CHAPTER VI

CAUSES OF ANTI-JAPANESE AGITATION

Modern Civilization.

The major cause of the agitation against Japanese in California must be

attributed to modern civilization, which, with scientific devices, has

conquered time and space and thereby destroyed the high walls of

international boundaries. Indeed, had it not been for the steamboat,

railroad, telegraph, and other civilized instruments, which bind the

nations of the world into a composite whole, and modern industrialism,

which civilization brought about and which in turn assisted in unifying

the world, Japan for one would have remained a peaceful hermit nation,

undisliked or unsuspected by any other. She, of course, has no reason to

regret the adoption of European culture, which brought her untold values

and happiness; but the fact remains that the present anti-Japanese

agitation in California, as well as elsewhere in the world, would never

have occurred had she not followed the lead of Occidental nations.

Clearly, such a conflict is one of the by-products of the complex

international relations brought about by modern science, which, simply

because of the lack of experience and regulation due to their short

history, remain deplorably defective. This suggests the point already

brought out in our introduction, that the principle of the solution of the

California problem lies not in an attempt at separating Japan and the

United States, which time and destiny brought together, but in a yet

closer, more regulated relationship, and in the promotion of a better

mutual understanding.

Various Attitudes Towards Japanese.

With reference to the attitude toward the Japanese, it is possible to

discern four classes of critics in California. There are the veteran

exclusionists, whose only hope in this world seems to be the realization

of the slogan, "All Japs must go!" There is the majority of people which

is too preoccupied with its own affairs to investigate the facts and is

ready to accept anything said or asserted by the exclusionists. Then there

are those, intellectually more critical, who hold independent opinions as

to why the Japanese must be excluded. There are also others who stoutly

oppose, rationally or irrationally, any attempt at excluding the Japanese.

The reasons offered for justifying the exclusion of the Japanese widely

vary according to the class of people, and they are often mutually

contradictory and conflicting. To those agitators whose motive is purely

self-interest, agitation is a profession, and hence it transcends the

consideration of justice or international courtesy. They have no scruples

about lying or resorting to any means which they think would serve their

purpose. The masses, generally speaking, accept what is given to them by

the agitators, unthinkingly echo their voices, and so play directly into

their hands. Only fair, rational exclusionists study the facts of the

case, consider the significance involved therein, and present arguments

supporting their conviction. It is in this class of people, and not in

professional agitators or whimsical populace, or irrational friends of the

Japanese, that the hope of the solution of the problem may be found.

From the fact that so much agitation is going on in California, some may

think--especially those in Japan--that all Californians are unkind or

hostile to the Japanese. This, however, is far from being the case. It is

precisely in California that the most earnest, devoted friends of the

island people are found--found in great numbers.[9] These sympathizers

are wholly unable to share the opinions of the exclusionists, and are

simply at a loss to comprehend the reason why so much fuss should be made

because of a handful of Japanese who compare favorably with European

immigrants.

Psychological Nature of the Cause.

The fact that right in the midst of the hotbed of the Japanese exclusion

movement there are goodly numbers of unqualified friends of the Japanese

suggests that the motives of exclusion as well as inclusion are primarily

personal; that is, psychological. We are all human and are prone to pass

judgment from personal incidents or experience. A single disagreeable

experience with a Japanese may drive a level-headed politician to a frenzy

of Japanese exclusion, just as the memory of one Japanese friend may make

another individual a consistent advocate of a friendly attitude toward all

Japanese. Inevitably limited in the scope of experience, we can only

generalize from a few particulars. This is why there are such

contradictory attitudes to be found among Californians toward the same

problem. In generalizing from particular experience we are more apt to

arrive at a conclusion which suits our desires and emotions. We reach our

conclusions in ways which we think promote our interests and please our

feeling. Gain or loss, like or dislike, are two pivots determining our

judgment. Those who think they gain from the presence of Japanese and

those who like the Japanese, from whatever reason, naturally tend to

welcome them; those who feel the contrary, incline to advocate their

exclusion. At bottom, therefore, the effort of discrimination arises from

a direct or indirect personal experience with Japanese which resulted in

some sort of an unfavorable impression.

Chinese Agitation Inherited.

With this preliminary we shall see what are the more obvious factors which

give rise to anti-Japanese sentiment on the Pacific Coast. It is perhaps

beyond doubt, as most authorities insist, that the Japanese inherited the

ill-feeling that early prevailed against the Chinese, and this for no

other reason than that the Japanese are similar to the Chinese in many

respects and were placed under the same conditions which caused hostility

to the Chinese. We have already discussed how the Japanese coolies were

used by capital as weapons to pit against the ascendency of organized

labor. Under the general term "Asiatics" the Japanese shared at first, and

later inherited, the painful experience of the Chinese.

Local Politics.

