CHAPTER V

ATTEMPTS AT EMIGRATION: RESULTS

The history of Japanese emigration began only a few decades ago.

Immediately after the conclusion of treaties with the Western Powers many

Japanese youths were sent abroad to acquire advanced Occidental knowledge.

A number of adventurous persons and travelers also knocked at the doors of

western countries, but they were not immigrants. Real immigration movement

did not start until the facts of other countries became more or less

known; until the colossal task of economic and social "revolutions" was

well started; until the influence of European imperialism began to take

root in the empire. Then came a brief period of "emigration fever" towards

the end of the eighties, lasting some twenty years. What follows is a

brief history of the various attempts made by Japanese to emigrate into

different countries, and the results of the experiment.

Australia.

Because of the geographical proximity and alluring temptations that the

vast uncultivated lands and rich natural resources presented, Australia

was the place which early attracted the Japanese. A few hundreds of them

began to migrate to several colonies, chiefly to Queensland, New South

Wales, and Victoria. But they soon found the conditions exceedingly

uncomfortable, owing to the hostile feeling already prevalent there

against the Asiatics. The Australian fear of an influx of Asiatic races

was early aroused by Chinese immigrants, who, as early as 1848, attained a

sufficient number to cause agitation and race riots in several colonies.

These colonies subsequently enacted rigorous anti-Asiatic immigration laws

restricting the number of immigrants admitted per annum to a few hundred.

Since then, filled with the fear, real or imaginary, of a menace of

Asiatic inundation from across the equator, where one-half of the planet's

population live congested on one-tenth of the total area of the earth, the

great task of Australia during the last sixty years has been to keep the

country clear of Asiatics.

The immigration policy of the Commonwealth of Australia presents perhaps

the most clear-cut and radical example of racial discrimination. While, on

the one side, she spares neither effort nor money to attract and welcome

white settlers, on the other side she leaves no stone unturned to exclude

all Asiatic immigrants. With an immensely large area--about 50,000 square

miles more extensive than that of the United States--yet almost untouched,

and a population less than that of the City of New York, Australia really

needs farmers, artisans, and all other classes of people. It is the

function of the Commonwealth Department of Home and Territories to

advertise in Europe, through lectures, films, exhibitions, and posters,

for the purpose of inviting laborers and settlers to Australia. Each State

of the Commonwealth has extended assistance in money and privilege to

hundreds of thousands of European immigrants. The cause for lamentation by

the government is that with all this effort and sacrifice she has not been

successful in getting any considerable number of people as settlers.

Unsuccessful in attracting white settlers, she has been most successful in

repelling the yellow race. She has an immigration law which requires

immigrants to pass a dictation test--a test in writing of not less than

fifty words of a European language--which is dictated to them by an

officer. Examination in a European language for the Asiatics! And what is

more, the Europeans are exempt from it. The law provides, furthermore,

that Asiatic immigrants may be required to pass a test at any time within

two years after they have entered the Commonwealth. Even for the

reception of those Asiatics who have been lawfully admitted, some of the

States, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, and Tasmania in

particular, do not allow them the right of owning or leasing land, under

the pretext that they are not eligible to citizenship. The Commonwealth of

Australia does not extend the right of naturalization to Asiatics. No

wonder, then, that there is only a handful of Orientals in that vast

country--35,000 Chinese and some 5000 Japanese.

Canada.

Until recent years, no record was kept of the number of Japanese

immigrants arriving in Canada and consequently the development of the

movement cannot be accurately traced. The Canadian census of 1901 shows

that 4674 persons born in Japan were in the Dominion at that time; 4415

were in the Province of British Columbia, the rest being scattered in the

Provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. After that year the

number of Japanese immigrants coming to Canada gradually increased, and

when the United States placed restrictions on the influx of Japanese from

Hawaii, and the latter began to seek entrance into Canada, the number grew

considerably and soon caused serious concern to the people of Western

Canada. It was estimated that in 1907 the Japanese domiciled in Canada

had reached eight thousand. Determined opposition soon arose among the

western provinces, and protests were sent by the Canadian Government to

Hawaii and Tokyo requesting them to control the sudden immigration tide.

An agreement was reached in 1908 between Japan and Canada by which the

number of passports to be granted in any one year to Japanese emigrating

to Canada was limited to four hundred. In this way the question was

satisfactorily settled.

Canada's treatment of the Asiatic races lawfully admitted has been marked

by leniency. She has extended to the Orientals the privilege of

naturalization and of securing homesteads. Even in British Columbia, the

center of anti-Oriental agitation, the Japanese and Chinese are permitted

to conduct business and cultivate land on an equal basis with British

subjects in Canada. They may own land, both urban and rural, and in

provinces other than British Columbia they are entitled to voting

privileges when naturalized; only in that province the Orientals are not

allowed to cast ballots, though free to become citizens. It is reported

that there are 13,823 Japanese residing in Canada to-day, engaged in

fishing and logging and sawmill industries, as well as in agriculture.

South America.

For some years past a number (about six thousand) of Japanese immigrants

has been sent every year to Brazil in compliance with the request of the

Republic. They have been mostly engaged on coffee plantations in Sao

Paulo. The colonization is still in an experimental stage, and it is a

little premature to forecast its future at this time. Altogether about

twenty thousand Japanese immigrants have gone to the South American

Republic.

The United States.

