FROM HERAT TO LONDON.
AUTHOR JOINS KARAVAN FOR MESHED
KUHSUN, LAST AFGHAN TOWN
FALSE ALARM FROM WILD ASSES
DEBATABLE GROUND BETWEEN AFGHAN AND PERSIAN TERRITORY
BIFURCATION OF ROUTE
YUSUF KHAN HEZAREH
FERIMON
COLONEL DOLMAGE
PRINCE SULTAN MURAD MIRZA
AUTHOR AVOWS WHO HE IS TO THE SERDAR OF HERAT
SHAHRUD
TEHERAN, AND WELCOME THERE
BY THE TURKISH CHARGE D'AFFAIRES, ISMAEL EFENDI
KIND RECEPTION BY MR. ALISON AND THE ENGLISH EMBASSY
INTERVIEW WITH THE SHAH
THE KAVVAN UD DOWLET AND THE DEFEAT AT MERV
RETURN BY TREBISOND AND CONSTANTINOPLE TO PESTH
AUTHOR LEAVES THE KHIVA MOLLAH BEHIND HIM AT PESTH AND PROCEEDS TO LONDON
HIS WELCOME IN THE LAST-NAMED CITY.
_'Tis sweet to hear the watch-dog's honest bark
Bay deep-mouth'd welcome as we draw nigh home_.--Byron.
[Author joins Karavan for Meshed; Kuhsun, last Afghan Town]
On the 15th November 1863, I quitted Herat, the gate of Central Asia
or of India, as it is usually called, in order to complete my journey
with the great karavan bound for Meshed. It consisted of 2,000
persons; half of whom were Hezare from Kabul, who in the greatest
poverty and the most abject state of misery were undertaking with
wives and children a pilgrimage to the tombs of Shiite saints.
Although all formed one body, it had nevertheless many subdivisions. I
was attached to a division consisting {287} of a troop of Afghans from
Kandahar, who were trading with Persia in indigo or skins from Kabul,
owing to my having made my agreement with the same Djilodar. I had
been able to persuade him to allow me to take my seat on a
lightly-loaded mule, under the engagement that I would pay him in
Meshed as if I had had the sole use of it. By the pretension, now
avowed by me, that in Meshed I should no longer be in a state of
destitution, I began for the first time myself to throw a doubt upon
the genuineness of the character I had hitherto assumed of a Hadji,
but I did not dare completely to lay aside the mask, because the
Afghans, more fanatical than the Bokhariots, would have probably
avenged their insulted tenets upon the spot. The dubious light in
which I stood afforded, however, a fund of interesting surmises to
those by whom I was surrounded, for whilst some of them took me for a
genuine Turk, others were disposed to think me an Englishman; the
different parties even quarrelled on the subject, and it was very
droll to observe how the latter began to triumph over the former, when
it was observed that, in proportion as we drew nearer to Meshed, the
bent posture of humility of the Dervish began more and more to give
way to the upright and independent deportment of the European. Some
Afghans, agents of wholesale indigo-houses in Moultan and Shikarpur,
seemed quite to accommodate themselves to my metamorphosis; for
although, whilst still in the district of Herat, they vaunted their
characters of Gazi (men who have taken part in the war against the
English), and boasted in the most extravagant manner of the victory in
Kabul, they confided to me as we drew near {288} to Meshed that they
were English subjects, and urged me to introduce them to the Vekil
Dowlet (English consular agent), as his influence and protection would
be of great service to them in their commercial affairs; and this they
did without the slightest blush of shame. The Oriental is born and
dies in a mask; candour will never exist in the East. Our way passed
by Nukre, Kale Sefer Khan, Ruzenek, Shebesh and Kuhsun. At Shebesh the
woody country begins, which extends along the bank of the Heri, and
often serves the Turkomans for a retreat. In Kuhsun, where the
territory of Herat ends, we were obliged to stay two days, to pay the
last Afghan duties.
[False Alarm from Wild Asses]
On the second day we saw from the tower of the karavanserai an immense
cloud of dust approaching the village. 'The Turkomans!' 'the
Turkomans!' was the cry on all sides. The consternation in karavan and
village beggars all description: at last, the cloud coming closer, we
saw an immense squadron of wild asses, at some hundred paces'
distance; they wheeled round and vanished from our eyes in the
direction of the desert.
[Debatable Ground between Afghan and Persian Territory; Bifurcation
of Route; Yusuf Khan Hezareh]
From this point to the Persian frontier, which commences at Kahriz and
Taybad, lies a district without claimant or owner, over which from
north to south as far as Khaf, Kaïn, and even Bihrdjan, the Tekke,
Salor, and Sarik send forth their Alamans: these, consisting of
hundreds of riders, fall unawares upon villages and hurry off with
them into captivity, inhabitants and herds of cattle. In spite of its
size, our karavan was further strengthened by an escort of all the men
in Kuhsun capable of bearing arms. At Kafirkale we met another karavan
coming from Meshed. I learnt {289} that Colonel Dolmage, an English
officer in the Persian service, whom I had known before, was in the
latter city. The tidings were a source of great satisfaction to me.
