PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION APPROACHING--METHOD OF ELECTION--MEASURES OF
POLITICAL PARTIES--SPURIOUS LETTERS REPUBLISHED--WASHINGTON'S
FAREWELL ADDRESS PUBLISHED--RECEPTION OF THE ADDRESS--AFFECTION OF
THE PEOPLE--CANDIDATES FOR THE PRESIDENCY--COCKADE
PROCLAMATION--ADET'S CHARGES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT--APPEAL TO THE
PASSIONS--MEETING OF CONGRESS--THE PRESIDENT'S LAST ANNUAL
MESSAGE--ITS RECOMMENDATIONS--MILITARY ACADEMY--WEST
POINT--RELATIONS WITH FRANCE--ANSWER OF THE TWO HOUSES OF
CONGRESS--PRAISE OF WASHINGTON AND HIS ADMINISTRATION OPPOSED--HIS
FRIENDS IN A LARGE MAJORITY--PERSONAL ABUSE--MALIGNANT LETTER FROM
THOMAS PAINE, AND ADET'S PAMPHLET--WASHINGTON'S REMARKS ON THEIR
PUBLICATION.
The appointed hour for a new presidential election was now drawing near.
At that time no nomination for chief-magistrate was formally made, nor
officially announced. The letter of the constitution was adhered to, and
the people were called upon to choose electors only, who, when they
should meet at the time specified by the constitution, should ballot for
whomsoever they pleased for president. Yet the politicians and the
leaders of parties in the Congress usually held up to the view of the
people candidates who afterward received the consideration of the
electoral college. The electors were therefore chosen in reference,
first, to their partisan character, and secondly, to their partiality to
some particular man prominent in the political field.
It was well known to Washington's more intimate friends, that he would
not consent to re-election. His reserve on that subject, and the long
delay in making a public announcement of his intention to retire to
private life puzzled the politicians. The president's political enemies
were more active than ever. We have already noticed the publication of
certain queries proposed by Washington to his cabinet, respecting the
reception of Genet, by which it was hoped to prejudice him in the
public mind by proving, by implication, his hostility to France. Another
weapon used by his unscrupulous enemies, for the purpose of degrading
him in the eyes of the American people, was the republication of a
series of spurious letters, purporting to have been written by
Washington. They were first published in London, in 1777, and
republished in Rivington's _Royal Gazette_, in February, 1778. These
letters, it was charged, were written by Washington from the army to
members of his family, in which he expressed private views of public
affairs quite inconsistent with his acts as commander-in-chief, or his
professions as a patriot. It was alleged that Billy, his body-servant,
had been captured, and that these letters, or copies of them, were found
in a portmanteau in the servant's possession. But the original
fabricator of the letters missed his aim. It was well known that Billy
had never been in the hands of the enemy;[107] and, in a short time, this
attempt to injure Washington was forgotten, and the letters were buried
in oblivion. But the hyena of political partisanship dragged them from
the grave almost twenty years later, and they were republished with a
new title,[108] and put forth as genuine, very soon after the appearance
of two volumes of Washington's official letters, which had been copied,
by permission, in the office of the secretary of state, carried to
London, and there printed.
In order to give more force to the intended effect of these spurious
letters, a preface to the new edition was carefully written, which
contained the following paragraph:--
"Since the publication of the two volumes of General Washington's
'Original Letters to the Congress,' the editor has been repeatedly
applied to for the general's 'Domestic and Confidential Epistles,'
first published soon after the beginning of the American war. These
epistles are here offered to the public, together with a copious
appendix, containing a number of official letters and papers, not
to be found in the general's original letters above noticed; but
the collection must certainly be looked upon as in a mutilated
state, so long as it remains unaccompanied with the epistles, etc.,
which are now respectfully submitted to the patronage of the
public, and which form a supplement absolutely necessary to make
the work complete. That this collection of 'Domestic and
Confidential Epistles' will be regarded as a valuable acquisition
by a very great majority of the citizens of the United States, is
presumable from the prevailing taste of all well-informed people.
