the sabre. To use their own

exaggerated Oriental language, he is capable of killing 100 men in

battle. In our tent, yesterday, we took the figure and costume of a

Bishareen boy, about eighteen, whose father, a powerful sheakh, had

attempted to excite a revolt against the Pasha. Not being successful,

he fled, and his son was detained in prison until the father paid

a fine of 250 camels. By way of a jest, though a barbarous one,

which I should not have allowed had I known of it, the Bey and his

officers told the poor boy that we were to cut off his head, being

Turks deputed from Cairo for that special purpose. He sat down on

the ground in the attitude represented, with his head turned on one

side, and remained motionless, in the same position, nearly three

quarters of an hour. We remarked that we had never had a subject who

sat so patiently. When we had finished, we told him he might get up,

making him, at the same time, a small present; when, with a look of

bewildered delight, he told us how differently he expected to have

been treated, and that he had been awaiting every moment the stroke

of the sabre.

In the evening, when we were with the Bey, he sent for the poor

youth, and frightened him again by telling him that, by virtue

of the drawing we had made, we had a magical power over him,

and should transport him with us into our own country. He opened

his mouth aghast, asked every body if it were true, and seemed

struck with horror at the idea of never again seeing his native

deserts. He addressed his inquiries particularly to Sheakh Seyd,

who, as chief of the Ababdes, he did not think capable of deceiving

him; but I verily believe many of the meleks and chiefs present,

who affected to join in the laugh, really had doubts and misgivings

that such, in truth, was the necromantic power of our pencils, and

particularly of the camera lucida, with which I drew several of

them. My artist took the Bey’s likeness, at his own particular

desire; I conceive, for one of his favourites. He was very well

satisfied with the representation of his figure, rich costume, his

sword and accoutrements, and of the fierceness of his mustachios;

but he did not understand the shading, and begged my artist “to

take away those black things.” Before leaving Makkarif, the Bey

showed me round the indigo and hide manufactories belonging to the

government. I parted from him with some regret, for he is decidedly

the best Turk I have ever known; and it was a great pleasure for a

few days to meet with such courtesy in these wild regions of interior

Africa. Makkarif has little appearance of a capital. The bazaar should

scarcely be dignified with such a title, as it only consists of six or

seven miserable shops. The town is divided into seven divisions. The

population may, perhaps, amount to 3500, though it is difficult to

obtain exact information as to numbers. The houses are quadrangular

huts of one story, like those in Lower Egypt—not however crowded

together as those, but usually standing detached. Some of them are

circular, and have thatched conical roofs—a description of cottage

very general to the south of Berber. The residence of the governor,

and of some of the sheakhs, resembled the fortified house surrounded

by large courts, described at Abou-Hammed. There is here a large

manufactory of indigo, a valuable branch of culture, which was

introduced by the Pasha into this province five years ago. They

cut it three times during the season, at intervals of about two

months. To extract the dye, they place the stalks and leaves for

eighteen hours in a cemented mud basin or cistern of water, which

is then drawn off into another vessel: in this last they leave

it only a few hours, stirring it well with sticks, and afterwards

let it off into a caldron, in which the final process of boiling

takes place, and indigo is produced of very good quality. The Pasha

receives from this manufactory nearly 14,000 okres (weight), which

is sent to Cairo, and sold there for fifteen dollars per okre. The

government has greatly extended the cultivation of the cotton plant

in this province. Considerable quantities of wheat and oats are also

grown in it; but barley and dourah, particularly the latter, are

the chief produce. In the Turkish province of Berber, which extends

from Abou-Hammed to two days journey beyond Shendy, there are 6000

feddans (measure) of cultivated land, and 500 sakkeas. There were 800

of the latter, when first the Pasha took possession of the country,

but misrule, or, perhaps, the system inevitably adopted in order to

subdue entirely the country, has impoverished as well as depopulated

it. The number of peasants, merchants, Arabs, and other residents,

so far as I have been able to learn, may be estimated (including

their families) at 30,000: this is independent of the Bishareen and

other desert tribes who pay their tribute here. The number of sakkeas

may appear small in comparison to the extent of the cultivation and

the number of the inhabitants; but it may be remarked, that a great

proportion of the arable land in this province is irrigated by the

inundation of the Nile and by manual labour. Besides, the peasants,

as well as the wandering tribes, subsist in a great measure by their

flocks and by their camels, which are bred in great numbers, and of

the finest quality, and sent to Cairo. Many also are sold here to

the merchants and carriers of this place; also to those of Shendy and

Sennaar. The price of a strong, ordinary camel is about ten or twelve

dollars; of a dromedary, ten to thirty dollars. For several years

the government have sent to Cairo from 1500 to 2000 hides. This year

the Pasha has required 20,000. These hides are prepared with lime,

salt, and the pod of the mimosa. The Pasha has also tried the sugar

cane, which flourishes luxuriantly in the islands, though the people

have not yet acquired any skill in the manufacture of it. There is

a small sugar-house, but of the rudest construction. The canes are

placed between two rollers, turned by oxen, which squeeze out the

juice. The peasants themselves make a coarse kind of linen cloth,

which may be called fine canvass, but seldom deserves a better name.

Pliny says, that Ethiopia, as well as Egypt, was by the Greeks

called _Etheria_, “without wool;” which may have been owing

to the circumstance, that the Ethiopians, like the Egyptians,

wore only linen; but perhaps it may rather allude to the extremely

bad quality of the Ethiopian wool. The Bishareen pay their tribute

to this government. They occupy the territory, and are generally

supposed to be descendants, of the ancient Troglodites; but there

is a name sculptured on the walls of Thebes, of a captured people,

called Sharim, which, with the Coptic article Pi, makes Pisharim

or Bisharim. Souakim, the capital, is fifteen days’ journey from

this place, on which road water is found every day and a half:

its inhabitants are called Edherbi and Hadendoah. Besides these,

the Bishareen have other subordinate divisions, as the Amarrah

and the Benishamah. As I have before stated, they are the most

uncivilised of the Arab tribes, if they can be called Arabs, when

they speak a language without any Arabic words, and lay no claim

to Arabian descent. Their features are often striking, but their

manner of dressing their hair, making it bushy and prominent both in

front and behind, and often shaving it a little, gives them a savage

appearance. Their dress generally consists of folds of linen of the

country, often ragged and dirty, but always put on in a graceful

manner, not unlike the ancient Greek drapery. War and plunder seem

to be their element, and they are accused of being treacherous and

deceitful: they are addicted also to petty theft. Many are poor

in the extreme; some few rich and powerful, living luxuriously,

as they deem it, on camels’ flesh and milk. The principal persons

at Makkarif tell me that they count 200,000 houses or tents; but,

notwithstanding the vast extent of their territory, this must be

an exaggeration. The government finds always great difficulty in

collecting their tribute. “We generally send,” said the Bey,

“two soldiers at a time. If they are murdered, it is of no great

consequence! for two men it would be absurd to lay waste a whole

province; but if we sent twenty or thirty, and they were destroyed,

it would create great alarm, and be a serious loss out of my small

force of 400 cavalry. Once,” said he, with an air of triumph,

“I was there with a large retinue, when a greatly superior number

of Bishareen attacked us, during the night, as is always their

custom. Nine of my men fled at the first onset, and falling into

the hands of the enemy were immediately massacred. We resisted and

escaped, but it caused great terror among my troops. Soon after we

avenged the death of my nine brave fellows in our usual manner. We

enticed to this place many of the Bishareen engaged in this affair by

a promise of pardon: then we enclosed them in one of our fortified

houses, and put them to death.” Some divisions of this tribe,

who are almost quite independent, often plunder the caravans and

small villages, and carry off cattle and other property; and they

sometimes extend their predatory incursions as far as Dongolah.