That the Japanese issue was frequently made the football of minor

political games in California is an undeniable truth. Wholly apart from

the consideration of right and wrong, we cite a case of political activity

which illustrates such a situation. Writing in the January (1921) issue of

the _North American Review_, Mr. R. W. Ryder observes:

All during the late war--while the Japanese fleet was protecting our

commerce and other interests by patrolling the Pacific--the most

cordial relationship existed between the two peoples. But the

Armistice had hardly been signed before agitation against the Japanese

again manifested itself; however, not until it had been resuscitated

and energized by one of California's United States Senators who was

soon to be a candidate for reelection. This Senator, Mr. Phelan,

appeared in California early in 1919, and at once made a visit to the

Immigration Station at San Francisco and Los Angeles; whereupon he

issued a statement characterizing the Japanese situation as a menace.

Next, he addressed the State Legislature on the Japanese question.

Prior to his address, although the Legislature had been in session for

almost two months, it had done nothing regarding the Japanese. But a

few days afterward several anti-Japanese measures were introduced....

The particular susceptibility of the Japanese issue to political agitation

in California may be attributed to the safety and advantage with which it

may be manipulated. The Japanese in California having practically no vote

are safe toys for play. The possibility of magnifying the "menace" of the

Asiatic "influx" is immensely tempting in this case, rendering it a most

effective smoke screen for the tactics of private interests.

The San Francisco _Chronicle_ stated, in its editorial on October 22,

1920, under the heading, "It Would Probably Have Been Settled without

Trouble but for Politicians," as follows:

Had no attempt been made to drag California's Japanese question into

politics we would probably have settled the question satisfactorily

and with no fuss....

We think it probable that if the question had not been appropriated by

politicians seeking to make capital for themselves it would have been

possible to have obtained the cooeperation, at least the acquiescence,

of the intellectual Japanese leaders in the State, in measures

designed to prevent the presence of their countrymen from being or

becoming an economic menace to California....

That the question has been brought into politics, where it was not an

issue and could not be, that it has been made a cause of irritation

between Japan and the United States, and has given Japan a lever to

use against us in all matters affecting the Orient, is due to the

senior Senator from California, who sought to use the problem to

advance his own personal interests.

"Yellow Peril."

The imaginary fear of an Asiatic influx, cleverly fermented by agitators,

is certainly a strong cause of Japanophobia. Somehow we have a historical

fear of foreign invasion. This fear is inculcated and whetted among the

Californians by a hideous picture of a Japanese Empire, that, like

medieval Mongolia, would send a storming army of invasion. One might

gather from the reports of the Hearst papers in California that the

Pacific Coast of North America was invaded by a Japanese army on an

average of once a month. Whether misled by jingo journalism or aroused by

the exaggeration of agitators--whatever the cause--it is simply amazing

how large a portion of the California people honestly fear the utterly

impossible eventuality of a Japanese invasion.

Quite recently another form of menace was suggested, which, because of its

more plausible nature, has been widely circulated. It is the fear based

upon conjecture that the Japanese will soon control the entire

agricultural industry of California and that they will ere long overwhelm

the white population in that State. This apprehension was by far the most

effective force in deciding in the affirmative the initiative bill voted

on by the California electorate on November 2, 1920.

Propaganda.

Propaganda is autocratic power in a democratic state; it is a subtle

attempt at controlling social sentiment by influencing the people's mind

through its unconscious entrance. Freud teaches us that each of us is in a

sense a complex of boundless wishes. We wish vastly more than our

environment offers us; hence, most of our wishes have to be suppressed,

thwarted. Now, propaganda appeals to this weakest part of man; it promises

us an opportunity to satisfy our arrested wishes. "You are badly off, my

friends," a propagandist would say to honest laborers, "because the Japs

are here to bid your wages down. We are trying to get rid of them for you,

and for this we want your help." A similar appeal can be made with

immediate good results to almost all classes of people who have some

unsatisfied wish--and all men do have such wishes.

Racial Difference.

It is clearly untenable, however, to argue that the Japanese agitation in

California is wholly due to imaginary fear and aversion created in the

minds of people by politicians and propagandists. The Japanese themselves

are responsible for conditions which often justify some of the

accusations, and which prompt exaggeration and misrepresentation. In the

first place, the Japanese are a wholly different race, with different

customs, manners, sentiment, language, traditions, and--not of least

importance--of different physical appearance. Were these differences

merely in kind, they would not be very repugnant, but when such

differences involve qualitative difference they are particularly

repulsive. It is, of course, impossible to pass judgment upon the relative

superiority in all respects of things Occidental and Oriental; but western

civilization naturally seems incomparably superior to American eyes. Mere

difference of race alone gives no unpleasant feeling. When it is also a

difference of quality, at least in appearance--and in this all must

agree--it arouses our aesthetic repulsion.

Even if a man be of different race and as ugly as a Veddah from Ceylon, if

he remains a solitary example, or one of a very limited number of his

kind, he would not only not arouse our antipathy but would even stimulate

our curiosity, and many of us would spend money to see his quaint customs

and manners. But when his followers increase in number and establish

themselves in our midst, and carry on the struggle for existence until

they are in the way of fairly matching ourselves, we begin to be alarmed

and unconsciously learn to hate them. This is an exaggerated illustration,

but it is precisely the process which has been taking place in California

relative to the Japanese. The fact that the Japanese are looked upon

rather favorably in the East is because there they are comparatively few

in number and are not competitors of the Americans in the struggle for

existence.