After Kafirkale we came to the karavanserai Dagaru, where the route
divides into two, the one going by Kahriz and Türbeti Sheikh Djam
through a plain, the other, by Taybad, Riza, Shehrinow; the latter is
very mountainous, and consequently the less dangerous of the two. The
principal part of the karavan proceeded along the former, whereas we
were obliged to take the latter, as it was the pleasure of the Afghans
that we should do so. Our way passed from Taybad through a waste
deserted country named Bakhirz (perhaps Bakhiz), inhabited by the
Sunnite Hezare, who migrated hither from Kalè No. There are five
stations before reaching the plain of Kalenderabad. In Shehrinow I met
the Sertib (general), Yusuf Khan, a Hezare chief, in the pay of
Persia, and nevertheless its bitterest enemy. The policy of sending
him to the frontier was in one respect good, as the Hezare are the
only 'tribe capable of measuring themselves' with the Turkomans, and
at the same time objects of dread to them: but in another point of
view it may be doubted how far it is judicious, in the danger that
menaces Persia on the side of the Afghans, to make use of enemies to
guard the frontiers.
[Ferimon]
From Shehrinow we proceeded over Himmetabad and Kelle Munar,
[Footnote 88]which is a station situate on the top of a mountain,
consisting merely of a single tower, built as a precaution against
surprises. The severe cold occasioned us much suffering, but the next
day {290} we reached Ferimon, the first place we had come to whose
inhabitants were Persians. Here a warm stable made me forget for some
time the sufferings of many days past. At last, on the twelfth day
after our departure from Herat, the gilded dome of the mosque and tomb
of Imam Riza glittering from afar announced to me that I was
approaching Meshed, the city for which I had so longed. That first
view threw me into a violent emotion, but I must admit not so great as
I expected to have experienced on the occasion. Without seeking to
exaggerate the dangers that had attended my undertaking, I may speak
of this point as the date of my regeneration; and is it not singular,
that the reality of a liberation from a state of danger and restraint
soon left me perfectly indifferent, and when we were near the gates of
the city I forgot Turkomans, desert, Tebbad, everything!
[Footnote 88: The word signifies 'hill of skulls.']
[Colonel Dolmage]
Half an hour after my arrival, I paid a visit to Colonel Dolmage, who
filled many important offices here for the Prince-Governor, and stood
in high estimation everywhere. He was still engaged in his official
place of business, when his servants summoned him to me; they
announced me as a singular Dervish from Bokhara. He hastened home,
regarded me fixedly for a long time, and only when I began to speak
did he recognise me, and then his warm embrace and tearful eye told me
that I had found not only a European, but a friend. The gallant
Englishman offered me his house, which I did not reject, and I have to
thank his hospitality that I so far recovered from the hardships of my
journey as to be able, in spite of the winter, in a month's time to
continue my journey to Teheran.
{291}
[Prince Sultan Murad Mirza]
Colonel Dolmage introduced me also, during my stay in Meshed, to the
Prince-Governor, Sultan Murad Mirza, the uncle of the reigning Shah.
This prince, the son of that Abba Mirza, whose English predilections
are so well known, is surnamed 'the kingdom's naked sword;'
[Footnote 89] and he deserves the title, for it is to be ascribed only
to his constant watchfulness and energy that Khorasan, under his
administration, has not suffered more from the incursions of the
Turkomans, and that the roads begin everywhere to assume an appearance
of bustle and animation. I paid him several visits, and was always
received with particular kindness and affability. We conversed for
hours together respecting Central Asia, upon which subject he is
tolerably well informed. His delight was great when I related to him
how the bigoted and suspicious Emir of Bokhara, who styles himself, to
the disgust of all the Shiites, 'Prince of the true believers,'
[Footnote 90] had suffered himself to be blessed by me.
[Footnote 89: 'Husam es Saltanat.']
[Footnote 90: Emir-ul-Muminim, a title ascribed by the Shiites to
Ali alone.]
To the praises rightly bestowed upon Sultan Murad Mirza by M. de
Khanikoff and Mr. Eastwick, I will only add that in point of energy,
sound judgment, and patriotism, there are few who resemble him in
Persia, or scarcely even in Turkey; but, alas! it is not a single
swallow that makes a summer, and his abilities will never find a
worthy field of exertion in Persia.
[Author avows who he is to the Serdar of Herat]
On account of the scantiness of my European wardrobe, I was obliged to
continue my turban as well as my Oriental dress, both in Meshed and
during the remainder of my journey to Teheran; but, as the {292}
reader will very well understand, I had said adieu to all disguise as
a Dervish. My acquaintance with the European officer above mentioned
had already told my fellow-travellers sufficiently who and what I was.