The Ababdes are divided principally into two tribes, the Maleykab,

from Esneh to Assuan; and the Hashibani, from Assuan to Kash

Kosseer. They are a fine race of men, and wear their hair in

ringlets hanging behind their heads, and at the sides, nearly to

their shoulders. Sometimes, but very rarely, their hair is bushy

in front like the Bishareen. Their dress of coarse linen is always

folded around them with the same graceful elegance. This tribe is

much less numerous than the Bishareen, but they have the character

of being braver. The number of their houses and tents was stated

to me by their chief, Sheakh Sayd, at 50,000. During the conquest

of this country, and on other occasions, they have been of great

service to the Pasha, who therefore levies no direct tribute except

from such as have allotments of land, and sakkeas, who pay for them

like the peasants of the Nile. Burckhardt speaks of the treachery of

the Ababdes. I have been with them for months in the Oasis Magna and

other places, and cannot say I have experienced it. On the contrary,

I have observed them more grateful for kindness, more attached,

more proud of their liberty, and tenacious of their character, and

more disinterested, than any other of the Arab tribes. The number

domiciled in this province is very considerable. Besides these,

I saw individuals of several other Arab tribes who frequent Berber,

while others I only heard of. Among these are the Hassanyeh, who range

from Berber to Kordofan, principally near Dongolah,—the Kababysh,

to the south-west of the latter, extending to the White River,—the

Benegerar, from Dongolah to Kordofan, in the Desert,—the Erfara,

near Sennaar,—a large and powerful tribe called Rafarah, numbered

with the Erfara,—the Shukriah, settled principally near Shendy,

but also between Berber and Sennaar, and the Atbara and the Bahr

el Azruk. The Eddibina, also, near Shendy,—the Djamelyeh, on

the Bahr el Abiad,—the El Amran, to the east of the Mugrum, or

Astoboras,—the Shelouks, ten days up the White River, or Bahr al

Abiad. They are said to be tall, powerful men, always quite naked,

and armed with bows and arrows, spears and shields; and I am told

that they worship the sun. Their territory extends for a considerable

distance on both sides of the river, but the division on the east

side is called Denha. The Shelouks inhabit also numerous islands,

communicating with each other by means of canoes, some of which are

very large. The Bahr el Abiad was represented to me as being, in that

part, ten times wider than the Bahr el Azruk:—the Numrum, also,

a negro race of naked Pagans, twenty days’ journey from Sennaar,

upon the White River. All these tribes, except the two last, are

wholly or partly tributary to the Pasha. When we consider the slight

comparative force with which his governments are generally supplied,

we must confess his officers know how to manage their affairs,

although the means they adopt are not always the most honourable. The

government of Berber has only 400 cavalry to keep in subjection

a population of 30,000, besides the many powerful tribes of the

neighbouring deserts. The ancient chiefs of the country are almost

all alive and at large. Each native is armed, and acquainted with the

use of the sabre and lance, and some few have matchlocks. They see

the prosperity of the country gradually decaying, and the population

daily diminishing; yet such is their terror of the Pasha’s power,

that, notwithstanding the small number of his troops, and the length

of time it would require to bring forward reinforcements, no monarch

in Europe has such absolute power, or sleeps more safe from bodily

fear than the Governor of Berber. The relentless system, which has

completely succeeded in Lower Egypt, of impoverishing the peasants,

and reducing them by distress to complete vassalage, is gradually

but successfully carried on by the Pasha in this country. The

descendants, perhaps, of those tribes who defied the power of

the Greeks and Romans, have been taught by Mohammed Ali to crouch

beneath his yoke. He has done so, in despite of all the obstacles man

and nature opposed to his ambition;—a brave resistance, cataracts

amongst which many of his barks were lost, the horrors of the desert,

burning climate, malaria, and fever, which at first nearly annihilated

his army at “one fell swoop.” The statement of Cailliaud, that

at Sennaar, the Pasha saw one third of his forces fall a prey to

malignant and intermittent fevers, dysentery, and bilious attacks,

shows at how dear a price these conquests were purchased. But

the Pasha’s power in this country rests now on a basis which it

would be difficult to shake,—a combination of vigorous policy in

council, with superiority of arms and discipline in the field. The

tribes now know from experience the weakness of their half fighting,

half dancing hosts, with their lances, swords, and large unwieldy

shields,—against the regular fire of disciplined troops. The very

report of a cannon is irresistible to beings who have the utmost

dread of a musket; and they can now contrast the effects of artillery

with those of the comparatively harmless implements of their own

warfare, which seldom inflict more than flesh wounds. Their former

chiefs and meleks are now sinking fast to the wretched level of the

peasants. Stripped of their patrimonial wealth and estates, and shut

out from their other sources of gain—commerce and exactions—they

are now obliged to pay court to the Turkish governors, to obtain

or preserve a scanty pension, which is almost their only means of

subsistence. The chiefs have suffered more than the peasants from

the domination of the Pasha, who has followed the usual policy of

all conquerors, by systematically aiming “to cut off the highest

of the poppy heads.” The great mass of the people of every nation

are generally indifferent to the misfortunes of the aristocracy,

and are rarely animated, by individual attachment, or more enlarged

views of national independence, to rise and deliver from oppression

those who, perhaps, were once their own oppressors. Possibly, they

may even feel a selfish exultation in seeing them reduced to their

own level; forgetting that, while their ancient chiefs sink thus

into poverty and obscurity, every hope of restoring the liberty of

their country vanishes.

I have not spent sufficient time in this province to judge accurately

of the character of the people, and I dare scarcely attempt to

delineate what the masterly hand of Burckhardt has so admirably

accomplished. I have not his work with me, and do not remember

minutely his account of the natives of this district. I must,

therefore, make a short record of my own observations, though,

probably, they will add but little to the information which he has

communicated. I am sorry to confirm his statement, that the most

extreme profligacy of manners prevails among the Berbers. They are

entirely devoted to women; unfortunately, not only to their own wives,

but, with lawless passion, to the wives of their neighbours. Adultery

is far more common here than in any other part of the valley of the

Nile; and there exists, also, in this and the adjoining provinces,

a system which is a disgrace to human nature. The sheakhs, meleks,

and chief men hire out their female slaves, or, rather, oblige them

to carry on an infamous traffic here and in the different villages,

and to pay to their master a monthly tribute out of the fruits. This

is the climax of profligacy. A correct idea of the immoral state

of the country may be formed, when those who, from their station,

ought to endeavour to repress vice, are, by this system, its chief

promoters. Slavery is horrible under any guise; but when the task

of the unfortunate victim is to sacrifice every principle of honour,

virtue, and decency, in order to satiate the avarice of a remorseless

master, a more distressing picture of human wretchedness cannot be

imagined. Besides the monthly tribute, they are dependent also for

their own subsistence upon the passing caravans.

The superstition of the Berbers keeps pace with their gross

ignorance. I have already stated that, notwithstanding many attempts,

I was never able, unless in the Bey’s presence, and through his

despotic mandate, to overcome the apprehension and scruples of the

Berbers, of both sexes, to allow their portraits to be drawn. Among

those, too, who knew I was a Christian, I could often distinguish

an ill-disguised contempt when I deviated in any respect from the

Mahometan customs.

Intoxication is another vice to which the Berbers are generally

addicted, but seldom to any very gross excess. Their beverage

is the bouza, a species of beer made of dourah, boiled in a jar,

and drunk after a day or two, when it ferments. It is not of a very

intoxicating quality, but they drink gallons of it at a sitting. One

of the peasants intimated to me his regret that the Prophet had only

promised them rivers of milk in his paradise, instead of bouza. They

have also the meresi and bulbul, more delicate descriptions of the

same beverage; and a strong but tasteless spirit (arrake), with a

very wretched liquor which they call wine; both these last being

extracted from the date. They are civil and attentive to strangers,

but there is something overstrained in their obsequiousness. They

have the reputation of being great thieves. Several old Egyptian

merchants, and also my camel-drivers, advised me to take care of

my baggage during the night, when I passed through Berber; always

recommending me, for that reason, to encamp near the house of the

sheakh. The women go about with their faces uncovered,—a privilege

which, in Egypt, only the wives of the Arabs of the Desert enjoy. They

have, generally, good figures, and a rather pleasing expression of

countenance. The men are stout, but their features are seldom very

prepossessing, or at all noble; and they are deficient in that open

and dignified manner and deportment which distinguish the generality

of the Arab tribes. The Arabs in general, but especially the Berbers,

are averse to active exertion. I have often seen several of them

sitting together for many hours in the shade, with their eyes half

closed, in a listless and supine state, neither talking, nor engaged

in any occupation. Sometimes they were smoking, yet at the same time

apparently unconscious that pipes were in their mouths. Perfect

repose of body and mind, the _dolce far niente_ of the Italians,

is the highest felicity they are able to conceive. Endowed with

an imperturbable stock of apathy,—more comfortable, perhaps,

although not so intellectual, as European philosophy,—they submit

to a distressing accident, which would throw one of our countrymen

almost into a fever, without allowing their equanimity to be in the

least disturbed. “_Mactub min Allah!_” it is written, It is the

will of God! they exclaim, with placid resignation; and, instead of

brooding over their misfortune, become immediately reconciled to it,

and, with amazing facility, banish it from their thoughts.

The Sennaar and Shendy merchants, chiefly Arabs, pass sometimes by

this route; others go to Dongolah, across the Bahiouda desert. This

is, however, a much shorter route, and for that reason often

preferred. They furnish the bazaar of Makkarif with soap, spices

with which they make an ointment to keep their skin soft, rice,

Mocha coffee, mirrors, glass beads, and shells; and articles in

cotton, such as handkerchiefs, shawls, and other dresses: they

also bring tobacco and pipes, crockery, cooking dishes, &c. A great

many camels are employed on this route, in conveying the officers,

soldiers, and provisions from Assuan to Berber, Shendy, Khartoun,

and Sennaar. When no other article is ready, the camels are laden,

in return, with charcoal made of the osshi plant, which is excellent

for gunpowder; but even for culinary use, the difference between

its price at Berber and at Assuan, in consequence of its scarcity at

the latter place, fully remunerates them for the carriage. A great

number of camels are, at certain seasons, employed by the government

in conveying down to Assuan the indigo, grain, hides, &c. levied as

taxes in kind. This gives employment to the Arabs of the desert, and

attaches these roving tribes, by the strongest chains of interest,

to a more regular and less barbarous government than they have ever

been accustomed to, and thus reconciles them to the relinquishment

of their independence. When we consider the predatory and lawless

habits they gloried in for ages previous to the Pasha’s conquest;

the anarchy and confusion which afforded them such facilities for

rapine, and in which their bold unruly spirits delighted, as the

short though dangerous path to distinction and wealth,—it is

surprising to see them thus quietly occupied in the vocations of

peace, and earning their livelihood by honest industry. A tribute of

applause is certainly due to Mohammed Ali, for effecting this great

improvement in the habits and pursuits of the uncivilised hordes

who occupy so considerable a portion of the continent of Africa.

CHAPTER V.

DEPARTURE FROM MAKKARIF. — VARIOUS VILLAGES. — THE MUGRUM,

ANCIENT ASTABORAS. — ROUTE TO GOSS REDJAB. — VERDANT APPEARANCE

OF THE ISLAND OF MEROE. — VOYAGE ON THE ASTAPUS. — NUMEROUS

VILLAGES. — COTTAGES. — HIPPOPOTAMI; MANNER OF DESTROYING

THEM. — VILLAGES. — ARRIVAL AT THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_March_ 8. We set sail, with a favourable breeze, from Makkarif,

at one; and at half past one we passed the village of El Releh;

and at two, Sowektab el Ekaba, on the western bank of the river;

opposite to which, on the east bank, is a small village called

Howed. At four we passed Wady Rowel, on the eastern side; at five,

the small village of Sidin on the same side; at six, a large village

called Karmim; at three quarters past six we passed Sayal, a small

village on the east bank; at a quarter past seven, Dakkel, on the

same side; at twenty minutes past seven, El Fodlet; and at half

past seven we moored for the night at the village of Unmatur, on the

western side. We have had a good wind, and certainly cannot have made

less than three miles an hour. Opposite to Unmatur is the junction of

the Mugrum, the ancient Astaboras, with the Nile, isolating from the

Nubian and Libyan desert this part of Meroe. For some distance before

reaching it, I observed that the colour of the water was very green,

and had not the usual appearance of the Nile, which is comparatively

clear at this season. I perceived also that the taste was different,

and that it had a strong disagreeable smell. I regret that it is now

dusk, so that I cannot observe more accurately the distinction of

the waters of the two rivers; but I am informed, that for some space

after the confluence, they remain unmixed. The width of the Mugrum,

as the Astaboras is now called, from what I could learn, is, at the

time of the rise, about 1000 feet. At this season, they tell me,

it is almost stagnant. It swells many days earlier than the Bahr

el Abiad or the Azruk; and I think the green colour that tinges

the whole Nile for the first thirty or forty days after its rise,

may be attributed to the influx of the waters of this river. The

chief province or district on its banks is called Atbara, evidently

a corruption from the ancient name of the river, which is curious,

as any analogy is rarely to be found between the modern and ancient

names in this country. Two hours before arriving at the junction, we

passed a small shellal (cataract). The current was strong; a number

of small rocks impeding the stream for about half way across. The

banks are covered with beautiful groves of acacias, doums, and palm

trees, and had generally a much more verdant appearance than we had

before remarked; reminding me most forcibly of the observation of

the pretorians sent by Nero:

Herbas circa Meroen demum viridiores, silvarumque aliquid

apparuisse.[12]

From the best information I have been able to obtain, there are seven

days’ journey from the mouth of the Mugrum to Goss Radjeb, the

principal village on its banks: for the two first days, the direction

of this river is nearly east. There are on this route few villages;

the habitations chiefly consisting of encampments of migratory Arabs,

who change their stations as often as they need fresh pasture for

their camels and flocks. The chief tribe frequenting the banks of the

Astaboras is that of the Bishareen; but its branches were described to

me as distinguished by the following distinct names: The first day’s

journey east, is called the district of the Atbara; the second,

that of the Eddandoweh; the third day, towards the south, Attaka;

the fourth, Giberta; the fifth, Medkirab; after which the district of

Makkadi extends several days beyond Goss Radjeb. A merchant informed

me, that, at this latter place, there are the remains of a temple,

but without any sculpture, columns, or hieroglyphics. According to

the accounts given to me by the most intelligent Arabs, this river

abounds much more than the Nile in hippopotami and crocodiles,

and the western bank is infested with lions.