Men not precluded by ignorance from every degree of literary
curiosity, will always feel a solicitude to become acquainted with
whatever may serve to throw light on illustrious personages.
History represents them acting on the stage of the world, courting
the applause of mankind. To see them in their real character we
must follow them behind the scenes, among their private connections
and domestic concerns."
Nothing in our modern political warfare has equalled, in meanness and
moral turpitude, this assassin-stab at the character of a public man.
Washington, with proper dignity, treated it as he had done other
slanders, with that contemptuous silence which it deserved. But that
very silence was construed into an acknowledgment of the truth of the
words of the calumny. "The malignant commentators on this spurious
text," says Marshall, "would not admit the possibility of its being
apocryphal."
While political and partisan abuse was pouring most copiously upon the
head of the president, his Farewell Address appeared. It was published,
as we have seen, at about the middle of September, and produced a great
sensation throughout the country. The ribald voice of party-spirit was
for a moment subdued in tone, if not silenced, for it was deprived of
the theme of Washington's renomination, which had been a convenient
excuse for attacks upon his character. In every part of the Union
sentiments of veneration for the author were manifested. Some of the
state legislatures directed the address to be entered at large upon
their journals. It was published in every newspaper in the land, and in
many of those in foreign countries; and in legislative bodies and social
and diplomatic circles abroad, it was for some time a fruitful topic of
remark. From the time of its publication until the expiration of the
term of his presidency, Washington received public addresses from all
the state legislatures which were convened within that period. Many
public bodies, also, addressed him with affectionate words, expressing
cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years that he had
filled the office of chief-magistrate of the nation.[109]
Already the strong hold which his person and character had taken of the
affections of his countrymen had been fully evinced. Names of men having
great political influence had been held up to the people in several
states as his successor, but were not satisfactory. "In districts where
the opposition to his administration was most powerful," says Marshall,
"where all his measures were most loudly condemned; where those who
approved his system possessed least influence; the men who appeared to
control public opinion on every other subject found themselves unable to
move it on this. Even the most popular among the leaders of the
opposition were reduced to the necessity of surrendering their
pretensions to a place in the electoral body, or of pledging themselves
to bestow their suffrages on the actual president. The determination of
his fellow-citizens had been unequivocally manifested, and it was
believed to be apparent that the election would again be unanimous, when
he announced his resolution to withdraw from the honors and the toils of
office."
"The president declining to be again elected," wrote Oliver Wolcott,
"constitutes a most important epoch in our national affairs. The country
meet the event with reluctance, but they do not feel that they can make
any claim for the further services of a man who has conducted their
armies through a successful war; has so largely contributed to establish
a national government; has so long presided over our councils and
directed the public administration, and in the most advantageous manner
settled all national differences, and who can leave the administration
when nothing but our folly and internal discord can render the country
otherwise than happy."
The federalists and republicans now marshalled their forces for the
election. Their respective chiefs were brought forward. John Adams,
whose official station placed him in the line of promotion, and whose
public services, ability, and sterling integrity were well known to the
nation, was the choice of the federalists for the presidency, and Thomas
Pinckney, the accomplished diplomat, for the vice-presidency. The
republican party chose Mr. Jefferson, to use a modern political phrase,
as their standard-bearer. With these names as watchwords, the party
leaders went into the contest for presidential electors in November.
That contest was warm in every doubtful state. The parties seemed
equally balanced, and the final result of the action of the electoral
college, unlike the operations of the canvass in our day, could not be
determined beforehand.
While the canvass was in progress, Adet, the French minister, imitating
Genet, attempted to influence the political action of the American
people. The British treaty, the recall of Monroe, and the appointment of
Pinckney as his successor at Paris, offended him, and a few weeks after
the departure of Pinckney, he made a formal communication of the decree
of his government, already mentioned, which evinced a spirit of
hostility. In his accompanying letter he entered into an elaborate
defence of the decree, and renewed complaints which he had before urged,
that British ships-of-war were allowed to recruit their crews by
pressing into their service sailors from American vessels. Further
imitating Genet, by appealing to the people, Adet sent his communication
to be printed in the _Aurora_, at the same time that it was forwarded to
the state department. This was followed, in the course of a few days, by
a proclamation, signed by Adet, calling upon all Frenchmen residing in
America, in the name of the French Directory, to wear the tri-colored
cockade, which he termed "the symbol of a liberty the fruit of eight
years' toil and five years' victories;" and assured those he addressed,
that any Frenchman who should hesitate to comply, should not be allowed
the aid of French consular chanceries, or the national protection.