My character and mission afforded a field to the Afghans for the most
varying and extravagant conclusions, and, as it was easy for me to
perceive that they would soon inform the young Prince of Herat of the
fact, I thought it better at once myself to anticipate them, and make,
in the customary form, my own communication. In a letter to the young
prince, I congratulated him on his perspicacity, and told him that,
although not an Englishman, I was next door to one, for that I was a
European; that he was an amiable young man, but that I would advise
him another time, when any person was obliged by local circumstances
to travel incognito through his country, not to seek publicly and
rudely to tear off his mask.
[Shahrud]
After having passed Christmas with the hospitable English officer whom
I have mentioned, I began, on the day following (December 26), my
journey to Teheran without either joining any karavan, or having any
companion except my friend the Mollah. We were both mounted on good
horses, my own property, as were also other articles that we took with
us, consisting of culinary vessels and bedding, and, in fact, every
possible travelling convenience; and in spite of my having, in the
middle of winter, to perform twenty-four stations, I shall never
forget the pleasure that I experienced in the journey that brought me,
each step that I advanced, nearer to the West, that I loved so well. I
even performed without escort the four stations from Mezinan to
Shahrud, where {293} Persians, from fear of the Turkomans, proceed
accompanied by pieces of artillery. In the last city I met, in the
karavanserai, an Englishman from Birmingham, who was stopping there to
purchase wool and cotton. What was the astonishment of the Briton when
he heard a man in the dress of a Dervish, with an immense turban on
his head, greet him in this distant land with a 'How do you do?' In
his amazement his countenance assumed all hues; thrice he exclaimed,
'Well, I--,' without being able to say more. But a little explanation
rid him of his embarrassment; I became his guest, and spent a famous
day with him and another European, a well-informed Russian, who acted
there as agent for the mercantile house of Kawkaz.
From Shahrud I took ten days to reach the Persian capital. Towards
evening on the 19th of January, 1864, I was at a distance of two
leagues, and, singular to say, I lost my way at the village Shah Abdul
Azim, owing to the obscurity; and when, after searching about a long
time in all directions, I at last reached the gate of the city, I
found it shut, and I was obliged to pass the night in a karavanserai
at the distance of only a few paces. The next morning I hastened, to
avoid being noticed by any one in my droll costume, through the
streets of Teheran to the Turkish Embassy.
[Teheran, and Welcome there by the Turkish Charge d' Affaires,
Ismael Efendi; Kind Reception by Mr. Alison and the English
Embassy]
The reader will easily understand in what tone of mind I again entered
that edifice which, ten months before, I had left with my head full of
such vague and adventurous plans. The intelligence that my benefactor
Haydar Efendi had left Teheran affected me very much, although his
successor, Ismael Efendi, accredited as _Chargé d'affaires_ at the
Persian Court, {294} gave me an equally kind and hearty reception.
This young Turkish diplomatist, well known for his particularly fine
breeding and excellent character, rendered me by his amiability
eternally his debtor. He immediately vacated for me an entire suite of
rooms at the Embassy, so that the comforts I enjoyed during two months
in Teheran made me forget all the hardships and sufferings of my most
fatiguing journey; indeed, I soon found myself so strong again that I
felt capable of commencing a similar tour. No less kindness and favour
awaited me at the English Embassy. The distinguished representative of
the Queen, Mr. Alison, [Footnote 91] as well as the two secretaries,
Messrs. Thompson and Watson, really rejoiced at the happy and
successful termination of my journey; and I have to thank their kind
recommendations alone, that on my arrival in England, to publish the
narrative of my travels, I met with so much unhoped-for, and I may
add, too, so much unmerited support. Nor can I omit here also to offer
my acknowledgments for the courtesy shown to me by the Imperial
_chargé d'affaires_, the Count Rochechouart.
[Footnote 91: This gentleman had, by an act of great generosity, the
same winter that I returned to Teheran, caused much sensation in the
Persian capital. Such a lesson is the best that can be given to
Orientals, and far more meritorious and pregnant of consequence than
all the hypocritical morality of which others make a vaunt.]
[Interview with the Shah; The Kavvan ud Dowlet and the Defeat at
Merv]
The King having expressed a desire to see me, I was officially
presented by Ismael Efendi. The youthful Nasr-ed-din Shah received me
in the middle of his garden. On being introduced by the minister for
foreign affairs and the chief adjutant, I was much astonished to find
the ruler of all the countries of Iran {295} watching our approach
with an eye-glass, attired in a simple dress, half Oriental and half
European. [Footnote 92] After the customary salutations, the
conversation was directed to the subject of my journey. The King
enquired in turn about all his royal brethren in distant places, and
when I hinted at their insignificance as political powers, the young
Shah could not refrain from a little gasconade, and made an
observation aside to his Vizir. 'With fifteen thousand men we could
have done with them all.' Of course, he had quite forgotten the
exclamation after the catastrophe at Merv: 'Kavvam! Kavvam! redde mihi
meas legiones.' [Footnote 93] The subject of Herat was also touched
upon. Nasr-ed-din Shah questioned me as to the state in which the city
was then. I replied that Herat was a heap of ashes, and that the
Herati were praying for the welfare of His Majesty of Persia. The King
caught at once the meaning of my words, and, in the hasty manner of
speaking usual with {296} him, which reminded me of the fox in the
fable, he added, 'I have no taste for such ruined cities.' At the
close of my audience, which lasted half an hour, the King expressed
his astonishment at the journey I had made, and left me, as a mark of
especial favour, the ribbon of the fourth class of the Order of the
Lion and the Sun, after which I was obliged to write for him a short
summary of my travels.