_March_ 3. Leaving Unmatur at seven, with a good wind, we began our

voyage on what Strabo calls the river Astapus, but which the natives

still call the Nile: passed, at a quarter past seven, the village of

Hassal, west side, and El Dahmur east, at nine, Abouselam west, and

Ambori east; at half past nine, Hossya east, Maholrab west; at half

past ten, the island of Essaydrab; at twelve, the island of Gunnabra

and the village of El Roweh west; at half past one, El Howyeh east,

El Ferakah west; at three, the island of Tumfar, and the village

of Alioh, to the east; at half past three, the island of Egaydag,

and village of the same name, on the western bank; at half past four,

the island of Nama; at three quarters past five, Gebata to the east,

and Keytayab to the west. This day I have observed that some of the

villages consist of circular huts with thatched conical roofs. The

water has not the same colour nor the same disagreeable smell as

that near the mouth of the Astaboras. We have seen many crocodiles

and several hippopotami: upon our approach they disappeared under

the water; but occasionally raised their enormous heads, which,

at the distance we were then, appeared like those of buffaloes. We

fired at them, but without any effect. The Arabs state that their

only vulnerable part is their forehead. What Hasselquist says of

the manner of destroying them, by placing salt peas on the bank,

the eating of which may excite them to drink until they die,

amused the Arabs vastly. Their only way of killing these animals,

is by concealing themselves in the long grass or corn fields on the

bank, near one of their tracks. When the hippopotamus approaches,

they attack and pierce him with a barbed lance, to which a strong

cord is attached. The animal rushes to the river, and they follow

him warily on the banks, or in a boat, until his strength is quite

exhausted, and he is almost dead. His usual expiring effort is to

make for the shore, or his pursuers drag him thither as an angler

does a fish. The peasants sometimes keep up fires during the night,

to preserve their crops from his ravages. I observed to-day several

beautiful woods on the islands; and, for the first time, monkeys—the

small Grey Capuchin species.

_Bagromeh Meroe.—March_ 4. During the last night we have passed

the following villages:—

On the west bank. Islands. East bank.

Eggabrab. Wady Abdelatif, or

Valley of the Slave

of the Beneficent.

Ennuba. El Akareet.

Effadnia. Eddyiga.

Ednamaat. Gul el Mutmoor.

Es Sagadi, or the Es Sagadi (large

Carpet. island).

El Camair. Betasaat.

El Helala, or the Shutaib.

Holy Place.

El Makmiah. Makmiah (small Gibel Immeli.

island). Es Shilalah,

or the Cataract.

Wady Youseph. Taadra.

Hillet el Gerf Assour.

(village of the bank

of the river). Dankelah.

Bagromeh.

Under the cheerful influence of a tropical morning, at seven, we

arrived at the site of the ancient capital of Ethiopia.

CHAPTER VI.

MEROE.

HISTORICAL EVIDENCE THAT THIS IS THE CEMETERY OF THE CAPITAL

OF ETHIOPIA. — THE IMPOSING APPEARANCE, NUMBER, POSITION, AND

DIMENSIONS OF THE PYRAMIDS. — ETHIOPIAN ARCH. — PROOFS THAT THE

KNOWLEDGE OF THE ARTS DESCENDED FROM ETHIOPIA. — EDIFICES OF A

PYRAMIDAL FORM THE BEST ADAPTED TO RESIST THE RAVAGES OF TIME. —

PECULIAR STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE. — THE LANGUAGE OF HIEROGLYPHICS

GENERALLY KNOWN IN ETHIOPIA. — THE STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE THE

CRITERION OF THE AGE. — MONUMENTAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND HISTORICAL

EVIDENCE THAT THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE ARTS DESCENDED FROM MEROE. —

DESCRIPTION OF THE SCULPTURE. — NAME OF MEROE ON THE MONUMENTS. —

MEROE PECULIARLY INTERESTING, AS THE BIRTH-PLACE OF THE ARTS. —

SANDSTONE QUARRIES. — SITE OF THE CITY. — VILLAGES OF THE PRESENT

INHABITANTS. — AGRICULTURE. — CAILLIAUD.

Agatharchides says the Astaboras unites its stream with the Nile,

and forms the Island of Meroe; and Strabo (lib. 17.) says Meroe is

formed by the conflux of the Astapus and Astaboras. Diodorus states

the island to be 375 miles long, and 125 wide. The exact distance

from Syene to Meroe is stated by Pliny to have been a subject of

great dispute even in his time; which is the more extraordinary,

when we consider the number of travellers who had then visited

and even penetrated beyond the capital of Ethiopia. Pliny first

mentions Delion as having travelled far beyond Meroe; afterwards

Aristocreon, Bion, Basilis, and Simonides the younger, who wrote

an account of that city. Timosthenes was sixty days in making the

voyage by water. Eratosthenes reckoned the distance 625,000 paces, and

Artemidorus 600,000. Bion gives us a list of towns, but no distances:

the sixty days of Timosthenes, by water, is too indefinite a date to

be of any use, although it agrees tolerably well with the account of

Herodotus.[13] The 625,000 paces of Eratosthenes, equal to 590 miles,

is about the length of the direct caravan road, which I find to be 560

miles to the town. Artemidorus’s distance of 600,000 paces, equal

to 568 miles, agrees more closely with my ascertained distance of that

route, that is, across the Great Desert, by Korosko and Abou-Hammed.

[Illustration: Pl. 5.

_From a Drawing by L. Bandoni._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

GENERAL PLAN OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

Pliny says that this dispute concerning the distance to Meroe was

finally settled by the prætorians and tribune sent by Nero for the

purpose of exploring the country, which he had some intention to

make a conquest of. There is little doubt, I conceive, that these

men would follow the Nile, in order to observe all the towns, and

report what resources there would be for an army. This will account

for their calculating the distance to the island at 874,000 paces

(817 English miles). Following most of the sinuosities of the Nile,

I find it about forty miles more; but, as it cannot be supposed

that they did not occasionally avail themselves of some of the many

shorter routes now followed by the caravans, this may be considered

to correspond with sufficient exactness.

Pliny computes from Napata to the Island of Meroe, 360,000 paces (340

English miles). If Gibel el Birkel be the site of ancient Napata,

the distance by the longest road is only 240, a difference of 100

miles; I therefore conceive that Gibel el Birkel cannot be the site

of the ancient city of Napata, which, I think, we must look for 100

miles lower down the river, perhaps at Old Dongolah. Ptolemy places

it much more to the north. Pliny says, that from the commencement of

the island to the town is 70,000 paces (66 English miles). I found

the distance to be nearly 60 miles; a difference only of 6 miles:

but these discrepancies are not surprising when we consider the vague

information and dubious authorities from which he acknowledges that

he compiled his account. I suggested, in crossing the Great Desert,

the probability of its having formerly contained establishments

and wells, at different stations, for the convenience of a more

civilised population, and of this route having been anciently much

more frequented by travellers. There is every reason then to suppose

that Eratosthenes and Artemidorus took this route; which will make

their calculations, as well as those of the prætorians by the Nile,

accord very satisfactorily with the position of these ruins. Without

bringing forward other proofs, the authority of Ptolemy is sufficient

to dispel any doubt that might possibly remain upon the subject. That

geographer places the capital of Ethiopia in latitude 16° 26′;

a difference only of 30′ from the observation of Cailliaud. It

is impossible to conceive the observation of that geographer to be

exactly correct (which, indeed, is rarely the case); for, besides

the absence of other ruins, we cannot imagine that there could have

been another town so near the capital with such splendid cemeteries

as these.

Never were my feelings more ardently excited than in approaching,

after so tedious a journey, to this magnificent Necropolis. The

appearance of the Pyramids, in the distance, announced their

importance; but I was gratified beyond my most sanguine expectations,

when I found myself in the midst of them. The pyramids of Geezah

are magnificent, wonderful from their stupendous magnitude; but for

picturesque effect and elegance of architectural design, I infinitely

prefer these of Meroe. I expected to find few such remains here, and

certainly nothing so imposing, so interesting, as these sepulchres,

doubtless of the kings and queens of Ethiopia. I stood for some time

lost in admiration. From every point of view I saw magnificent groups,

pyramid rising behind pyramid, while the dilapidated state of many

did not render them less interesting, though less beautiful as works

of art. I easily restored them in my imagination; and these effects

of the ravages of time carried back my thoughts to more distant ages.

Plate VIII. faithfully represents the principal group of the

pyramids, and their present state of preservation, and the annexed

view exhibits the most interesting of that group in detail. As every

stone in these plates is drawn with the camera lucida, the reader

will have the opportunity of studying their construction, and I may

also add (particularly in the case of Plate IX.), of appreciating

their picturesque appearance.

[Illustration: Pl. 6.

_From a Drawing by L. Bandoni._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

PRINCIPAL GROUP OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

The porticoes on the east side of each pyramid soon attracted my

attention, and I passed eagerly from one to the other, delighted

to find in several of them tablets of sculpture and hieroglyphics,

which, few as they are, have, I trust, given us the assurance of

the locality, and will, I hope, throw some light upon the mythology

and arts of the Ethiopians. There are the remains and traces of

eighty of these pyramids (see Plate V.): they consist chiefly in

three groups. The principal and most imposing, at which I arrived

first, is situated on a hill, two miles and a half from the river,

commanding an extensive view of the plain. This group is arranged (see

Plate VI.) nearly in the form of a bow, the string of which from A to

W is 1050 feet, and following the curved _alignement_ of the pyramids

from A to D, 625; D to W, 850, making in total extent 1425 feet.

[Illustration: PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.]

