The natural desire of the troops to land quickly helps to shorten the
time. One writer gives the following data: Lord Cochran landed 18,000
men on the open coast of America in five hours; in the Crimean War the
English accomplished the disembarking of 45,000 men, 83 guns and about
100 horses in less than eleven hours. The French are slower on account
of their handling of supply trains. The Russians, in their landing
maneuvers in the Black Sea, have landed a slow division in eleven and
one-half hours, where the steamers had to anchor five to six
kilometers from the coast. The marine writer Degories figures that
under average conditions it is possible to land 25,000 infantry, 1,000
cavalry and 60 guns in six hours. If the landing can be made in a
harbor, this time can be essentially lessened.
After the disembarking of the expedition, the further task of the
transport fleet and its escort of battleships depends on the maritime
strength of the country attacked. If the assailant continues in
command of the sea, the transport fleet can remain as a floating base
for the landed corps and can effect the reenforcement of the
expedition. If the assailant is not in command of the sea, then the
transport fleet must attempt to evade the operations of the hostile
fleet, by an immediate retreat to home waters.
OPERATIONS.
The operations of the landed expedition corps on the whole can be
conducted according to the principles set down by the commanders of
the troops, but these principles must take into account the particular
conditions under which the forces operate. The well-known marine
writer, Mahan, emphasizes the fact that a landing operation must be
offensive to succeed. Military history shows that after boldly carried
out landings at Abukir and Cape Breton, for example, the success of
the extensive operations was impaired, almost lost, because of lack of
energy and rapidity of execution of offensive movements. The assembled
strength must be thrown forward on the line of least resistance.
Defensive strategy should be used only when a delay is necessary to
receive expected reenforcements. The primary aim of the operations is
to dispose of hostile forces, within the shortest possible time and
with the least loss to ourselves.
During the progress of the operations the country through which the
troops pass can be drawn upon to supplement equipment and supplies,
but the speed of the advance and the efficiency of the troops must not
be decreased through extended raids. While the distance to the
objective of the invasion is generally not great, it should be our
endeavor to be independent of our base of supplies. Much progress has
been made in the methods of making condensed foods, for man and horse,
which will help to solve the problem of provisions. The army of
invasion can also take an important site in the hostile country and
utilize it as a base of operations. Continuous communication with the
home country is therefore not absolutely necessary. In a densely
populated and rich country it is easy to secure provisions and
supplies. The maintenance of long lines of communications is hazardous
in that it requires excessive guard duty. When the battle fleet has
gained command of the sea it will be in a position to protect
continuously the base on the coast, and would also make it possible
for the corps of invasion to select new bases. Sherman's march to
Savannah in the Civil War has shown the practicability of this plan.
After one objective has been attained, it should be possible for the
expedition to reembark to land at some other point on the coast for
further operations.
Against the enemy's defenses we must throw our full strength and avoid
enterprises that involve a delay or a weakening of our forces. Dearly
purchased victories will in the end defeat our own aims.
If the operations of the troops are carried on along the coast, or if
the objective of the operations is a harbor or a coast fortification,
the battle fleet should act in unison with the land forces.
Battleships are superior to the field artillery, as they can be moved
at will and so are hard to put out of action. Continuous bombardment
from the battleships would prove effective aid for the troops.
It is important, then, that the command of land and naval forces be
joined in a commander-in-chief who would direct the field forces as
well as the naval forces. Small coast defenses of seaport cities could
not for any length of time withstand such a combined attack. It is
certain also that present-day coast defenses could not withstand an
energetic attack from the land side. They are more vulnerable than
inland fortresses because they are open to attack simultaneously from
land and water. However, if the battle fleet cannot gain the command
of the sea, and must retreat before the opposing forces, the
operations of the landed troops must be conducted wholly as a war on
land.
REEMBARKATION.
A reembarkation of the expedition corps is possible only when the
battle fleet is able to prevent attack from the sea. In the event of
defeat on land, reembarkation is not absolutely impossible, for if
good order is maintained the improvised defenses of the landing sites,
with the help of the fleet, will sufficiently delay the pursuers. If
the reembarking must take place from some other point, preparations
for its defense must be made in advance. When the reembarkation is
done with the aim in view of attacking at another place, the rules as
explained in the chapter on "Embarkation" must be adhered to. For
such an operation, more time is essential, and pressure of the enemy
should not be permitted to interfere with its management.