[Footnote 92: The under garments retain for the most part the native
cut, the over ones alone follow European fashions--a real picture of
our civilisation in the East.]
[Footnote 93: The unfortunate campaign against Merv, really (as I
observed) directed against Bokhara, was commanded by an incapable
Court favourite, bearing the title Kavvam eddowlet ('stability of
the kingdom'). The disastrous defeat there suffered by the Persians
at the hands of the Tekke is only to be ascribed to this officer's
incompetency. He looked upon the Turkomans at Merv with the same
contempt with which Varus had contemplated the Cherusci in the woods
of the Teutones, but the Persian was too cowardly to face the death
of the Roman General. Neither was his sovereign an Augustus. He
exclaimed, it is true, 'Redde mihi meas legiones,' but he
nevertheless allowed himself to be appeased by a payment of 24,000
ducats; and the base coward, even at the present day, fills a high
post in Persia.]
[Return by Trebisond and Constantinople to Pesth]
On the 28th March, the very same day on which, in the previous year, I
had commenced my journey through Central Asia, I quitted Teheran on my
route to Trebisond by Tabris. As far as the latter city we had the
finest spring weather, and it is unnecessary for me to say what my
feelings were when I called to mind the corresponding date in the past
year. Then each step in advance took me further towards the haunts of
savage barbarism, and of unimaginable dangers; now, each step carried
me back nearer to civilised lands, and my own beloved country. I was
very much touched by the sympathy which, on my way, I received from
Europeans, as in Tabris, from my distinguished Swiss friends, Messrs.
Hanhart & Company, and Mr. Abbot, the English Vice-consul; in
Trebisond, from the Italian Consul Mr. Bosio, and also from my learned
friend, Dr. O. Blau, and particularly from Herr Dragorich, the former
the Prussian, the latter the Austrian Consul. All these gentlemen, by
their obligingness and friendly reception, bound me to them eternally.
They knew the hardships that attend travelling in the East, and their
acknowledgment of them is the sweetest reward that can fall to the lot
of the traveller.
{297}
As, after having been in Kurdistan, I was no longer able to
distinguish in the countenance of the Osmanli anything Oriental, so
now I could see in Stamboul nothing but, as it were, a gorgeous drop
curtain to an unreal Eastern existence. I could only indulge myself
with a stay of three hours on the shore of the Bosphorus. I was glad,
however, still to find time to wait upon the indefatigable savant and
diplomat Baron von Prokesh-Osten, whose kind counsels with reference
to the compilation of my narrative I have kept constantly before my
eyes. Hence I proceeded to Pesth by Küstendje, where I left behind me
my brother Dervish [Footnote 94] from Kungrat, who had accompanied me
all the way from Samarcand; for the joy of tarrying long in my
fatherland was not allowed me, as I was desirous, before the close of
the season, of delivering an account of my journey to the Royal
Geographical Society of England--an object furthered and obtained for
me by the kind recommendations of my friends. I arrived in London on
the 9th of June, 1864, where it cost me incredible trouble to accustom
myself to so sudden and extreme a change as that from Bokhara to
London.
[Footnote 94: It is needless for me to picture to the reader how
this poor Khivite, transplanted by me to the capital of Hungary
instead of being permitted to proceed to Mecca, was amazed, and how
he talked! What most astonished him was the good-nature of the
Frenghis, that they had not yet put him to death, a fate which,
drawing his conclusions from the corresponding experience amongst
his countrymen, he had apprehended.]
Wonderful, indeed, is the effect of habit upon men! Although I had
advanced to the maximum of these extremely different forms of existing
civilisation, as it were, by steps and by degrees, still everything
appeared to me here surprisingly new, as if what I had {298}
previously known of Europe had only been a dream, and as if, in fact,
I were myself an Asiatic. My wanderings have left powerful impressions
upon my mind. Is it surprising, if I stand sometimes bewildered, like
a child, in Regent Street or in the saloons of British nobles,
thinking of the deserts of Central Asia, and of the tents of the
Kirghis and the Turkomans?
{299}
PART II.
TURKOMANS
KHIVA
BOKHARA
KHOKAND
CHINESE TARTARY
ROUTES
AGRICULTURE AND TRADE
POLITICAL RELATIONS
RUSSIANS AND ENGLISH
{300}
{301}
CHAPTER XVI.