Immediately after this "cockade proclamation" was issued, that token of
attachment to the French republic abounded. It was worn by many
Americans as well as Frenchmen, and it became the badge of party
distinction for several years.
Adet followed up his proclamation by another missile, sent
simultaneously to the state department and the _Aurora_, demanding "the
execution of that contract [treaty of 1778] which assured to the United
States their existence, and which France regarded as the pledge of the
most sacred union between two people, the freest upon earth." He assumed
that his government was "terrible to its enemies, but generous to its
allies," and prefaced his summary of alleged violations of the
international compact, by a flourish of rhetoric intended to impress the
American people.
"When Europe rose up against the republic, at its birth," he said, "and
menaced it with all the horrors of famine; when on every side France
could not calculate on any but enemies, their thoughts turned toward
America, and a sweet sentiment then mingled itself with those proud
feelings which the presence of danger, and the desire of repelling it,
produced in their hearts. In Americans they saw friends. Those who went
to brave tempests and death upon the ocean, forgot all dangers in order
to indulge the hope of visiting that American continent where, for the
first time, the French colors had been displayed in favor of liberty.
Under the guaranty of the law of nations, under the protecting shade of
a solemn treaty, they expected to find in the ports of the United States
an asylum as sure as at home; they thought, if I may use the expression,
there to find a second country. The French government thought as they
did. O hope worthy of a faithful people, how hast thou been deceived!
So far from offering the French the succors which friendship might have
given without compromising itself, the American government, in this
respect, violated the obligations of treaties."
This exordium was followed by a summary of instances of bad faith on the
part of the United States, beginning, as he said, with the president's
"insidious proclamation of neutrality," and aggravated by the late
treaty with Great Britain. Adet announced the fact that the French
Directory, as an expression of their dissatisfaction with what they
considered equivalent to a treaty of alliance between the United States
and Great Britain, had given him orders to suspend his ministerial
functions, and to return home. "But the cause," he added, "which had so
long restrained the just resentment of the executive directory from
bursting forth, now tempered its effects. The name of America,
notwithstanding the wrongs of its government, still excited sweet
emotions in the hearts of Frenchmen; and the executive directory wished
not to break with a people whom they loved to salute with the
appellation of a friend." Therefore, the suspension of his functions was
not to be regarded as a rupture between France and the United States,
but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government
of the United States "returned to sentiments and to measures more
conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn
friendship between the two nations."
This extraordinary letter closed with the following peroration, intended
to stimulate the anti-British feeling among the Americans, and to
influence the action of the electoral college in their choice of
chief-magistrate of the republic:--
"Alas! time has not yet demolished the fortifications with which
the English roughened this country, nor those the Americans raised
for their defence; their half-rounded summits still appear in every
quarter, amid plains, on the tops of mountains. The traveller need
not search for the ditch which served to encompass them; it is
still open under his feet. Scattered ruins of houses laid waste,
which the fire had partly respected, in order to leave monuments
of British fury, are still to be found. Men still exist who can
say, 'Here a ferocious Englishman slaughtered my mother; there my
wife tore her bleeding daughter from the hands of an unbridled
Englishman!' Alas! the soldiers who fell under the sword of the
Britons are not yet reduced to dust; the laborer, in turning up his
fields, still draws from the bosom of the earth their whitened
bones, while the ploughman, with tears of tenderness and gratitude,
still recollects that his fields, now covered with rich harvests,
have been moistened with French blood; while everything around the
inhabitants of this country animates them to speak of the tyranny
of Great Britain, and of the generosity of Frenchmen; when England
had declared a war of death, to revenge herself on France for
having consecrated with her blood the independence of the United
States; at such a moment their government makes a treaty of amity
with their ancient tyrant, the implacable enemy of their ancient
ally! O Americans! covered with noble scars! O you, who have so
often flown to death and to victory with French soldiers! you who
know those genuine sentiments which distinguish the true warrior!
whose hearts have always vibrated with those of your companions in
arms! consult them to-day to know what they experience. Recollect,
also, that magnanimous souls, if they resent an affront with
liveliness, know also how to forget one. Let your government return
to itself, and you will still find in Frenchmen faithful friends
and generous allies!"