The plan will show that no regularity has been maintained in

their position. Thus, the façade of portico A (see Plan) faces

about north-east, while the generality of the other porticoes vary

from east to south-east. The circumstance of the porticoes fronting

generally towards the east, and not one to the north and south-west,

proves a religious observance; but that there was no astronomical

object in view, in their porticoes facing the rising sun, is certain

from the variation in the directions, and from there being no attempt

at mathematical precision. Although we cannot attribute to them the

scientific object conceived by some to have been contemplated in the

location of the pyramids of Memphis, still a happier combination of

position could not be imagined for producing upon the mind those

impressive feelings which the royal cemeteries of kings of an age

so distant, and of a nation once so great and powerful, naturally

inspire.[14]

The following account of the different measurements of the pyramids

will show the dissimilarity of their size. A (see Plate VI.) is 32

feet square; B, 42 feet square; C, 52 feet square; D, 31 feet from

east to west, and 27 feet 6 inches from north to south; F, 60 feet

square; G, joined to the latter, of the same size; H, 63 feet square;

I, 42 feet 6 inches by 40 feet; K, 42 feet square; L, 26 feet 6 inches

by 23 feet 6 inches; M, 26 feet 6 inches by 21 feet; N, 29 feet

square; O, 63 (this is without a portico); P, only 17 feet square,

without a portico; R, 61 feet square; S, 30 feet square; T, 50 feet

square; U, 29 feet square, V, 37 feet north to south, 39 feet east to

west; W, 20 feet square; X, 20 feet square. Seven marked Y consist of

pyramids in such a ruined condition that the exact plan cannot now

be ascertained; but some of them, from the size of the porticoes,

which can still be traced, have evidently been of importance.

[Illustration: Pl. 7.

_From a Drawing by L. Bandoni._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_London. Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

The pyramids (Plate No. VII.) restored architecturally, will give the

best idea of their original form and ornaments. The pyramid No. 3. is

60 feet in diameter at the base, and 60 feet high; and is constructed,

like most of the others, as shown in the plates, of stones, generally

one foot high and two feet and a half long. The rim at the angles

of No. III. is a great additional beauty; and many of them are thus

ornamented. Most of them can be ascended; but the surfaces of some

(as of Nos. 1. and 2.) are quite smooth. The appearance of a window in

No. 1., thirteen feet from the summit, is curious; but it is merely

an architectural ornament, and not for the purpose of admitting

light into any room of the interior. There are thirty-one pyramids

in the group, of which the plans of twenty-three may be traced;

while to the south-east is another group of thirteen, in some degree

of preservation, as will be seen by the above view. There are three

other groups, two consisting of two pyramids each, and the other of

six (see General Plan, Plate V.); and at 5600 feet to the west of

the chief group, may be traced the remains of twenty-five pyramids,

but almost buried.

[Illustration: SOUTH-EAST GROUP OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.]

The porticoes I have before mentioned, situated on the eastern side

of all the pyramids, consist generally of one room, which varies from

12 to 6 feet in length, and from 11 to 6 feet in width. The portico

of pyramid H consists of two rooms, the one leading out of the other:

the first 8 feet long and 12 feet broad; the second the same breadth,

but only 6 feet in length. Three steps, each 8 inches deep and 6

inches high, lead into the portico of No. 3. Plate VII. The doorway

is 3 feet 10 inches deep; the portico is 13 feet 8 inches long, and

7 feet 6 inches wide; the height of the façade is 18 feet 4 inches.

The façades of these porticoes are very elegant. In their forms

we can clearly trace the origin of the Egyptian propylons. That

of No. 3. Plate VII. consists of a doorway 3 feet wide, and the

doorposts 6 inches wide. Above the door is an architrave, over which

is a square beading, and over it, as in Egyptian edifices, rises a

cornice ornamented with the globe and wings. The door is 11 feet 6

inches high, and, including the architrave and cornice, 14 feet. The

buttresses, on each side of the door, have a slight inclination

inwards, but not so much as the Egyptian propylons. They measure at

their base 7 feet 6 inches, at their summit 7 feet; others, 5 feet by

4 feet 8 inches and 5 feet by 4 feet 10 inches. These measurements

include the square beading at the angles. In Egyptian architecture

this beading would be round. The square form here adopted, being

more simple, affords another reason for supposing that the first

idea of this great ornament to the Egyptian temples originated in

Ethiopia. The height of this portico is 11 feet 4 inches: that of

the pylons of all the porticoes nearly the same, whatever may be the

height of the pyramids; but the length and width of the porticoes

seem to vary in proportion to the size of the pyramids. At the

extremity of most of these porticoes, opposite the entrance, is the

representation of a monolithic temple, ornamented with sculpture,

all very much defaced.

[Illustration: Pl. 8.

_On stone by C. Hullmandel from a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

It is evident that, from motives of curiosity, or perhaps avarice,

attempts have been made to open many of the pyramids, but without

success. From the appearance of those which have been partially broken

into, I do not perceive the slightest probability that any of them

contain galleries. Probably they are constructed over wells in which

the bodies are deposited. That they are places of sepulture cannot be

doubted, from their position, number, and, most particularly, from

the subjects of the sculpture on the walls, which I will presently

describe. One of the porches or porticoes is most interestingly

curious, the roof being arched, in a regular masonic style, with what

may be called a keystone. (See Plate VII.) This arch consists of four

and five stones alternately; but, notwithstanding this irregularity,

the principle is the same, the stones being held together only by

lateral pressure. I trust to be able to establish, beyond dispute,

that the arch has its origin in Ethiopia. The style of the sculpture

in this portico, and the hieroglyphic names of kings on porticoes

ornamented in a similar style, being, as I hope to prove, much more

ancient than any in Egypt, where there is no specimen of a stone arch

constructed in so regular a manner, we may consider such proficiency

in architectural knowledge as a decided proof of the advanced state

of the arts, at a very remote period, in this country.[15]

A question which has long engaged the attention of literary men is,

whether the Ethiopians derived their knowledge of the arts from the

Egyptians, or the latter from the former. One of these hypotheses

must be admitted, as the similarity of the style evidently denotes

a common origin. These pyramids belong, without doubt, to the

remotest age. No edifice, perhaps, is better calculated to resist

the ravages of time, or the destructive efforts of man, than the

pyramid; particularly when constructed, as these are, without any

chambers in the interior. In a country where earthquakes are unknown,

little rain falls, and the wind is seldom violent, ages must elapse

before these vast masses of stone could be much dilapidated, unless

buried by the desert, or carried away by man as materials for other

buildings. The porticoes even of the pyramids that are standing,

although adapted to their proportions, are almost all injured, and

most of them destroyed. There are no symptoms of fanatical violence

having been exercised on what remains. Their ruined and defaced

condition must be entirely attributed to their great antiquity.[16]

The sculpture is in a very peculiar style, which can scarcely

be called good: the large figures, in particular, display a

certain rotundity of form which I never observed in any Egyptian

sculpture. The smaller figures have also this peculiarity; but,

from their dimensions, it is not quite so perceptible, at least

not so striking. The hieroglyphics are very much defaced; indeed,

those I have copied are almost all that remain. The Ethiopians did

not group their hieroglyphics so well as the Egyptians: their striking

deficiency, in this respect, proves either a great corruption from the

Egyptian style, or, most probably, a great improvement made by the

latter on the Ethiopian invention. This is the more extraordinary,

as Diodorus informs us that the knowledge of hieroglyphics was,

in Egypt, confined to the priests: but that, in Ethiopia, they were

understood by all.

To any one who, like me, has made a long study of Egyptian monuments,

the style of the sculpture, even in the absence of any known name,

is generally sufficient to determine its epoch. This fact, of which

those travellers who have spent any length of time in Egypt will

be fully aware, may give additional weight to my opinion of this

sculpture. It is all executed in basso relievo, with the exception

of the hieroglyphics, which are in intaglio. The style is certainly

by no means equal to the best at Thebes. It is unlike the style

of the age of Osirtesen, the Thothmes, Rameses II. (Augustan age),

Rameses III. (first decline), the florid style during the reign of

Psammitichus, or the clumsy inelegant productions of the Persian

(I refer to the sculpture in the temple of Darius in the Oasis

Magna), Ptolemaic, or Roman dynasties. There is no resemblance to

any of these styles, or appearance of its being a corruption from

them. The ornaments, on the fragments which still exist, are all

evidently peculiar to the country. Of the few that still remain,

many are not found in Egypt, and appear to represent the rites of

a religion much more simple and pure than the corrupted Egyptian

mythology. They bear the stamp of originality, and I should say,

therefore, that the Ethiopian style is antecedent to the others;

that it is the earliest, though not the best.

[Illustration: Pl. 9.

_From a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

“The Ethiopians,” says Diodorus, “describe the Egyptians as one

of their colonies led into Egypt by Osiris. They pretend, also, that

Egypt, at the commencement of the world, was nothing but a morass;

and that the inundations of the Nile, carrying down a great quantity

of the alluvial soil of Ethiopia, had at length filled it up, and

made it a part of the continent; and we see,” he says, “at the

mouth of the Nile, a particularity which seems to prove that the

formation of Egypt is the work of the river. After the inundation,

we remark that the sea has repelled on the shore large masses of

the alluvial soil, and that the land is increased.” Many writers

on Egypt have confirmed this statement of Diodorus. The gradual

increase of the depth of soil around different antiquities enabled

the French _savants_, unassisted by the science of hieroglyphics,

to decide, in many instances with tolerable accuracy, the date of

their construction. The depth of the alluvial soil has ever been,

and still continues, increasing; and as this progressive increase may,

in every instance, be ascertained, there must have been a period when

there was little or none; when Egypt was a mere morass, or rather a

desert. The great population, power, riches, and civilisation of the

Egyptians astonish us, particularly as we know that their prosperity

was almost entirely derived from agriculture, and that the fertility

of the land was produced altogether by the periodical overflowings

of the Nile. These spread abundance and happiness over the country,

created numberless beautiful islands, and changed into a smiling,

luxuriant valley what was originally a morass, or, more properly

speaking, an arid desert.

“Et viridem Ægyptum nigrâ fœcundat arenâ.”[17]

The first cause, then, of all this fruitfulness was Ethiopia. No

one, I think, will conceive it probable that a country originally

possessing such advantages could have been long unselected by

the descendants of Noah. Herodotus also calls the Ethiopians

aboriginal. Considering, then, the rapidity with which man

multiplies in a hot climate where no Malthusian restraints operate,

and in the full enjoyment of the ease and abundance which so rich

a soil must have secured to them, I think it not unreasonable to

conclude that Ethiopia, even before Egypt emerged from the Nile,

was peopled by a numerous and powerful race. I cannot conceive that

a country possessing such agricultural and other advantages—and

probably, on that account, the resort of surrounding and less

favoured nations—could long remain poor. Riches would introduce

a taste for elegance, and afford encouragement to invention; hence

the arts would derive their origin. The population increasing,

while the land, owing to the spoliations of the river, diminished in

extent and richness, the necessity of emigration became obvious. At

the command of their oracle, as was their custom (see Herodotus,

ii. 139.), they quitted their homes and proceeded along the course

of the river; settling in the lower valley of the Nile: they would

plant there the religion, arts, and knowledge of their country. This

conclusion is confirmed by the following strong passage from Diodorus,

proving historically what is my own conviction from the examination of

their monumental remains. “It is from the Ethiopians,” says he,

“that the Egyptians learned to honour their kings as gods, to bury

their dead with so much pomp; and their sculpture and their writing

(hieroglyphics) had their origin in Ethiopia.”[18]

[Illustration: Pl. 10.