BOUNDARIES AND DIVISION OF TRIBES
NEITHER RULERS NOR SUBJECTS
DEB
ISLAM
CHANGE INTRODUCED BY THE LATTER ONLY EXTERNAL
INFLUENCE OF MOLLAHS
CONSTRUCTION OF NOMAD TENTS
ALAMAN, HOW CONDUCTED
PERSIAN COWARDICE
TURKOMAN POETS
TROUBADOURS
SIMPLE MARRIAGE CEREMONIES
HORSES
MOUNDS, HOW AND WHEN FORMED
MOURNING FOR DEAD
TURKOMAN DESCENT
GENERAL POINTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY OF THE TURKOMANS
THEIR PRESENT POLITICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL IMPORTANCE.
_Non se urbibus tenent et ne statis quidem sedibus. Ut invitavere
pabula, ut cedens et sequens hostis exigit, its res opesque secum
trahens, semper castra habitant; bellatrix, libera,
indomita._--Pomp. Mela, de Situ Orbis, 1. ii. c. 4.
THE TURKOMANS IN THEIR POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RELATIONS.
Boundaries and Divisions.
The Turkomans or Türkmen, [Footnote 95] as they style themselves,
inhabit for the most part that tract of desert land which extends on
this side of the river Oxus, from the shore of the Caspian Sea to
Belkh, and from the {302} same river to the south as far as Herat and
Astrabad. Besides the partially productive soil which they possess
along the Oxus, Murgab Tedjend, Görghen, and Etrek, where they
actually busy themselves a little with agriculture, the country of the
Turkomans comprises that immense awful desert where the traveller may
wander about for weeks and weeks without finding a drop of sweet water
or the shade of a single tree. In winter the extreme cold and the
thick snow, in summer the scorching heat and the deep sand, present
equal dangers; and storms only so far differ from each other in these
different seasons, as the graves that they prepare for the karavans
are dry or moist.
[Footnote 95: This word is compounded of the proper name Türk, and
the suffix _men_ (corresponding with the English suffix _ship,
dom_); it is applied to the whole race, conveying the sense that the
nomads style themselves pre-eminently _Türks_. The word in use with
us, Turkoman, is a corruption of the Turkish original.]
To describe with more exactitude the divisions of the Turkomans, we
will make use of their own expressions. According to our European
ideas, we name their main divisions, stocks or tribes, because we
start from the assumption of _one_ entire nationality. But the
Turkomans, who, as far as history records, never appear united in any
single body, mark their principal races by the name Khalk (in Arabic
_people_), and designate them as follows:--
I. Tchaudor.
II. Ersari.
III. Alieli.
IV. Kara.
V. Salor.
VI. Sarik.
VII. Tekke.
VIII. Göklen.
IX. Yomut.
Employing, then, the expression adopted by these nomads themselves,
and annexing the corresponding words and significations, we have--
Turkoman words. Primitive sense. Secondary sense.
Khalk. People. Stock or tribe.
Taife. People. Branch.
Tire. Fragment. Lines or clans.
{303}
The Khalks are divided into Taife, and these again into Tire. We
proceed to touch briefly upon all these main stocks, devoting,
however, our particular attention to the Tekke, Göklen, and Yomuts,
who are settled to the south, as occasion permitted me to visit and to
become more acquainted with these from personal contact.
I. TCHAUDOR.
These inhabit the southern part of the district between the Caspian
Sea and the Aral Sea, counting about 12,000 tents; their principal
Tire, or branches, extending from the former sea as far as Köhne
Urgendj, Buldumsaz, Porszu, and Köktcheg in Khiva, are--
Abdal.
Bozadji.
Igdyr.
Burundjuk.
Essenlu.
Sheikh.
Karatchaudor.
II. ERSARI.
These dwell on the left bank of the Oxus, from Tschihardschuj as far
as Belkh. They are divided into twenty Taife, and still more numerous
Tire. The number of their tents is said to amount to from fifty to
sixty thousand. As they inhabit for the most part the bank of the
Oxus, and are tributary to the Emir of Bokhara, they are often alluded
to as the Lebab-Türkmen, or Bank-Turkomans.
III. ALIELI.
These, who have their principal seat at Andkhoy, form only three
little Tire, not counting more than three thousand tents.
{304}
IV. KARA.
A small but exceedingly savage tribe of Turkomans, who, for the most
part, are found loitering about in the vicinity of certain wells in
the great sandy desert between Andkhoy and Merv. They are pitiless
robbers, and are warred against as such by all the surrounding tribes.
V. SALOR.
This is the oldest Turkoman tribe recorded in history. It was already
renowned for its bravery at the time of the Arabian occupation. Its
numbers were then probably greater, for they have suffered very much
from incessant wars. They number only eight thousand tents, although
it is not ten years since they were in possession of the important
point of Merve. They are now-a-days supplanted by the Tekke in
Martschah and its vicinity. They consist of the following Taife and
Tire:--
Taife. Tire.
1. Yalavadj . . . Yasz, Tiszi, Sakar, Ordukhodja.
2. Karaman . . . Alam, Gördjikli, Beybölegi.
3. Ana bölegi . . . Yadschi, Bokkara, Bakaschtlöre, Timur.
VI. SARIK.
These do not stand in less repute for bravery than the tribe of Salor.