The second session of the fourth Congress convened on the fifth of
December, and Washington met both houses, for the last time, on the
seventh. His message was short, but comprehensive, dignified, and
temperate. He took a general view of the condition of the country, in
which he adverted to the existing relations with the Indians; the delay
in delivering up the western posts, according to the provisions of Jay's
treaty; the proceedings of the commissioners to determine the
northeastern boundary of the United States; the action of other
commissioners under the treaty; the appointment of agents to reside in
Great Britain and the West Indies, "for the protection and relief of
American seamen;" and the relations with Algiers. He urged an increase
of the naval force of the United States as indispensable. "It is in our
own experience," he said, "that the most sincere neutrality is not a
sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure
respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to
vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even prevent the
necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from
committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party, as may,
first or last, leave no other option." He advised them to "begin,
without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the building and
equipping of ships-of-war," and to be prepared for all future
contingencies.
He urged upon them the importance of measures for fostering and
encouraging domestic manufactures, especially those articles which might
be needed in the event of war. "Ought our country," he said, "to remain
in such cases dependent on foreign supply, precarious, because liable to
be interrupted? If the necessary articles should, in this mode, cost
more in time of peace, will not the security and independence thence
arising form an ample compensation?"
He also recommended the fostering care of the government in promoting
agriculture, the predominant interest of the country. "In proportion as
nations advance in population and other circumstances of maturity," he
said, "this truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of
the soil more an object of public patronage. Institutions grow up
supported by the public purse; and to what object can it be dedicated
with greater propriety?"
He again urged the expediency of establishing a national university and
a military academy. "However pacific the general policy of the nation
may be," he said, in reference to the military school, "it ought never
to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies.
The first would impair the energies of its character, and both would
hazard its safety, or expose it to greater evils when war could not be
avoided. Besides, that war might not depend upon its own choice. In
proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation
from the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, ought to
be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper establishments,
the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument may be drawn from
particular examples, superficially viewed, a thorough examination of the
subject will evince, that the art of war is at once comprehensive and
complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that the
possession of it in its most improved and perfect state, is always of
great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a
serious care of every government." These and former suggestions on this
subject made by Washington, were finally acted upon by the Congress, and
in March, 1802, an act was passed for the establishment of such an
institution at West Point, in the Hudson Highlands.[110] But little was
done, however, until the breaking out of war, in 1812, when a corps of
professors was appointed, and the institution was organized.
Washington made the following temperate remarks, in his message,
concerning the disputes with France: "While, in our external relations,
some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome, and
others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention, that
circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade
has suffered, and is suffering, extensive injuries in the West Indies,
from the cruisers and agents of the French republic; and communications
have been received from its minister here, which indicate the danger of
a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority; and which are,
in other respects, far from agreeable. It has been my constant, sincere,
and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain
cordial harmony, and a perfect friendly understanding with that
republic. The wish remains unabated; and I shall persevere in the
endeavor to fulfil it, to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent
with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our
country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation, that a
spirit of justice, candor, and friendship, on the part of the republic,
will eventually insure success. In pursuing this course, however, I can
not forget what is due to the character of our government and nation; or
to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism,
self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen."
In conclusion Washington observed: "The situation in which I now stand,
for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of
the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration
of the present form of government commenced; and I can not omit the
occasion to congratulate you, and my country, on the success of the
experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplication to the Supreme Ruler
of the Universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his providential
care may still be extended to the United States; that the virtue and
happiness of the people may be preserved; and that the government which
they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be
perpetual."