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

SCULPTURE IN ONE OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

The following is a description of the most important pieces of

sculpture which I found on the walls of the porticoes. (Plate X.

Sculpture.—Meroe.)

The principal figure in this plate is a queen, plainly attired in

a long robe, tight at the neck and ankles, and, what is not usual

in Egyptian sculpture, closely fitted to the legs. The whole figure

is singularly dissimilar to those represented in the sculptures of

Egypt. It is strongly marked by corpulency, a quality still so desired

by Eastern beauties; a curious circumstance, since this rotundity of

form, which is the distinguishing feature of Ethiopian sculpture, and

which, making its figures more bulky, and, perhaps, clumsy, than the

Egyptian, is nevertheless rather pleasing to the eye, and, I think,

more natural. I made this drawing with the camera lucida, in order to

give the figure exactly, without any exaggeration. It will be observed

that there are defects in the proportions, similar and as numerous

as in Egyptian sculpture; for instance, the faulty manner of drawing

the eye, the shortness of the arms, and the form not being fully

made out. This queen has in one hand the lash of Osiris, and in the

other a lotus flower. She is on the seat having the form of a lion,

which differs very little from the one we often see on the walls of

the temples of Egypt. Her sandals greatly resemble some specimens I

have seen at Thebes, and are not unlike those the peasants here now

wear. She is seated under a canopy, the top of which is decorated

with the common Egyptian ornament of the heads and necks of serpents.

Opposite to her have been placed three rows of figures, the first

of which is quite destroyed; the second is injured, but sufficiently

entire to render all the hieroglyphics and figures intelligible. The

first represents a female pouring out libations to the queen. The

vase into which the liquid is represented as falling has a shape

which I have never seen in Egypt. This figure has the same rotundity

of form, though, from the small scale, it is less conspicuous in

my drawing. Behind this are six smaller figures or divinities. The

first, from his attributes, and also the hieroglyphics, is the god

Thoth, with both hands raised. The next is Horus, with two vases

in his hands, from one of which he is apparently pouring water

upon plants in two vases, on a stand which has nearly the form

of a lotus-flower. Anubis is the next divinity, and he also has a

vase in his hand. On one side of this latter figure is a vase, and

on the other the lotus flower-stand. After these figures is Kneph,

behind whom is a rude and ugly-shaped vase: then follow two figures

very much defaced. From the hieroglyphics, one of them must be Seb,

but those of the other I am not acquainted with. The only figure

discernible in the third row is Anubis, pouring libations. This

plate then exhibits four of the divinities generally represented in

the judgment-scenes and mysteries of the dead. Thoth, Horus, Anubis,

and Kneph present offerings to the queen, the occupant of the tomb.

The consideration of the hieroglyphics of this and the other

sculptures on the tombs of Meroe I will defer until another

opportunity; only remarking, that the composition of the groups is

rather inferior to that in the Egyptian edifices, and that the names

in the ovals are unknown. I must also state that it appears to me

that there is the name of Meroe in the last row of the tablet, before

the queen. There is the hieroglyphic of three hills, emblematical

of land; the plough and the disk, which, with the vowels generally

omitted, may be read, land of Mero, or, in Coptic, Ⲙⲉ ⲢⲎ,

“dilectus Sol,” not an inappropriate name. I have an imperfect

drawing (given me by Sir William Gell) of a coin found by Mr. Ruppell,

on one side of which is a boat and the three long lines, emblematical

of the inundation. Above the boat are, apparently, the same two

hieroglyphics of the plough and disk, which I conceive to be the

name of the capital of Ethiopia.

[Illustration: Pl. 11.

_From a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

SCULPTURE IN THE PORTICO OF A PYRAMID AT MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

Plate XI. This exhibits a subject more interesting. There has

seemingly been a figure, similar to the queen (in Plate X.), on a

lion-formed seat, but it is now too much defaced to discover exactly

whether it has been a king or a queen. The style of the sculpture

is, however, evidently Ethiopian. The centre of this group, also,

is divided into three rows. The highest contains a representation

similar to part of the great procession in the portico of Medenet

Abou, at Thebes. In this interesting little fragment we have a proof

that the Egyptians derived even their religious ceremonies from the

Ethiopians. Although this row of figures is exceedingly injured,

I distinguished clearly the jackal, ibis, and hawk standards,

carried by priests shaved, and with long robes, like those in the

procession at Medenet Abou; thus confirming what Diodorus says,

that “the priests in Ethiopia observe the same order and the same

customs as the Egyptians. Those who are devoted to the worship

of the gods purify themselves, shave, and dress, in the same

manner.” Following these standard-bearers is a curious figure

of Anubis and four priests bearing a boat, but almost defaced. I

cannot agree with those who suppose that this procession alludes

to the expeditions of the Ethiopians, undertaken at the command of

their oracle, or that it is as Heeren calls it the oracle ship. I

consider it rather a religious type, emblematical of the passage of

the soul into immortality; the voyage to “the undiscovered land,

from whose bourne no traveller returns.”

In the same row of this plate we have Isis, Osiris, Horus, and

Thoth. The addition of the two former is important, when we consider

that they are in a real Ethiopian edifice. Osiris is represented, as

at Thebes, as president of Amenti, under the figure of a mummy; his

lash in his hand, and the head-dress of the globe and feathers, &c.

In the third row, Isis, with the head-dress of the hieroglyphic

called the throne, is caressing a hawk on a pedestal; the type of

her son Horus. The third row contains a variety of elegant vases. We

have here the true origin of many that were once thought Greek, and

only recently acknowledged to be Egyptian. The large figure, offering

with one hand a vase of incense, and with the other pouring libations,

is remarkable for his short girdle, made of the skin of a lion. This

is another proof of the originality of the style. The common Egyptian

and Ethiopian lion-formed seat had also, very probably, its origin

here, where lions abounded. If in Egypt now, so thinly inhabited

(compared to what it formerly was), there are none of these animals,

it cannot be supposed that they existed there when the population was

so much denser. Diodorus says, that, as there was no wool in Ethiopia,

the inhabitants covered their nakedness with the skins of beasts;

and the Ethiopians, under Arsamenes (Herod. vii. 69.), are described

as clothed with the skins of panthers and lions. Strabo also says

that some of them only wear a cincture of skins, the sheep being

without wool. The ornament at the bottom of this plate is unique,

representing serpents standing erect, with arms and hands, in which

they are each holding a feather, the symbol of truth. I have never

seen this representation in Egypt, but it reminds me of some of the

subjects in the tombs of the kings. The ornament at the top of this

plate, representing stars, that is, the heavens, is constantly seen

in Egypt, and is also, seemingly, of Ethiopian derivation.

[Illustration: Pl. 12.

_From a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

SCULPTURE IN A PYRAMID AT MEROE.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

Plate XII. (the third of Sculpture) represents the inner tablet,

or the three rows of figures, in a subject upon the opposite wall,

and is connected with the fragments of two figures, and adorned with

decorations defaced, but apparently so precisely the same as Plate

XI. that I have thought it unnecessary to repeat them. The smaller

figures in this subject are also less perfect. In the first row is

the fragment of a figure certainly meant for Osiris; before him may be

distinguished four very small divinities, perhaps the genii of Amenti,

and a lion, seated on a pedestal, the executioner of justice. In the

same row is a curious group of four hogs. I have been told that a

representation of these animals once existed on a tomb at Thebes; but

this is the first time I have seen them sculptured on any edifice in

the valley of the Nile. In the second row is a pedestal, upon which

is the model of a monolithic temple. On one side of the latter is a

goose, and on the other a hawk, emblematical of the divinities Seb

and Horus; after which there is a representation of a tree, with

a figure on each side, followed by Thoth, with his hands raised

towards the figure of a mummy: the head of the latter is defaced;

but its shape is important, as proving that the Ethiopians were

acquainted with the art of embalming. The third row contains a

pedestal, or altar, on which three figures are seated. One with the

globe and horns is Isis; the third, Horus; the other, is defaced:

behind these is a large twisted serpent. In the second row of this

tablet, and also in Plate XI., is an altar or pedestal, on which

are cakes of bread, and in the midst of them the flowers of the

lotus; indicating, I conceive, that they are the bread of that

plant. The figure with a ceinture of lion’s skin, in both these

subjects, is pouring libations on the flowers, symbolical, perhaps,

of the reign of the king, who, like the inundation of the river,

had spread abundance and prosperity over the land. There were some

other fragments on the porticoes, and in one I observed a balance,

and Thoth and Horus weighing the actions of the deceased before the

judge, Osiris; a common subject on the papyrus, and which is also

seen on the walls of the Temple of Athor at Thebes, &c.

At the extremity of each portico, as before observed, is the

representation of a monolithic temple, above which are the traces

of a funeral boat filled with figures, but all too defaced to be

distinctly made out. In the centre of each boat is the sphere in

the usual concave socket; and I was able, with much difficulty, to

distinguish the divinities Kneph and Anubis. On each side of the boat

is a pedestal on which is the bird with a human face representing

the soul: one has a sphere on its head. Diodorus mentions that some

of the Ethiopians preserved the bodies of their relations in glass

(probably alabaster) cases, in order to have them always before

their eyes. These porticoes may have been used to contain such cases.

I have carefully described this interesting and magnificent cemetery;

but how shall I attempt to express the feelings of the traveller on

treading such hallowed ground? One who, in passionate admiration for

the arts, had visited the chief galleries of Europe, gazed upon the

breathing image of divinity in the Apollo of the Vatican, or the deep

expression of the most poetical of statues, the Dying Gladiator of the

Capitol; who had beheld and felt the pictorial creations of a Raphael

and a Correggio, and, with delight, contemplated Grecian, Roman,

and modern sculpture, could not be unmoved at finding himself on the

site of the very metropolis where those arts had their origin. The

traveller who has seen the architectural antiquities of Rome, and

has admired the magnificent use that nation has made of the arch,

making it the chief ornament of their baths, palaces, and temples,

would be further deeply interested at finding here the origin of that

discovery. These emotions would be felt with peculiar force by one

who, like myself, had been fortunate enough to trace art through her

earliest creations,—from the splendid Gothic edifices of the north

to the ruins of the Eternal City—from Rome to Magna Græcia—from

the magnificent Temple of Neptune at Pæstum to the still purer

antiquities of Sicily, particularly at Girgenti, where nature and art

seem to have vied with each other—from that interesting island to

the Morea and the city of Minerva, where the knowledge of the arts,

sown in the most genial soil, produced the perfection of elegance,

chasteness, and magnificence. But the seeds of the knowledge of the

Greeks were derived from Egypt; and the Egyptians received their

civilisation from the Ethiopians, and from Meroe, where I now am

writing. The beautiful sepulchres of that city afford satisfactory

evidence of the correctness of the historical records. Where a

taste for the arts had reached to such perfection, we may rest

assured that other intellectual pursuits were not neglected, nor

the sciences entirely unknown. Now, however, her schools are closed

for ever, without a vestige of them remaining. Of the houses of her

philosophers, not a stone rests upon another; and where civilisation

and learning once reigned, ignorance and barbarism have reassumed

the sway.