APPLICATION
I. CONSIDERATION OF LANDING OPERATIONS AGAINST POWERS
THAT CAN BE REACHED ONLY BY SEA
The recognized military complication with England and America affords
an interesting example on account of the difference in distances in
which the transporting of troops takes place, on account of the
strength of the sea and land fighting forces of the two opponents, and
lastly on account of the difference in the territorial extensions of
the aforesaid countries, and on the whole challenges various measures.
A conflict with England must be fixed in the eye of Germany, for the
great German struggle for commerce represents to England just as great
a danger as the advance of Russia against India. Beginning operations
with a naval war with England, we could almost foresee the result.
England has brought about the existence of such a powerful, active
navy that we, with the best defenses we have, would hardly be able to
win a decisive victory. Only by closing an alliance with Russia would
the strength of England be injured indeed, but never by a direct
threat from these provinces. But an alliance with France would in fact
menace England. The latter, however, through her geographical location
and through her large and timely expenditures, which every combined
operation demands, could make possible by proper equipment a maritime
superiority against this alliance.
England's weakness is in just that which forms our strength, namely,
the land army. The English army responds to neither quantity nor
quality of its great and powerful position in comparison with the
extent of the land; therefore England, from convictions, proceeds so
that every invasion of the land can be prevented by the fleet. These
convictions are in no way justified, for while England in developing a
powerful sea-fighting strength has every day prepared for war, she has
not had a view of the consequences of confronting and beating a really
weaker sea opponent with its fighting units.
These are the measures which Germany, in case of a threatened war with
England, must adopt and practise: Our endeavors must be to engage the
fleet, if possible; to throw part of our land forces upon the English
coast, so that the conflict on the sea can be carried to the enemy's
land, where our troops are already superior in quality to England's,
and so that a victory for England's powerful naval strength could
have but the smallest influence.
The army fighting strength of England under the commander-in-chief is
composed of the army reserve, the militia, the volunteers and the
yeomanry. In the event of an unexpected invasion, only the
commander-in-chief and army reserve can be considered to any extent,
for the militia needs so much time to assemble and equip that they
would be in a weak position to assist the commander-in-chief in the
first decisive battle. The volunteers and yeomanry cannot in so short
a time be trained for war or be mobilized for action. Also their
insignificant fighting value must be kept in view, beside which our
well-trained troops will not let them seem as menacing opponents.
The English army is formed of three army corps with three divisions to
each corps. A third to a half of these corps is comprised of militia,
so that either it must be first completed, and then it would be too
late for cooperation in the first decisive battle, or it would be so
untrained that it really cannot be said to reach the strength of a
division. Of two army corps, two divisions and one cavalry brigade are
in Ireland, the greater part of which must remain there to prevent the
undertaking of a German invasion through Ireland even though it
brought about the longed-for freedom.
The preparation for defense should also be considered. This might
consist of one army corps with three divisions, or one army corps
comprised of two divisions, with perhaps a cavalry brigade made up
from three army corps. Whereas the army strength of an English
division is about 10,000 men, a German division carries 16,000 men,
hence four German divisions and a cavalry division would have a
superiority over the English army. But we are in a position to set
over in England, in the shortest time, six divisions of infantry, or
five divisions of infantry and one cavalry division.
How a well regulated operation against England is to be conducted
across the sea, obviously cannot be forecasted here. The passage in
moderate weather is a little over thirty hours' ride from our North
Sea harbors. The English coast affords extensive stretches of shore
which are suitable for landing troops. The land contains such large
resources that the invading army can procure a living therefrom. On
the other hand, the extent of the island is not so great that the
English land defenses could ever succeed in timely destroying a
successful invading force.
It is improbable that Germany could carry on for very long a well
regulated war necessitating considerable reenforcement of troops. The
supplies would have to be furnished for the greater part on land.
Maintaining communication with the home country can therefore readily
be seen to be of importance.
It is conclusive that the first aim of every operation of invasion in
England is their field army, and the second must be London. It is
probable that these two objectives would fall together, in that the
field army, on account of the small value of the volunteers, is needed
for the protection of London fortifications, so as not to leave the
metropolis insufficiently defended. Powerful public opinion would
demand this for fear that London would fall into the hands of the
invaders. But if London is taken by the invading army this would still
be only one of the many war ports which must be seized, to secure a
base of supplies and for the further operations which have every view
to concluding the overthrow of England.
Operations against the United States of North America must be entirely
different. With that country, in particular, political friction,
manifest in commercial aims, has not been lacking in recent years, and
has, until now, been removed chiefly through acquiescence on our part.