The answer of the senate to this speech embraced all of its topics, and
approved every sentiment it contained. After alluding to the prosperous
condition of the United States, especially in their domestic relations,
the senate said: "While contemplating the causes that produce this
auspicious result, we must acknowledge the excellence of the
constitutional system, and the wisdom of the legislative provisions; but
we should be deficient in gratitude and justice, did we not attribute a
great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents
of your administration, which have been conspicuously displayed in the
most trying times, and on the most critical occasions: it is, therefore,
with the sincerest regrets that we now receive an official notification
of your intentions to retire from the public employments of your
country.
"When we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so
successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military,
as well during the struggles of the American Revolution as the
convulsive periods of a recent date, we can not look forward to your
retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards
accompanying you; and without mingling, with our fellow-citizens at
large, in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness that
sensibility and attachment can express. The most effectual consolation
that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain, arises from the
animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to
your successors, and the United States will thus continue to enjoy an
able, upright, and energetic administration."
The reply of the house was equally warm in personal compliments. "We
have ever concurred with you," they said, "in the most sincere and
uniform disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate, and it
is, of course, with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any
interruption of our harmony with the French republic has occurred; for
we feel, with you and with our constituents, the cordial and unabated
wish to maintain a perfect friendly understanding with that nation. Your
endeavors to fulfil that wish, and by all honorable means to preserve
peace, and to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore
so happily subsisted between the French republic and the United States,
can not fail, therefore, to interest our attention. And while we
participate in the full reliance you have expressed in the patriotism,
self-respect, and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing
hope that a mutual spirit of justice and moderation will insure the
success of your perseverance.
"When we advert to the internal situation of the United States," they
continued, "we deem it equally natural and becoming to compare the
present period with that immediately antecedent to the operation of the
government, and to contrast it with the calamities in which the state of
war still involves several of the European nations, as the reflections
deduced from both tend to justify as well as to excite a warmer
admiration of our free constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more
fervent and grateful sense of piety toward Almighty God for the
beneficence of his providence, by which its administration has been
hitherto so remarkably distinguished.
"And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and
patriotic administration has been signally conducive to the success of
the present form of government, we can not forbear to express the deep
sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement
from office.
"As no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the present
to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it can
not fail to awaken. The gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are
still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents
which were so eminently instrumental to the achievements of the
Revolution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial.
Your obedience to the voice of duty and your country, when you quitted,
reluctantly, a second time, the retreat you had chosen, and accepted the
presidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its
service, and an earnest of the patriotism and success which have
characterized your administration. As the grateful confidence of the
citizens in the virtues of their chief-magistrate has essentially
contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions
whom we represent participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the
present occasion.
"Yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice
displayed, by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no
less rare and instructive to mankind, than valuable to a republic.
Although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the
lustre of a character already conspicuously unrivalled by the
coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation; yet we
conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to
ourselves, and to our nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume
to think ourselves, at this moment, the faithful interpreters), to
express the sentiments with which it is contemplated.
"The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offering, by its
representatives, the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its First
Citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lustre
(a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which
adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit of which it is the
voluntary testimony.
"May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which
your name will ever be so dear; may your own virtues and a nation's
prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, and
the choicest of future blessings. For our country's sake, for the sake
of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be
the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament and
safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants."
When the committee presented this address to the house, some of the more
zealous of the opposition, among whom was Mr. Giles, of Virginia, warmly
opposed it. He moved that the whole of it in which the character and
influence of the president were eulogized should be expunged. He
expressed his belief that the _want_ of "wisdom and firmness" in the
administration had conducted the affairs of the nation to a crisis which
threatened greater calamities than any that had before occurred. He did
not regret the president's retiring from office. He hoped he would do
so, and enjoy the happiness that awaited him in retirement. He believed
that it would more conduce to that happiness that he should retire, than
if he should remain in office. He believed that the government of the
United States, founded on the broad basis of the people, required no
single man to administer it. The people were competent to manage
governmental affairs; and they would be in a calamitous situation
indeed, if one man were essential to the existence of the government. He
believed that there were a thousand men in the United States capable of
filling the presidential chair, and he was willing to trust to the
discernment of the people in making a proper choice. Though the voice of
all America should declare the president's retiring a calamity, he could
not join in the declaration, because he did not conceive it to be a
misfortune. He had always, he said, disapproved of the measures of the
administration in regard to foreign relations, and so had many members
of the house, and he should not now disavow former opinions, without
being first convinced of having been in error. He perceived more cause
than ever for adhering to his old opinions. The course of events had
pointed out their propriety; and, if he was not much mistaken, a crisis
was at hand which would confirm them. He desired gentlemen who were
willing to compliment the president to have some respect for the
feelings of others.