These pyramids are of sandstone, the quarries of which are in the

range of hills to the east. The stone is rather softer than the

Egyptian, which, added to the great antiquity, may account for the

very dilapidated state of most of these ruins; and also for the

sculpture and hieroglyphics being so defaced. Time, and the burning

rays of a tropical sun, have given them a brownish red tint, in some

parts nearly black. As the operation of many ages is required to

make this change on a light-coloured sandstone, a further proof is

afforded of the great antiquity of the monuments. The stones being

small, and easily removed, it is fortunate that the chief group of

pyramids is so far distant from the Nile; otherwise, like those on

the plain, near the river, a great proportion of them might have been

carried away as materials for the erection of more modern edifices.

This, then, is the Necropolis, or City of the Dead. But where was

Meroe, its temples and palaces? A large space, about 2000 feet in

length, and the same distance from the river, strewed with burnt

brick and with some fragments of walls, and stones similar to those

used in the erection of the pyramids, formed, doubtless, part of

that celebrated site. The idea that this is the exact situation

of the city is strengthened by the remark of Strabo, that the

walls of the habitations were built of bricks: Εν δε ταις πολεσιν αἱ

οικησεις εκ φοινικινων σχιζων διαπλεκομεναι και τοιχων εκ

πλινθων. These indicate, without doubt, the site of that

cradle of the arts which distinguish a civilised from a barbarous

society. Of the birthplace of the arts and sciences, the wild natives

of the adjacent villages have made a miserable burying-place:

of the city of the learned—its “cloud-clapt towers,” its

“gorgeous palaces,” its “solemn temples,” there is “left

not a rack behind.” The sepulchres alone of her departed kings

have fulfilled their destination of surviving the habitations which

their philosophy taught them to consider but as inns, and are now fast

mouldering into dust. As at Memphis, scarcely a trace of a palace or

a temple is to be seen. In this once populous plain I saw the timid

gazelles fearlessly pasturing. The hyenas and wolves abound in the

neighbouring hills. This morning Signor B. met a man with the head

of one which he was carrying in triumph to his village: he said

that he had been attacked at once by three small ones when alone,

and with no weapon but his lance. The small villages of Bagromeh[19],

south of the ruins, consist of circular cottages with thatched conical

roofs. The peasants have numerous flocks, which they send to pasture

on the plain. On the banks of the river I observed cotton, dourah,

and barley. Such is the present state of Meroe. It is an ample

requital for my toilsome journey, to have been the first to bring

to England accurate architectural drawings, &c. of all the remains

of the ancient capital of Ethiopia, that city which will ever live

in the grateful recollection of those who love the arts.

_March 6._ My rais informed me, this morning, that he could wait

no longer; that his orders from the Mahmoor were only to show us

the ruins; that he knew the governor wanted the boat; and that he

would not stay another night on any consideration. I should have

wished to have remained a few days more at this interesting place,

particularly with the view of making some excavations, but I must

confess I had no great hopes of the latter being of much avail. Since

the enterprising French traveller, M. Cailliaud was here, the desert

must have made great encroachments on the ruins in the plain, as I

saw nothing of the traces and almost plan, of a temple which he has

marked in his General Plate, No. XXXI.

It will be alleged that there are a great many discrepancies between

my architectural and picturesque views and those of M. Cailliaud. I

have only to remark that the former are by M. Bandoni, a most

skilful Italian architect and painter of acknowledged reputation,

whose sufficient recommendation to me was the patronage of that

most distinguished of British antiquarians, Sir William Gell. The

picturesque views are drawn by myself, with the utmost care and

attention, and with the camera lucida; so that I can vouch for the

correct position of every stone. M. Cailliaud has given several

pieces of sculpture from the propylons. I observed that the façades

of two of the porticoes were ornamented with sculpture, representing

a king sacrificing prisoners—a subject so often seen in Egypt:

they were very much injured; but had they struck me as being so

extraordinary as he has represented them, I should certainly have

drawn them separately. The figure which appears in my camera view

(Plate IX.) has none of those peculiarities. The variations in the

directions of the pyramids are most accurately marked; for I was very

particular in my directions to Mr. B. on that subject. M. Cailliaud

has left me the opportunity of being the first to present to the

public several interesting pieces of sculpture, and numerous tablets

which decorate the interior of the porticoes.

CHAPTER VII.

DEPARTURE FROM THE RUINS. — NUMEROUS VILLAGES, ONE CALLED

MEROUEER. — SHENDY. — FORTIFIED HOUSE OF THE MELEK. —

INSIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESENT CAPITALS OF ETHIOPIA. — POPULATION OF

SHENDY. — BAZAAR. — PRICES OF CAMELS, SLAVES, ETC. — MANNER OF

TRANSACTING BUSINESS. — WOMEN OF SHENDY. — SLAVE SYSTEM. — POWER

OF THE ANCIENT MELEKS. — THEIR WIVES. — ARMY OF THE PASHA. —

DEATH OF ISMAEL PASHA. — METAMMAH. — THE KATSHEF OF THAT PLACE

AND HIS COURT. — KATSHEF OF SHENDY.

At five P.M., I left, with great regret, the site of Meroe, and

stopped for the night at half past seven. The navigation of the river,

in the dark, at this season of the year, is dangerous, on account

of the number of rocks. We have passed, this evening, the village

of Abukatab, to the west, and on the east a large village called

Kabushish, and an island of the same name. We passed Garburiah, a

large village to the west, and we are now near El Gililife, a smaller

one on the same side. Yesterday, and this morning, I was greatly

alarmed for the health of my Dragoman. He has had a most violent

dysentery, which I have at last cured with opium and calomel; the

former sufficiently strong to keep him asleep. This attack might have

been fatal to him had he not possessed a very strong constitution.

_March_ 7. We set sail this morning, at six, with a favourable wind,

and passed, at nine, a large village called Meroueer, on the west

side. The resemblance to the ancient name is obvious, but there are

no remains. At ten we passed the village of Sofra, to the west; at

half past ten, the village of Gaher, same side, and the small island

of Addadiker. Shortly afterwards, we passed the village of Unukatab,

and arrived at Shendy at twelve.

[Illustration: FORTIFIED RESIDENCE OF THE ANCIENT MELEKS, OR KINGS,

OF SHENDY.]

_Shendy._—On the eastern banks of the river is one of the old

fortified houses of the Meleks, now the residence of the government. I

called to pay my respects to the Katshef, but was informed that he

was asleep. I proceeded to the town, which is about a mile distant

from the river. Burckhardt, by his very detailed account of Shendy,

conveys almost an impression that it is a considerable place; but,

though the capital of a once important province, that succeeded to

all that remains of the commerce of Meroe, as a city it can never have

been worthy of much notice. Any of the little towns in Lower and Upper

Egypt have ten times more the appearance of a metropolis. The houses

are little better than mere hovels; there are no shops, no _cafés_:

the country in the immediate vicinity is wretchedly barren. The

town may now contain 600 or 700 houses, and not more than 3000 or

3500 inhabitants. The dwellings are not crowded together, as in the

villages of Egypt; they are spacious, and have often interior courts:

the streets are wide, and there are in the town several open spaces,

or squares, some of which are used as market-places.

It fortunately happened to be the day of the bazaar, which gave me

an opportunity of seeing what articles were exposed for sale, and

also of observing the Arabs and peasants who attend the market. The

most valuable articles offered for sale were camels, dromedaries,

and slaves. The price of a male negro is from 10 to 20 dollars: they

are preferred young, being then more docile and less lethargic than

at a maturer age. Female slaves, when old, are valued according to

their acquirements: when young, being destined for the harem, they

rank according to their personal attractions, and vary from 30 to

100 dollars. Abyssinians, when young and beautiful, as they often

are, bring from 60 to 100 dollars. Camels were selling for 9 and 10

dollars each,—the best, 12 and 14; dromedaries, 12 and 20; and even

50 dollars for a high-bred Bishareen. There was a great show of oxen

with humps on their shoulders, like those of ancient Egypt, as they

are always represented on the walls. (See the one in the view of a

Dongolah cottage, Plate XXXVI.) There were also sheep and goats in

the bazaar: the sheep, 6 to 9 piastres (1_s._ 6_d._ to 2_s._ 3_d._),

skin included. The price of the goats, if they yield much milk, 10

piastres (2_s._ 6_d._). I remarked several peasants selling a coarse

common kind of goat’s-milk cheese, for which there is apparently

a great demand. The Cairo merchants bring a variety of articles:

white cotton dresses; cutlery of a very inferior quality, such as

twopenny knives, or razors, which sell here for fivepence; soap;

Abyssinian coffee (very good); beads; shells; small glass mirrors;

kohl (antimony), to tint their eyelids, and hennah to colour the

hands of the swarthy beauties; and a variety of spices and essences.

Their manner of dealing is peculiar. When I asked the price of a

camel (for I thought of buying some for my journey homewards), they

would not name one, but asked me how much I would give. I made an

offer for a dromedary to a man, who refused it, but still declined

saying how much he would demand. I soon gave up such a tedious

process of making a bargain. I observed some good specimens of the

Shendyan beauties. (See Plate XVI.) They have their hair twisted in

tresses and hanging down on each side of their faces; their dress is

of coarse materials, but flowing, graceful, and generally adjusted

with much taste and elegance.

[Illustration: Pl. 16.

_On stone by G. Scharf, from a Drawing by L. Bandoni._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

A WOMAN OF SHENDY.