Japanese Nationality.

To a certain extent, the anti-Japanese sentiment in California as well as

elsewhere is accentuated by the national principles of the Japanese

Empire. It has a system of government which for various good reasons is

unique. It embraces many points that are considered, from the standpoint

of the Anglo-Saxon, undemocratic. The smooth operation of democracy has

been hindered by some inherent defect in the national system, by lack of

experience in representative government, and by the influence exerted

through an unconstitutional power represented by the elder statesmen. To

make the situation worse, by means of unscrupulous journalism, the

American mind is duly impressed with the assumed bellicose and Prussian

character of the Japanese Empire, the hatred of which becomes

anti-Japanese sentiment in general.

The Japanese Government, again, adheres to a policy of extreme paternalism

with regard to her colonists abroad. It seems true that in case of an

aggressive and military government it is from necessity the devotee of a

pure race and a solidified population, as Mr. Walter Lippman stated.[10]

At any rate, Japan does not wish her subjects to be naturalized nor does

she encourage them to lose their racial or national consciousness. This is

clearly seen in her policy of dual nationality (which we shall have

occasion to discuss later), which aims to retain the descendants of the

Japanese who are born in America, and hence are citizens thereof, as

subjects also of the Mikado. It is likewise observable in the spirit of

Japanese education, which is fundamentally nationalistic, as it was

referred to in the second chapter. Such a policy of nationalism inevitably

incites the suspicion of countries to which Japanese immigrants go, and

discourages the people from making an attempt at assimilating the

Japanese. This, together with their nationalistic training and education,

renders the assimilation of the Japanese exceedingly difficult.

Modern Nationalism.

What accentuates the difficulty in the situation is that the countries

which receive such Japanese immigrants also uphold a policy of

nationalism, which runs full tilt against the "influx" of immigrants who

do not readily become amalgamated or assimilated. The inflow of such a

population, they claim, threatens and endangers the unity of the nation,

and therefore it must be stopped or resisted. This is the capital reason

which is being ascribed for the discriminatory effort against the Japanese

in California by the leaders of the movement.

Congestion in California.

The Japanese, moreover, manifest a strong tendency to congregate in a

locality where they realize a social condition which is a poor hybrid of

Japanese and American ways. The tendency to group together is not a

phenomenon peculiar to Japanese immigrants alone. Such a tendency is

manifested by almost all immigrants in America in different degrees. In

the case of the Japanese, however, several additional factors operate to

necessitate their huddling together--they are ethnologically different;

English is an entirely different language from theirs; their customs are

wholly different from those of Americans; their segregation offers

advantages and facilities to some Americans who deal with them. The

external hostile pressure naturally compresses them into small groups.

Whatever the cause, it is true that this habit of collective living among

themselves retards the process of assimilation, and, moreover, makes the

Japanese problem loom large in the eyes of the white population living in

adjoining places.

Fear and Envy Incited by Japanese Progress.

In addition to this, a point to be noted is the increase in number of

Japanese and their rapid economic development within the State of

California. The question of immigration becomes inextricably mixed up in

the minds of the populace with the problem of the treatment of those who

are already admitted. They act and react as causes and effects of the

agitation. The apprehension of a Japanese "influx" expresses itself in a

hostile attitude toward the Japanese already domiciled there. Conversely,

the conflict arising from the presence of Japanese in California naturally

prompts opposition against Japanese immigration. Now, it so happened that

recently, and especially since the war, the number of Japanese coming to

the United States through the California port has decidedly increased.

This is due to the increased arrival of travelers, business men,

officials, and students, as a consequence of the closer relationship

between America and Japan, as we shall see in the next chapter.

Nevertheless, it incites the fear of the Californians and induces them to

adopt more stringent measures against the Japanese living in that State.

On the other hand, the economic status of the Japanese in California has

been steadily developing. They are entering in some directions into

serious competition with the white race. Thus, in agriculture, their

steady expansion through industry and thrift has caused alarm among small

white farmers. Added to this is the high birth rate among the Japanese,

which, because of their racial and cultural distinction, forms a problem

touching the fundamental questions of the American commonwealth.

Summary.

By the foregoing analysis of the situation, we see that although the

problem of the Japanese in California has been made the subject of

political and private exploitation, and thereby rendered unnecessarily

complicated and acute, it is, nevertheless, a grave problem which contains

germs that are bound to develop many evils unless it is properly solved.

In the following chapters we shall study the status of the Japanese in

California in respect to population and birth rate, their agricultural

condition, their living and culture, and their economic attainments, with

a view to elucidating just wherein lie the precise causes of the

difficulties.

Japan and the California Problem · 第 6 / 10 章