The administration party in the house strenuously opposed the motion to
expunge. They admitted that there might be many who were able to fill
the presidential chair with equal ability with Washington, but there was
not one who possessed, in a similar degree, the confidence of the
people. The regrets of his constituents, because of his proposed
retirement, had been expressed in every part of the Union, and the voice
of the people coincided with the sentiments of the address. The motion
to expunge was lost by a large majority. Only twelve members recorded
themselves in the affirmative, among whom was Andrew Jackson, who had
just taken his seat in the house, as a representative of Tennessee.
While Adet was fulminating his thunders against the administration, and
the opposition in the house were doing all in their power to injure the
president, the _Aurora_ newspaper was pouring out its venom with
increased malignity. "If ever a nation was debauched by a man," said a
correspondent of that paper, on the twenty-third of December, "the
American nation has been debauched by Washington. If ever a nation was
deceived by a man, the American nation has been deceived by Washington.
Let his conduct, then, be an example to future ages. Let it serve to be
a warning that no man may be an idol. Let the history of the federal
government instruct mankind, that the mask of patriotism may be worn to
conceal the foulest designs against the liberties of the people."
At about the same time, a malignant pamphlet, in the form of a letter
from Thomas Paine to Washington, was issued from the office of the
_Aurora_. Paine had been a member of the National Assembly of France,
and thrown into prison. Application had been made to the United States
government for his release, but, as in the case of Lafayette, it could
do nothing. This seeming neglect kindled the ire of Paine, who had, at
this time, become an habitual drunkard. He had, in consequence, also
become morose in disposition, and dogmatical in his opinions to an
insufferable degree. Monroe sympathized with him; and under his roof, in
Paris, Paine wrote the virulent letter alluded to, and sent it to Bache,
of the _Aurora_, to print and disseminate. The following extract will be
sufficient to exhibit its tone and temper:--
"The part I acted in the American Revolution is well known; I shall
not here repeat it. I know, also, that had it not been for the aid
received from France in men, money, and ships, that your cold and
unmilitary conduct (as I shall show in the course of this letter)
would, in all probability, have lost America; at least she would
not have been the independent nation she now is. You slept away
your time in the field till the finances of the country were
completely exhausted, and you have but little share in the glory of
the final event. It is time, sir, to speak the undisguised language
of historical truth.
"Elevated to the chair of the presidency, you assumed the merit of
everything to yourself, and the natural ingratitude of your
constitution began to appear. You commenced your presidential
career by encouraging and swallowing the grossest adulation; and
you travelled America, from one end to the other, to put yourself
in the way of receiving it. You have as many addresses in your
chest as James the Second. As to what were your views (for if you
are not great enough to have ambition, you are little enough to
have vanity) they can not be directly inferred from expressions of
your own; but the partisans of your politics have divulged the
secret."
How false and malignant are the assertions in this paragraph (which is a
fair specimen of the whole letter), the readers of these volumes well
know. It appears strange that a gentleman like Monroe, who was afterward
an honored chief-magistrate of the republic, should have been so
infatuated as to allow such a libel to go from under his roof.