MOUSSA. Son of a Melek of Berber.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

Shendy, Berber, Dar Shageea, Dongolah, &c., previous to their

submission to the Pasha, had each its own Melek, independent or

tributary to the great Melek of Sennaar. Each of the sons of these

petty kings had estates assigned to him; but they all acknowledged

the head of the family, that is, the reigning Melek, contributed

to his support and defence, submitted to his laws and commands,

and served him in war. This order of Meleks, or nobles, was most

numerous; and they established their power by the same base system

alluded to in my account of Berber, and to which I refer with

reluctance, as developing the means by which the Meleks obtained

political influence in this part of the interior of Africa. Such a

profligate, and, fortunately, unique system of family aggrandisement

tended obviously to the complete demoralisation of the country. They

purchased, or made captive in their wars, female slaves; of which

some possessed thirty, others as many as a hundred, and some five

hundred. These unfortunate creatures, as already stated, were placed

by the meleks in the different villages, and obliged to gratify the

avarice of their masters, and earn their own scanty livelihood by the

abandonment of their virtue. The only privilege these most wretched

of slaves possess is, that when they have paid to the melek a sum

equal to their purchase money or present value, the custom of the

country precludes him from selling them. It is at his option to

sell or not the child to the father. The price of the infant is

generally from 150 to 200 piastres. The daughters, when grown up,

succeed to their mother’s “heritage of woe.” The compulsion

under which these victims act is some apology for this systematic

depravity. They pride themselves as superior to the common almæ,

and are not considered in the same light by the virtuous women in the

village, who never admit the almæ into their houses, or hold any

intercourse with them. These slaves, on the contrary, are not only

permitted to visit them and join in their occupations and festivals,

but are admitted to their friendship. They are allowed to be present

at their wedding and funeral ceremonies, though not to join in the

dance. The sons of these slaves, as already noticed, are sometimes

sold, particularly when the melek is in want of money; but generally

they are brought up to cultivate the ground of their chief, and, when

necessity requires, rally around his standard, and accompany him to

battle. From their earliest infancy, they are entirely devoted to

the despotic will of their melek; evincing great attachment to his

person, and zeal in the execution of his commands, as the only means

by which they can hope for emancipation. This singular kind of family

connection may, perhaps, account for the supreme authority in this

country having been so seldom disturbed, and for the rare occurrence

of those revolutions so common in such petty uncivilised states. The

result of the system was, that the melek had always a large force

of slaves and dependants, besides those of the meleks his kinsmen,

who were also implicitly devoted to his will, and deeply interested

in maintaining the peace and security of the kingdom.

The meleks were the only aristocracy of the country. Each, before the

Pasha’s domination, took four wives; and many, regardless of the

limit set by the Koran, even more. They tell me that Melek Tumbol of

Argo has had twenty-one.[20] Their wives, who are always daughters

of meleks, pass their time in the harem; for it is considered a

degradation to have a son by a slave or woman of low rank, or to

allow their wives to work. The Pasha, by depressing the meleks, has

diminished, but not destroyed, this system of slavery; and at some

future period it may be the means of exciting a combined effort to

expel his descendants. Serving, as some of the Shageea slaves do,

in his army, they have, of course, learned the use of fire-arms, and

could turn them against their oppressors. There are 500 of the Shageea

tribe in the pay of the Pasha. But, perhaps aware that the security

of their dominion over this country consists in their discipline,

and the superiority of their arms, the government have not admitted

into their army any of the Arab tribes of this vicinity; and these

Shageeas being at a distance, near Habeesh, little danger is to be

apprehended from them now: indeed, so long as they are so far distant

with the army, they may be considered as hostages for the fidelity

of their province. Hourshid Bey, the governor of Sennaar, besides

the 500 Shageea slaves, has also under his command nearly 5000 men,

consisting of Mograbins, from Lower Egypt, Fellaheen, and Turks. With

this force, he extends every campaign the Pasha’s dominion on the

Blue River, and sends every year never less than 500, and often as

many as 3000 slaves, the trophies of his victories, to Cairo.

Before the conquest of Ismael Pasha, Shendy, I understand, was rather

more populous: but this was the town where that unfortunate prince

met his fate. The circumstances connected with this event, according

to the information I obtained here, differ, in some respects, from

those which have been stated by other travellers. It might seem that

the accounts obtained by those who passed immediately after his death

were likely to be most correct: but often the contrary is the case;

for events in the course of time have new light thrown upon them, and

the rashness and imprudence of Ismael Pasha were naturally glossed

over at the moment. He came from Sennaar to Shendy with about ten

Mamelukes. The Meleks Nimr (tiger) of Shendy, and Messayad of Metammah

(a eunuch who once belonged to Sultan Foddal of Darfour), came to

pay their homage to him. The Pasha demanded of Nimr a subsidy, to

the value of 100,000 dollars, in money, slaves, and cattle: Nimr,

in no very polite terms, declared his inability, when the Pasha,

in a fit of passion, struck him with his pipe. Nimr, enraged at this

insult, was on the point of drawing his sabre and attacking the Pasha;

but Melek Messayad pacified him, advising him, in the dialect of the

Bishareen, which they both understood, to delay his revenge until

evening, and at present to promise a compliance with the exorbitant

requisition. The two chiefs, after leaving the presence, ordered their

slaves and people to prepare a quantity of wood. The Khasnar Dar Bey

of the Pasha observed these preparations, and was overheard by an

Arab advising the Prince to effect his escape: but the latter, with

the pride peculiar to the Turks, replied, “Am I not a Pasha? and

what Arab dare touch me?” A few hours after dark, they surrounded

the house with faggots, set fire to them, and the unfortunate Prince

and the Mamelukes who were with him perished in the flames. Nimr

fled up the country, married a daughter of a king of Habeesh, and

is still the inveterate enemy of the Turks. The same night Melek

Messayad fell upon the few troops that were stationed at Metammah,

and massacred them. Messayad was afterwards killed by the Deftar Dar

Bey, as were also a great number of the Shendyans, suspected to be

connected with the murder of the Prince. In consequence of this event,

the government have made Metammah, on the opposite side of the river,

their chief place of residence, and several of the inhabitants of

Shendy have removed thither.

Metammah, situated one hour’s walk from the river, is a much

more desolate-looking place than even Shendy. You see streets full

of sand, scarcely an inhabitant, no _brio_, no bazaar: the houses

are common hovels. Such are the present capitals of Ethiopia. The

only habitable abode is one of the fortified castles of the Sheakhs,

now occupied by a Katshef, who commands this part of the province. I

paid him a visit, but found him a stupid fellow, and could procure

no information from him on any subject, especially concerning the

locality of the antiquities in the desert I was anxious to visit. His

house presented a complete contrast to that of the governor of

Berber, being filthy in the extreme, so that I was almost afraid to

sit down on his divan. The servants who presented the coffee were

the most wretchedly dressed fellows I have seen in the country. The

conversation was chiefly about backsheesh (presents), and the spirit

they exhibited, in discussing the prices of the camels I required for

my journey into the desert, was very disgusting. The Katshef’s son

entered the room, and fired off an English pistol at the window,—a

Turkish hint that another pistol would be acceptable. The Katshef

asked me to stop and dine with him; but really the appearance of

the place was not sufficiently promising to induce me to accept his

offer. He ordered me a horse to convey me back to my tent, and gave

me a dirty scoundrel as a guide who did not know the road. The moon

had not risen; and, it being extremely dark, we missed the track

in crossing the plain: fortunately, the light of a fire, which I

knew came from a hut near my boat, served me as a guide. The horse,

several times, nearly fell, in consequence of the roughness of the

ground. On arriving at my tent, I gave the urchin three piastres,

with which he was not satisfied, although the clothes, or rather rags,

on his back were not worth half the sum.

_March_ 8. I returned this morning to Shendy, and waited on the

Katshef, an old retired officer, not now in the employ of the

Pasha; but, having been useful in his day, he receives his pay, and

lives here in good style. He gave us an excellent dinner: the most

remarkable dish was a preparation of meat with _raib_, a kind of sour

milk, which is very refreshing in this climate; he also assisted us in

making the necessary preparations for our excursion into the desert.

CHAPTER VIII.

DEPARTURE FROM SHENDY. — DIFFICULTIES. — DESERT. — VISIT FROM

AND ANECDOTES OF LIONS. — IMMENSE RUINS. — CONFUSION OF THE

PLAN. — BUILT BY BAD ARCHITECTS. — DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF THE

PRINCIPAL TEMPLE. — STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE. — OTHER RUINS. —

SINGULAR SITUATION OF THE RUINS. — THE PURPOSE FOR WHICH THEY WERE

CONSTRUCTED. — THEIR PROBABLE AGE.

March 9. We left Shendy later than we intended, having been delayed by

the following little difficulties. I had engaged from the government

six camels, with three drivers, of which they only sent me one driver.

As I found I should lose a day, or perhaps two, in going back to

Metammah, and there were said to be none procurable here, I was forced

to yield this point. I had also stipulated for a Turkish soldier, who

accompanied Cailliaud, and for a habeer (guide), and had agreed to give

twelve piastres per day for these two persons. Before setting out, I

asked the soldier, “where was the habeer?” “I am the habeer,” he said.

“Where, then,” asked I, “is the soldier?” “Oh,” said he, “I am soldier

and habeer both.” I was resolved not to start without another, my own

men not being sufficient to load the camels. After a long dispute,

he at length procured me an Arab. This is a specimen of the little

annoyances to which travellers are generally liable in dealing with

Turks. The desert to-day has had the appearance of a shrubbery, being

richly covered with long yellow grass, acacias, tamarinds, and thorns,

and enlivened with numerous herds of gazelles. Every two or three

minutes we saw six or eight, but so wild that our attempts to approach

them were fruitless.

_Ruins of Wady Owataib, or Mecaurat.—March_ 10. We started this

morning at six, and at eleven arrived at these interesting ruins. We

passed, at about nine, a range of soft sandstone hills, which run

from east to west.

I was surprised to find in this situation, which may be called the

interior of the Desert, such extensive remains of antiquity. They

consist of an edifice, containing temples, courts, corridors,

&c. destined for purposes not religious only, but civil, domestic,

or military. After taking a general survey, I returned to my tent

for my portfolio, pencils, &c. My dragoman met me, with a bewildered

look, and communicated to me intelligence which was any thing but

agreeable. A man, who was driving cattle, the only person we have

met to-day, came and asked my servants, who were pitching the tent,

if they were not afraid of lions, as they seemed to be preparing

to pass the night amongst the ruins. He told them that he brought

his cattle here to pasture only during the day, when the lions are

asleep in their dens among the mountains, but through the night

they prowl all over this part of the plain; and only six nights

ago four of them had killed three of his cattle, within 200 yards

of our tent. He showed them the spot where their bones lay, and

advised us immediately to quit this place, and remove either to the

Nile, or to a distant mountain, whither he was going, and where we

should be in safety. These tidings caused no slight consternation

in my little caravan; some repented having come, others wished to

return immediately; all seemed dismayed at the idea of passing the

night exposed to such unpleasant visiters. Was I then to leave the

antiquities of Meroe, and abandon the hope of being able to procure

any further memorials of their magnificence? There were only two

alternatives: to return with the mortification of having failed in

one of the great objects of my journey, and still, as we could not

arrive before night, perhaps incur the same danger; or to take the

necessary precautions for defence in case of being attacked by these

animals. I chose the latter course, and made my men collect all the

wood that could be found, to keep up fires during the night. I sent

my dragoman and the Turkish soldier towards the neighbouring hills,

to see if they could discover any traces of them. After an hour they

returned, and said they had seen none. The fact was, my dragoman did

not know their footprints, and the Turk concealed the truth. Scarcely

had I finished an address to my artist and servants, endeavouring

to assure them that, after this intelligence, we should, with proper

precautions, be perfectly safe, when, looking down, I perceived, in

my very tent, the distinct traces of a lion; but I put my foot upon

them, and said nothing. I could discover no other marks about the

ruins; but a very light wind is sufficient to efface the impression

on a loose sandy desert like this. This evening I have established

a watch, and kept it myself five hours. My servants are sleeping on

the ground, according to their custom, and have taken the precaution

to form the camels into a sort of fortification, by tying them down

in a circle round themselves. They are now all sleeping soundly,

unconscious of danger, except my habeer, who has fastened the heel

of his camel to his own leg, knowing well that the instinct of that

creature (trembling and restive whenever a lion is near) will warn

him of danger, and at the same time the animal will be prevented

from flying off and escaping without his master.