Their numbers, too, are less than they were formerly. At present the
Sariks [Footnote 96] inhabit {305} the regions about Pendschdeh, on
the bank of the Murgab. With the exception of their neighbours the
Djemshidi, they are in hostile relations with all the Turkomans. They
are separated into the following Taife and Tire:--
_Taife. Tire._
1. Khorasanli-- Bedeng, Khodjali, Kizil, Huszeïnali.
2. Biradj-- Kanlibash, Kultcha, Szudjan.
3. Sokhti-- Tapyr, Mumatag, Kurd, Kadyr.
4. Alascha-- Kodjeck, Bogadja, Huszein Kara, Szaad, Okensziz.
5. Herzegi-- Yerki, Djanibeg, Kurama, Jatan, Japagy.
The number of their tents, I was told, amounts to ten thousand.
[Footnote 96: The women of this tribe, Sarik, have a peculiar renown
as manufacturers of a tissue called Agary. It is formed of the hair
of the young camel (three or four days old), which, after being
boiled in milk, during four or five days acquires an elasticity and
consistence as of a silk pulp; this substance they afterwards draw
out and weave into the material so called. It is of particular
beauty and strength, and is in high esteem, and of great value as a
material for forming the overdress of men. It is to be met with in
Persia, and always fetches high prices.]
VII. TEKKE.
These form at this day the greatest and most powerful tribe of the
Turkomans. They are separated into two principal encampments--the
first at Akhal (to the east of Tedjend), and the second at Merv.
According to the best accounts, they have sixty thousand tents.
Possessing less land that is capable of being cultivated than the
other Turkoman tribes, they are, so to say, almost forced by nature
itself to commit acts of robbery, and are a real scourge in the hand
of God to the north-easterly portions of Persia, to Herat and its
neighbourhood. I have only been able to ascertain the following
subdivisions; there are probably many others:--
{306}
_Taife._ _Tire._
1. Ötemiscli-- Kelletscho, Sultansiz, Szitschmaz Kara Ahmed.
2. Bakhshi-- Perreng, Topaz, Körszagry, Aladjagöz,
Tashajak Aksefi Goh, Marsi, Zakir, Kazilar.
3. Toktamish-- Bokburun Amanshah, Göktche Beg, Kara,
Khar, Kongor, Yussuf, Jazi, Arik Karadja.
VIII. GÖKLEN.
Judging by the position and the relations in which I found these, I am
justified in characterising them as belonging to the most peaceable
and most civilised Turkomans. Willingly occupying themselves with the
pursuits of agriculture, they are subject, most of them, to the King
of Persia. They dwell in the lovely region so famed in history, that
of the ancient Gurgan (now the ruins of Shehri Djordjan). Their
branches and clans are as follows:--
_Taife._ _Tire._
1. Tshakir-- Gökdish, Alamet, Toramen, Khorta, Karavul,
Kösze, Kulkara, Baynal.
2. Begdlli-- Pank, Amankhodja, Boran, Karishmaz.
3. Kayi-- Djankurbanli, Erkekli, Kizil Akindjik,
Tckendji Bok Khodja Kodana Lemek Kaniasz, Dari.
4. Karabalkan-- Tshotur, Kapan, Szigirsiki, Pashej, Adjibég
5. Kyryk-- Giyinlik Szufian, Dehene Karakuzu, Tcheke,
Gökese Kabaszakal, Ongüt, Kongor.
6. Bajindir-- Kalaydji, Körük, Yapagi Yadji Keszir Yasagalik Töreng.
7. Gerkesz-- Mollalar, Kösze Ataniyaz Mehrem Börre.
8. Jangak-- Korsüt Madjiman, Kötü, Dizegri, Szaridsche, Ekiz.
9. Szengrik-- Karashur, Akshur, Kutchi, Khar, Sheikhbégi.
10. Aj Dervisch-- Otschu, Kodjamaz, Dehli, Tchikszari,
Arab, Adschem, Kandjik.
{307}
These ten branches are said to contain ten thousand tents, a number,
perhaps, not exaggerated.
IX. YOMUT.
The Yomuts inhabit the East shore of the Caspian Sea and some of its
islands. Their original appellation is Görghen Yomudu (Yomuts of the
Görghen). Besides these there are the Khiva-Yomudu (Yomuts of Khiva),
who have chosen for their abode the other end of the desert, close
upon the Oxus.
The particular places in the desert where the Yomuts first above
mentioned are wont to encamp, beginning to reckon them from the
Persian frontier upward, are as follows:--
1. _Khodja Nefes_., at the lower mouth of the Görghen, an encampment
of from forty to sixty tents, furnishes a strong contingent to the
audacious pirates that render the Persian coast so insecure.
2. _Gömüshtepe_, more particularly a winter quarter, not habitable in
summer on account of the prevalence of virulent fevers. It extends, as
already mentioned, in the upper mouth of the Görghen, which is here
tolerably deep, and which, from the wonderful number of fish that it
yields, is of great service to this tribe.