However, as this submission has its limit, the question arises as to
what means we can develop to carry out our purpose with force, in
order to combat the encroachment of the United States upon our
interests. Our main factor here is our fleet. Our battle fleet has
every prospect of victoriously defeating the forces of the United
States, widely dispersed over the two oceans. It is certain that after
the defeat of the United States fleet, the great extension of
unprotected coast line and powerful resources of that country would
compel them to make peace.
There is no effective method to force this opponent to relinquish its
maritime operations, even though there is only a trifling number of
American merchantmen, except the simultaneous blockading with our sea
forces of American ports, which can only be taken with heavy losses,
while our fleet demonstrated the actual limited worth of the
unpacified American colonies.
It must be deemed a possibility that the battle fleet of the United
States would not risk an engagement at sea except to avoid a disaster,
but would await, in its fortified harbors, a favorable opportunity to
strike. It is evident, then, that a naval war against the United
States cannot be carried on with success without at the same time
inaugurating action on land. Because of the great extensions of the
United States it would not be satisfactory for the operation of an
invading army to be directed toward conquering the interior of the
land. It is almost a certainty, however, that a victorious assault on
the Atlantic coast, tying up the importing and exporting business of
the whole country, would bring about such an annoying situation that
the government would be willing to treat for peace.
If the German invading force were equipped and ready for transporting
the moment the battle fleet is despatched, under average conditions
these corps can begin operations on American soil within at least four
weeks. To what extent we will be able to succeed has already been
considered.
The United States at this time is not in a position to oppose our
troops with an army of equal rank. Its regular army actually totals
65,000 men, of whom not more than 30,000 are ready to defend the home
country. Of these at least 10,000 men are required to guard Indian
territory and for the garrisoning of coast-wise fortifications, so
that only a regular army of 20,000 is available for field service.
There is also a militia of 100,000 men, the larger number of whom have
not been trained since the last war summons, and they are poorly
equipped with inferior rifles and still more poorly drilled.
If an unexpected invasion of the United States is prevented by the
length of time for the transporting of troops, and only an unexpected
landing can take place, it must be emphasized that the weakness and
inexperience of their regular army would essentially facilitate a
quick invasion.
For the continued occupation of as large a territory as the United
States, if they can oppose us for any length of time, an important
fighting force will be necessary, to protect the operating lines and
to carry on a successful warfare. An invading operation will be
difficult to reenforce, in that a second trip of the transport fleet
will be required, in order to despatch the necessary number of troops,
at such a great distance.
It is upon the whole questionable whether there is anything to be
gained in occupying for any length of time so large a stretch of land
as the United States. The fact that one or two of her provinces are
occupied by the invaders would not alone move the Americans to sue for
peace. To accomplish this end the invaders would have to inflict real
material damage by injuring the whole country through the successful
seizure of many of the Atlantic seaports in which the threads of the
entire wealth of the nation meet. It should be so managed that a line
of land operations would be in close juncture with the fleet, through
which we would be in a position to seize, within a short time, many of
these important and rich cities, to interrupt their means of supply,
disorganize all governmental affairs, assume control of all useful
buildings, confiscate all war and transport supplies, and lastly, to
impose heavy indemnities. For enterprises of this sort small land
forces would answer our purpose, for it would be unwise for the
American garrisons to attempt an attack.
Their excellently developed net of railways will enable them to
concentrate their troops in a relatively short time at the various
recognized landing points on the coast. But there are many other
splendid landings, and it appears feasible for the invading corps to
conduct its operations on these points with the cooperation of the
fleet. The land corps can either advance aggressively against the
concentrated opposing forces, or through embarking evade an attack and
land at a new place.
As a matter of fact, Germany is the only great power which is in a
position to conquer the United States. England could of course carry
out a successful attack on the sea, but she would not be prepared to
protect her Canadian provinces, with which the Americans could
compensate themselves for a total or crushing defeat on the sea. None
of the other great powers can provide the necessary transport fleet to
attempt an invasion.
II. VIEWS ON COLONIAL EXPEDITIONS
All operations for colonial expeditions can be undertaken successfully
because of the small forces necessary to transport over the sea to
make war upon a country which does not possess modern equipment and
trained troops. Just such an expedition was unostentatiously carried
out in China before our own eyes.
The sending of an expedition to East Asia affords an interesting
example of what can be done. Without resistance we have set up
governments at a distance from the home country. It is possible with
the aid of the fleet to secure similar results. However, there are
many obstacles to be overcome. It is imperative that in time of peace
we should prepare in every possible way for war in foreign lands
which have any commercial value for us. Inasmuch as the German army
has determined upon larger divisions of troops, the problems of
operations on the distant sea falls to the navy. In the future the
conducting of such operations will rest with the General Staff. It
will be necessary to continue the preparations, described fully in the
forepart of this book, for the carrying out of operations against such
countries as Asia, Africa and South America. Good judgment must be
used in the selection of methods. The execution of the first
operations would require the constantly combined efforts of the
General Staff and the Admiral Staff.