Perhaps attracted by the wonderful stories of the discovery of gold in the

Sacramento Valley, or possibly cast ashore in boats on the Pacific Coast

of America, there seem to have lived in the early sixties in California

about a hundred Japanese. Early California papers record the story of

quaint-looking Japanese settlers, who were received with great favor.

Although accurate records are lacking, it would seem that the number of

Japanese did not begin to increase until the late eighties, when a few

hundred began to come in every year. The census of 1890 reported the

number of Japanese residents as 2039. From that time on the number of

immigrants steadily increased, reaching the highest mark in 1907, when

about ten thousand of them entered continental America in one year.[5]

The direct incentive for Japanese emigration was furnished by a few large

emigration companies,[6] which were formed with a view to supplying

contract labor to Hawaii and America, where the demand for labor was

insatiable. In the former case, the rapid growth of the sugar plantations

demanded a large supply of cheap labor. In the latter case, the need for

cheap labor was urgent, due to the enactment of the Chinese Exclusion Law

in 1882, which soon began to effect a decrease in the number of Chinese

laborers, resulting in a dearth of labor on the farms and in railroad

work. It was in response to the urgent demand of capitalists and

landowners in Hawaii and America for Japanese labor that the emigration

companies sprang into existence with the object of facilitating the

complex process of immigration.

The Japanese coolies so brought in were welcomed and prosperous--at least

for a while. Their industry and frugality won them the confidence of their

employers. In agriculture, in railroad-building, in mining and fishing,

they proved useful hands. They saved money and remitted to their native

country a considerable portion of it. Some of them returned home with a

fortune and a degree of refinement which a superior environment could

bestow upon a laborer. These incidents stimulated the desire of ambitious

Japanese to leave for and work in California and Hawaii, and the number of

applicants for emigration greatly multiplied.

In the meantime, between 1895 and 1900, changes had taken place in the

attitude of the people of California toward the Japanese. For various

reasons the friendly feeling of the Californians was gradually replaced by

a more or less hostile sentiment. It so happened that just about this time

California was the stage for a struggle between organized labor and

capital. It was with a great deal of effort and sacrifice that the

organized labor of California succeeded in excluding the Chinese coolies.

But their hard-won victory was shattered to pieces by the advent of

Japanese laborers, whom capital, taking advantage of their ignorance of

American customs and language, wisely utilized as a powerful weapon to

defeat the unions. To the union men it made no difference whether the

strike-breakers were Chinese or Japanese; whether strike-breaking was

voluntarily or unwittingly performed; they were enemies just the same.

The cry for exclusion was a natural consequence.

Then there also seems to be some truth in the report[7] made in 1908 by W.

L. Mackenzie King, the Deputy Minister of the Government of Canada, which

states that it is suspected that much of the anti-Japanese agitation in

California was deliberately fermented by the interests of the Planters'

Association of Honolulu, who, alarmed by the tendency of Japanese laborers

engaged on the sugar plantations to seek work on the Pacific Coast of

America, where wages were much better, started a campaign to check the

exodus by causing ill feeling toward the Japanese along the Pacific Coast.

The report states in part:

It is believed ... that the members of the Asiatic Exclusion League in

San Francisco were not without contributions from the Association's

incidental expense fund, to assist them in an agitation which by

excluding Japanese from the mainland would confine that class of labor

to the islands, to the greater economic advantage of the members of

the Association.[8]

For these two chief reasons, and perhaps for many other minor ones, there

arose the persistent social movement for Japanese exclusion in

California, which first took definite shape in 1900, when a mass-meeting

held at San Francisco for the express purpose of more rigidly excluding

the Chinese, adopted a resolution urging Congress to take measures for the

total exclusion of Japanese other than members of the Diplomatic Staff.

Following this came the first of the anti-Japanese messages delivered by

the Governor of California, and of the resolutions voted on by the State

Legislature calling upon Congress to extend the Chinese Exclusion Law to

other Asiatics. The climax of the movement was reached when, immediately

after the earthquake, the Board of Education of San Francisco passed the

"separate school order," and Japan protested. A series of diplomatic

negotiations followed, which finally resulted in the repeal of the school

discriminatory order and the conclusion of the "Gentlemen's Agreement,"

whereby Japan pledged herself to restrict the number of immigrants to the

United States.

Leaving to a later chapter the detailed discussion of the result which the

"Gentlemen's Agreement" has brought about in the status of Japanese

immigration, it will suffice to mention here that the agreement has

faithfully and loyally been carried out by Japan, and that since then the

Japanese problem has in fact ceased to be an immigration issue.

Results.

Twenty years of emigration attempts, chief of which we reviewed in this

chapter, have resulted in failure in every case, and Japan's effort to

plant her race in other lands has proved futile. There are many causes for

this failure, for which Japan is partially, but not wholly, responsible.

But this is a matter which we shall more fully discuss in the next

chapter. Excluded and maltreated wherever they went, the Japanese returned

home with shattered hopes and wounded feelings, and the mooted question of

population once more confronted them with intensified severity. Giving up

as entirely hopeless the attempt at settling in places where the white

races held supremacy, they now appear to have made up their minds to

migrate towards the north, where climatic and economic disadvantages,

together with political revolution in Eastern Europe, have freed the land

temporarily from the strong white grip, offering the line of least

resistance for Japanese.

Japan and the California Problem · 第 5 / 10 章