3. _Hasankuli_, on the shore of the gulf of this sea, having the same
name. This place is densely peopled in summer, and produces tolerably
good melons.
{308}
4. _Etrek_ lies to the left of Hasankuli, on the banks of the river of
like appellation, which, at a distance of six miles from this place,
precipitates itself into the sea.
5. _Tchekishlar_, also a Yaylak (summer abode), near to the hill on
the sea-shore, named Ak Tepe.
6. _Tcheleken_, [Footnote 97] an island only distant a few miles from
the continent. The inhabitants are peaceful traders.
[Footnote 97: Better written Tchereken from the Persian Tchar-ken,
the four mines, so called on account of the four principal
productions of the island.]
The Yomuts are divided into the following branches and clans:--
_Taife._ _Tire._
1. Atabay-- Sehene, Düngirtchi, Tana Kisarka, Kesze, Temek.
2. Djafer bay, having
again two divisions,
a. Yarali-- Iri Tomatch, Kizil Sakalli,
Arigköseli, Tchokkan borkan, Onuk Tomatch.
b. Nurali-- Kelte, Karindjik, Gazili Kör,
Hasankululu kör Pankötek.
3. Sheref Djuni,
of whom one
part dwells in Görghen,
and the other in Khiva,
a. Görghen-- Karabölke, Tevedji, Telgay Djafer.
b. Khiva-- Oküz, Salak, Ushak, Kodjuk, Meshrik, Imreli.
4. Ogurdjali-- Semedin, Ghiray Terekme, Nedin.
The Ogurdjali, hardly ever busying themselves with marauding and
robbery, refuse to recognise the Yomuts as of their tribe, and dealing
themselves peaceably with Persia, with which they have great activity
of commerce, they have become subjects of {309} the Shah, to whom they
pay a yearly tribute of 1000 ducats. The Persians, however, do not
interfere in their internal government.
The Yomuts themselves are accustomed to count the number of their
tents in the aggregate at from forty to fifty thousand. Their
calculations are as little to be guaranteed as the statements of the
other tribes, for the greatness of their numbers always constitutes,
with these nomads, a question of national pride.
Let us now add together the different tribes:--
_Tribes._ _No. of Tents._
1. Tchaudor-- 12,000
2. Ersari-- 50,000
3. Alieli-- 3,000
4. Kara-- 1,500
5. Salor-- 8,000
6. Sarik-- 10,000
7. Tekke-- 60,000
8. Göklen-- 12,000
9. Yomut-- 40,000
Total 196,500
Reckoning to each tent five persons, we have a sum-total of 982,500
souls; and as I have myself diminished the Turkoman statements by at
least a third, we may regard this as the lowest possible estimate of
the whole population.
POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE TURKOMANS.
What surprised me most during my sojourn amongst this people, was my
inability to discover any single man among them desirous of
commanding, or any individual inclined to obey. The Turkoman himself
{310} is wont to say, 'Biz bibash khalk bolamiz (We are a people
without a head), and we will not have one. We are all equal, with us
everyone is king.' In the political institutions of all the other
nomads, we occasionally discover some sign, more or less defined
--some shadow of a government, such as the Aksakal amongst the Turks,
the Rish Sefid amongst the Persians, or the Sheikh amongst the Arabs.
Amongst the Turkomans we find no trace of any such character. The
tribes have, it is true, their Aksakals; but these are, in effect,
merely ministers to each particular circle, standing, to a certain
degree, in a position of honourable distraction. They are liked and
tolerated so long only as they do not make their supremacy felt by
unusual commands or extravagant pretensions.
'How, then,' the reader will enquire, 'can these notorious
robbers'--and the savageness of their nature is really
unbounded--'live together without devouring each other?' The position
in which they stand is really surprising; but what shall we say to the
fact that, in spite of all this seeming anarchy, in spite of all their
barbarism, so long as enmity is not openly declared, _less robbery and
murder, fewer breaches of justice and of morality_, take place amongst
them than amongst the other nations of Asia whose social relations
rest on the basis of Islam civilisation? The inhabitants of the desert
are ruled, often tyrannised over, by a mighty sovereign, invisible
indeed to themselves, but whose presence is plainly discerned in the
word 'Deb'--_custom, usage_. [Footnote 98: ]
[Footnote 98: 'Deb' is a word of Arabian origin, derived from 'Edeb'
(morality).]