Our excellent knowledge of East Asia has given us the necessary
technical preparation in the way of equipment. The chartering of
transport ships for service to China should not be difficult in
consequence of the large size of the expedition. The expedition corps
would require eighteen ships, material and supplies would take five.
The greater part of this number would be amply supplied by our two
large steamship companies, the North German Lloyd and the
Hamburg-American Line. The charter of these steamship companies
provides for their use as transports if needed for expeditions of this
sort. The disadvantages of this arrangement once appeared in the delay
through a labor strike, when it was necessary to transport part of the
unfinished ships to Wilhelmshaven. Another drawback is that not enough
room is provided in these ships. On the steamers of the
Hamburg-American Line, for example, only sixty-five per cent. of their
normal passenger capacity can be utilized for troops which means at
the most an approximate displacement of three net tons, so that only
one man instead of two can be carried. An adjustment should be reached
to the end that the entire freight capacity of the steamers could be
counted upon.
The interior arrangements of a steamer to be used for troop transport
must be planned according to law. Fire-extinguishers, life-saving
apparatus and other necessities must be provided for; numerous tables
and benches which can be drawn up to the ceiling should be in the
troops rooms, and should also be found up on deck. Hospital
arrangements for two and one-half per cent. of the transport strength
should be provided.
The active troops of the expedition corps are at present drawn from
volunteers, the reserve and the militia, and grouped in new
formations. Through this the home defenses may be benefited, but the
expedition corps would not be up to standard, even though the newly
formed troops would have sufficient time to concentrate. It is
advisable for such an expedition to employ active, well-trained
soldiers for the main part, while the balance could be made up of
reserves. It is also to be recommended that in the near future we form
a fixed body of troops trained for hospital service. Such a formation
would have great intrinsic worth.
A few words should be said about the organizing of a Colonial army,
which would be called upon to play an essential part in German
military operations over the sea. It would be of extraordinary value
in preserving order in our colonies and would also be of assistance in
commercial aims. The Colonial army would constitute a picked body of
men, suitable for service in hot climates and uncivilized countries,
who would be able to fight effectively against colonies with which we
might be at war.
There would still remain, however, the need of preparation of our home
forces for colonial expeditions. We are not assured at present of the
assembling of the necessary number of qualified troops without drawing
on our regular army.
It requires a good deal of time to procure the equipment for an
expedition to East Asia. Therefore, contracts with capable firms
should be made, to make delivery in the shortest possible time.
While the equipment of the infantry with up-to-date weapons is easily
accomplished, it is noteworthy that only about thirty horses can be
loaded by the English system. Some effort should be made to solve the
horse problem. The purchasing of horses in Australia, America and
South China has ceased, in consequence of the knowledge that only a
small percentage can withstand the change of climate.
It would be impossible to employ joint cavalry forces, due to lack of
mounts. It is imperative to find the means for forming a mounted
infantry, for there is an insufficient number of advanced cavalry
troops to meet an emergency. It would be advantageous if large
brigades now idle could be moved for operations in Eastern China. Past
experience in China has emphasized the great importance of cavalry for
operations in large countries.
The losses in newly purchased horses would be greater than if we would
send trained horses accustomed to military service. The great loss in
transporting horses is no longer to be feared. The experience of the
English in transporting horses to Cape Town proves the worth of their
loading system. And it should be pointed out that the Prussian
horses, through their training, can endure climatic changes and the
hardships of sea transportation much better than the English horses.
The thirty horses on the transport must be well taken care of to reach
East Asia. The ships should be fitted out with this aim in view.
Accidents usually occur in crossing the equator. The Red Sea and the
Indian Ocean are especially difficult to cross. This could be overcome
by sending the transport by way of Cape Town, where a part of the trip
could be made south through the Tropic of Cancer. It has been
demonstrated that horses not older than from ten to sixteen years
should be selected for service abroad. No fear need be felt as to the
feeding of the horses, for our horses are accustomed to little corn.
Sometimes feedings of soaked rice with molasses added have given
favorable results.
A possible help for the outfitting of the artillery would be the
purchasing in Italy of native mules and loading them at Genoa. In
English sea-transporting these animals have demonstrated their
exceptional powers of resistance. They are preferable to horses
because they can endure hardships better and can more easily be
accustomed to conditions in East Asia.