_March_ 11. I had not been long asleep, during the watch of my

servants and artist, when I was suddenly roused. The Turk had seen two

lions among the ruins, within 100 yards of my tent, and had fired his

gun to frighten them away. I immediately ordered additional fires

to be lighted: shortly afterwards, the peasant, who had advised

us against encamping here, came to us for protection. By the light

of the moon he had perceived the approach of two lions, which, he

said, were behind him in the plain. I went a short distance from

my tent, with the Turk, to reconnoitre, and I heard them roaring

at no considerable distance. The roar soon became very distinct,

even in my tent, but it did not prevent my falling asleep, as I was

dreadfully fatigued by the previous day’s work, the long watch I

had made, and the excessive heat. This was yesterday extraordinary

for the season, being 110° in the shade (of the temple), though the

extreme has been hitherto 98° and 100°. I slept the remainder of

the night. This morning we found that the four lions had rambled all

over the ruins, and their traces were quite fresh in every part. They

had evidently been deterred only by our fires from attacking us. I

ascertained them, by their footsteps, to be two males and two females;

one of the males must have been very large, the females much smaller.

Every place and country has its danger, but few spread more alarm

than this terror of the deserts. Seas and oceans have their tempests,

in which vessels are frequently shipwrecked; and, even in smooth

water, rocks and shoals send many to a watery grave. The traveller,

even on the king’s high road, has sometimes to dread banditti. How

many accidents occur even to the citizen on his holyday trips! Thus

he who has never quitted his native country, and the traveller

in foreign lands, are alike beset with perils; but there are few

dangers which cannot be alleviated, often prevented, by prudent and

precautionary measures, and which, stripped of the terrors in which

heated imaginations have clothed them, present in their reality much

that is alarming. By simply keeping up a few fires, the merchants

who pass these deserts sleep securely, in defiance of their being

infested by the most formidable of all wild beasts. I should, however,

state, that instances are mentioned of fires not having this effect,

when the lions are excessively pressed by hunger, particularly at the

season when they require food for their young. Towards evening (for

it is very seldom, if ever, that the lion is seen during the day),

one alone has often arrested a large caravan. In some instances they

have been known to attack men; but are generally content with an ox

or a camel, which they kill, and sometimes, particularly if they

have left their females or young in their den, carry away a large

part on their shoulders. The number of these animals must increase

rapidly every year, for it is very seldom that an instance occurs

of one being killed.

They tell me, that a party of twenty peasants went lately to destroy

two which had taken a station within a very short distance of the

river, and committed great ravages among the flocks. The men were

armed with lances, shields, and sabres. They traced the lions to

their den, and began lighting fires, to drive them out. The female

darted past them immediately. The male remained some time, until he

could no longer endure the smoke, when he began to roar in a most

terrific manner; he then rushed out, infuriated, upon the peasants:

not one, however, of these gallant assailants had the courage to

fling his lance, but each, without any consideration for the fate of

his friends, sought his own security in flight. Fire-arms only are of

use against these formidable animals, but the Italian proverb is said

to be true of them:—_Il lione ferito alla morte non s’avvilisce

ancora_. They are generally seen two and four together, often more,

but always in pairs. They are very rarely disturbed; and, as no

attempts have been made to exterminate them, their number is said

to have increased considerably during these last few years. This

may be considered the place where their haunts begin. They infest

the road to Sennaar and the west side of the Atbara; but travellers

incur less danger in the beaten track of the caravans than when,

like us, they deviate from it.

The reader will recollect that, at the entrance of this desert,

I observed great numbers of gazelles, but for several miles round

these ruins and hills I saw none. These timid creatures prefer the

risk of approaching the habitations of man, considering the arts of

the peasants to destroy them less perilous than the vicinity of the

lions. The latter know the places in the plain where the gazelles

sleep, and, favoured by the darkness of night, dart upon their

victims, whose superior swiftness only avails them when sometimes the

roaring of their enemy intimates his approach. The Arabs tell some

singularly superstitious tales of the generosity of the lion. The

following has been related to me as a fact, by different peasants; but

I must confess that, like the generality of Arab tales, it partakes

of the marvellous: yet, perhaps, with a _mélange_ of fable, there

may be some kind of foundation of truth. They say, that when the lion

seizes the cow of a peasant, he will permit the owner to carry away

a portion; particularly if he asks for it in the name of his mother,

wife, or family, _and takes it without showing any fear_.—I must

apologise to the antiquarian, and perhaps to readers in general,

for this long digression from my description of these antiquities,

but I promised to give some account, not only of the remains, but

also of the present inhabitants of Ethiopia.

The plan (see Plate XIII.) which I give of these ruins was made

with the utmost care by my artist, Mr. B., and drawn out on the

spot. I can testify for the pains that were taken to render it as

accurate as possible. The ruin is too much destroyed for the plan

to be perfectly correct, as to the size and situation of some of

the doors, and the dimensions of many of the apartments; still,

there is all that is necessary to exhibit to the reader the general

form of the edifice. Even if all the walls were remaining, without

any inscription to elucidate them, it would still be doubtful what

this extraordinary mass of building has been. The appearance of

the ruins is very imposing, from their immense extent; and I will

give a detailed description of them, as they are certainly the most

curious and inexplicable I have yet seen in Ethiopia. They consist

of chambers, courts, corridors, and temples, in an enclosure or

parallelogram, 760 by 660 feet; but in more accurate numbers the

entire circumference is 2854 feet. The north-east side is 660 feet

long; the north-west, the only side on which there are entrances,—

Ft. In.

From the angle to the door 88 0

Width of the door 13 0

To the central entrance 220 6

Width of the central entrance 16 0

Thence to the other entrance 228 0

Width of that entrance 16 0

Thence to the angle 188 0

-------

Total north-west side 769 6

south-west side 665 0

south-east side 760 0

north-east side 660 0

--------

Total circumference of the edifice 2854 6

--------

On the north-east, south-east, and south-west sides, there are no

entrances into the enclosure. The wall on the north-west side cannot

be traced accurately through its whole extent. There have apparently

been three entrances on this side; the central one, which is the most

distinguishable, leads into a large court, 620 feet wide and 144 feet

long. Opposite to the central entrance, on the south-east side of

the court, is a long narrow corridor, 8 feet wide and 205 feet long,

which leads to the principal temple, situated in a court 94 feet long

by 85 feet wide. To give an exact idea of the situation of this court,

I should state, that from the wall of the court to the enclosure on

the south-east side is 106 feet; 165 feet to the enclosure on the

south-west side; 204 feet from the north-west and 150 feet from the

north-east side. Although not exactly in the centre of the structure,

a slight examination of the plan will enable the reader to perceive

that, from its situation, size, and the circumstance of the corridors

leading into it, that edifice was, evidently, the principal temple:

it is 47 feet long, from north-west to south-east; and 40 feet

6 inches broad. The large court, and the corridor from it to the

temple, in a line with the central entrance of the enclosure, clearly

indicate that the grand entrance was on the west side; and yet it

is singular there is no doorway in the temple on that side. There

are five entrances into the latter; one on the south-east side,

two on the north-east, and two on the south-west. In front of the

south-east end have been twelve columns, three feet and a half in

diameter, in two rows of six each; before the west end, six columns,

and five at each side, not including the columns at the angles:

making, altogether, twenty-eight columns. There are the remains of

four columns, which ornamented the interior of the temple. In front

of it, on the south-east side, is a doorway which leads into a room

20 feet by 26, with two chambers on one side and one on the other;

before them is an inclined parapet: an architectural ornament to the

façades of temples, of which there are examples even in the best

style of Egyptian edifices, such as at Solib. (Plate XL.) The axis

of the door leading through this room to the parapet is the same as

that of the central edifice into the temple. The circumstance of this

inclined parapet wall, and there being a double row of columns only

at this end of the temple, prove that it fronted to the south-east.

[Illustration: Pl. 13.

_From a Drawing by L. Bandoni._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

RUINS OF WADY OWATAIB OR MECAURAT.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]

The court containing the inclined parapet leading into the temple is

125 feet wide and 75 feet long: several doors lead out of it; one to

the east into a court of 96 feet long and 165 feet broad, in which is

a small temple fronting the south-west. A few rows of steps lead up to

a portico which was ornamented with four columns, fragments of which

are still remaining. On each side of the door leading from the portico

into the temple is a colossal statue, very much mutilated, being

now without either head or arms. They are attached to the wall in

the Egyptian manner, and they have the attitude of one foot advanced

before the other, like the Egyptians. The style of one is tolerably

good; the other, that is, the one on the east side of the doorway,

is much inferior. They are accurately represented in my drawing. The

exterior of this little temple is 53 feet by 45: at the angles is the

Egyptian beading. The doorway is ornamented with a twisted serpent

on each side. The interior, which consisted of one room, contains the

remains of two columns without their capitals. From their situation,

there appears to have been originally six: on the walls are some rude

scratches, but undoubtedly modern. South of the principal temple is a

large court, 258 feet long and 248 feet broad. On the north-east side

of the principal temple is a corridor 7 feet wide and 96 feet long,

having a north-west direction, whence it turns to the south-east for

45 feet, and leads into a court where there is another small temple:

this had also a portico before it, which was ornamented with four

columns. The exterior of this temple measures 52 feet by 29. In

the interior there are now the remains of four columns, from the

position of which there seem to have been originally eight. On the

south-west side of the principal temple is a corridor 86 feet long

and 12 feet wide, having a south-west direction, whence it turns

to the north-west for 20 feet, and leads to some small rooms, and

also into a large court 88 feet long, containing two small chambers,

in one of which are the fragments of three columns.

[Illustration: SMALL TEMPLE AT WADY EL OWATAIB.]

[Illustration: Pl. 14.

_On stone from a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr._

_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

WADY OWATAIB.

_Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835._]