The _Aurora_ press also issued a pamphlet at this time, entitled "Notes
from Citizen Adet, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic near
the United States of America, to the Secretary of State of the United
States." It was printed in French, with an English translation facing
each page. It contained the correspondence to which we have alluded, and
occupied, in the two languages, ninety-five pages. In reference to this
pamphlet, Washington wrote to his friend, Doctor Stuart, early in
January:--
"As to what effect M. Adet's conduct has had, or will have, on the
public mind, you can form a better opinion than myself. One of the
objects which he had in view, in timing the publication, is too
apparent to require explanation. Some of his own zealots do not
scruple to confess that he has been too precipitate, and thereby
injured the cause he meant to enforce; which is to establish such
an influence in this country as to sway the government, and to
control its measures. Evidences of this design are abundant, and
new proofs are exhibiting themselves to illustrate the fact; and
yet, lamentable thought! a large party, under real or pretended
fears of British influence, are moving heaven and earth to aid him
in his designs. It is a fact well known, for history proves it,
that from the restless temper of the French, and the policy of that
nation, they attempt openly or covertly, by threats or soothing
professions, to influence the conduct of most governments. That
they have attempted it with us a little time will show. But,
finding that a neutral conduct had been adopted, and would not be
relinquished by those who administered the government, the next
step was to try the people; and to work upon them, several presses
and many scribblers have been employed to emblazon the improper
acts of the British government and its officers, and to place them
in all the most exaggerated and odious points of view of which they
were susceptible; to complain that there was not only a deficiency
of friendship, but a want of justice also, in the executive toward
France, the cause of which, say they, is to be found in a
predilection for Great Britain. This not working so well as was
expected, from a supposition that there was too much confidence in,
and, perhaps, personal regard for, the present chief-magistrate
and his politics, the batteries latterly have been levelled at him
particularly and personally. Although he is soon to become a
private citizen, his opinions are to be knocked down, and his
character reduced as low as they are capable of sinking it, even by
resorting to absolute falsehoods. As an evidence whereof, and of
the plan they are pursuing, I send you a letter from Mr. Paine to
me, printed in this city, and disseminated with great industry.
Others of a similar nature are also in circulation.
"To what lengths the French Directory will ultimately go, it is
difficult to say; but, that they have been led to the present point
by our own people, I have no doubt. Whether some, who have done
this, would choose to accompany them any further or not, I shall
not undertake to decide. But I shall be mistaken if the candid part
of my countrymen, although they may be under a French influence, do
not see and acknowledge that they have imbibed erroneous
impressions of the conduct of this government toward France, when
the communication which I promised at the opening of the session,
and which will be ready in a few days, comes before the public. It
will be seen, if I mistake not, also, that country has not such
a claim upon our gratitude as has been generally supposed; and
that this country has violated no engagement with it, been guilty
of no act of injustice toward it, nor been wanting in friendship
when it could be rendered without departing from the neutral
station we had taken and resolved to maintain."
FOOTNOTES:
[107] "Although I never wrote, nor even saw one of these letters until
they issued from New York in print," wrote Washington to a friend, in
January, 1797, "yet the author of them must have been tolerably well
acquainted in, or with some person of my family, to have given the names
and some circumstances, which are grouped in the mass of erroneous
details. But, of all the mistakes which have been committed in this
business, none is more palpable, or susceptible of detection, than the
manner in which it is said they were obtained, by the capture of my
mulatto, Billy, with a portmanteau. All the army under my immediate
command could contradict this, and I believe most of them know, that no
attendant of mine, nor a particle of my baggage, ever fell into the
hands of the enemy during the whole course of the war."
[108] The title was "Epistles, Domestic, Confidential, and Official,
from General Washington; written about the commencement of the American
Contest, when he entered on the Command of the Army of the United
States. New York, printed by G. Robinson and J. Bull. London, reprinted
by F. H. Rivington, No. 62 St. Paul's Churchyard, 1796." In order to
give the affair the appearance of genuineness, and to make a volume of
respectable size, several important public despatches, which actually
passed between Washington and the British commanders; and also, a
selection from several of his addresses, orders, and instructions, were
added.
[109] A selection from Washington's replies to these addresses may be
found in the twelfth volume of Sparks' "Life and Writings of
Washington."
[110] For a notice of a general plan of a military academy at West
Point, prepared by Washington, see Sparks's "Life and Writings of
Washington," viii., 417.