{311}
Among the Turkomans the 'Deb' is obeyed; everything is practised or
abominated according to its injunctions. Next to the 'Deb' we may
refer also, in exceptional cases, to the influence of religion. The
latter, however, which came to them from Bokhara, where so much
fanaticism prevails, is far from being so influential as has been
said. It is generally supposed that the Turkoman plunders the Persian
because the latter belongs to the detested sect of the Shiites. It is
a gross error: I am firmly convinced that the Turkoman would still
cling to his plundering habits, which the 'Deb' sanctions, even if he
had for his neighbours the Sunnite Turks instead of the Persians. What
I advance derives the strongest confirmation from other
considerations--from the frequency of the attacks made by the
Turkomans upon the countries belonging to Sunnites, upon Afghanistan,
Maymene, Khiva, and even Bokhara. Later experience, too, convinced me
that the greater number of the slaves in Central Asia belong to the
religious sect of the Sunnites. I once put the question to a robber,
renowned for his piety, how he could make up his mind to sell his
Sunnite brothers as slaves, when the Prophet's words were, 'Kulli
Iszlam hurre (Every Musselman is free)'? 'Behey!' said the Turkoman,
with, supreme indifference; 'the Koran, God's book, is certainly more
precious than man, and yet it is bought or sold for a few krans. What
more can you say? Yes, Joseph, the son of Jacob, was a prophet, and
was himself sold. Was he, in any respect, the worse for that?'
{312}
It is very remarkable how little the 'Deb' has suffered in its
struggle of eight centuries with Mahommedanism. Many usages, which are
prohibited to the Islamite, and which the Mollahs make the object of
violent attack, exist in all their ancient originality; and the
changes effected by Islam, not only amongst the Turkomans, but amongst
all the nomads of Middle Asia, were rather confined to the external
forms of the religion previously existing. What they before found in
the Sun, fire, and other phenomena of nature, they saw now in
Allah-Mohammed: the nomad is ever the same, now as two thousand years
ago; nor is it possible for any change to take place in him till he
exchanges his light tent for a substantial house; in other words, till
he has ceased to be nomad.
To return to the subject of the influence of the Aksakals, I may be
permitted to remark that these, as my experience amongst the Yomuts
enables me to say, are, in points of external relations, [Footnote
99] really fair representatives of the general wishes of the
particular tribe; but they are no envoys entrusted with full powers,
and how powerless they really are, Russia and Persia have had many
opportunities of learning. These two countries have, at great expense,
sought to attach the Aksakals to their interest, in order, through
them, to put a stop to the habit of plundering and robbery; a policy
that up to the present day has had but little success.
[Footnote 99: For instance, where Persia, Russia, or other Turkoman
tribes not directly allied, are concerned.]
The Mollahs enjoy greater respect, not so much from being Islamites,
as from the more general reputation for religion and mystery which
attaches to their character, and which is the object of the dread of
the {313} superstitious nomads. The Mollahs, educated in Khiva and in
Bokhara, are cunning people, who from the beginning assume the
appearance of holiness, and make off as soon as they have once filled
their sacks. But the chief support of the social union is the firm
cohesion, not merely of the particular divisions, but of the whole
tribe. Every Turkoman--nay, even the child of four years--knows the
taife and tire to which he belongs, and points with a certain pride to
the power or to the number of his particular branch, for that really
is the shield that defends him from the capricious acts of others;
and, indeed, in the event of one member suffering from the hand of
violence, the whole tribe is bound to demand satisfaction.
With regard to the particular relations of the Yomuts with
neighbouring tribes and countries, I have found that they live in an
inveterate and irreconcilable enmity with the Göklen. At the time I
was in Etrek, negotiations were on foot for a treaty of peace with the
Tekke, which was a lucky circumstance as far as our journey was
concerned. I learned, however, later, that the peace never was
concluded: in fact, it may be considered, and particularly by Persia,
a fortunate circumstance that the union of tribes, in so high a degree
warlike, should be impossible; for the provinces of Persia, and
particularly Mazendran, Khorasan, and Sigistan, are constantly exposed
to depredations of particular tribes--Tekke and Yomut need only to
combine to produce unceasing injury. The Turkoman is intoxicated with
the successes that have always attended his arms in Iran, and he only
deigns to laugh at the menaces of that country, even when it seeks to
carry them into effect {314} by the actual march of an army. The
position of Russia is very different, whose might the Yomuts have
hitherto learned both to know and to fear merely from the petty
garrison at Ashourada. I heard that about four years ago the Russians,
in violation of all their treaties with Persia, had attacked the
encampment of Gömüshtepe with an armed force barely 120 strong, and
that the Turkomans, although they far outnumbered them, betook
themselves to flight, allowing their assailants to plunder and bum
their tents. A report as to the 'infernal' arms made use of by the
Russians spread itself amongst the Tekke; but what the nomads find it
so difficult to withstand, is no doubt the excellent discipline of
their opponents.
SOCIAL RELATIONS.
But now to accompany the Turkoman into his home and his domestic
circle. We must first commence by speaking of the nomad himself, of
his dress, and his tent.
The Turkoman is of Tartaric origin; but has only retained the type of
his race in cases where circumstances have conspired to prevent any
intermixture with the Iranis. This is remarkably the case with the
Tekke, the Göklen, and the Yomuts; for amongst them the pure Tartar
physiognomy is only met with in those branches and families which have
sent fewer Alaman to Persia, and have consequently introduced amongst
themselves fewer black-haired slaves. Still the Turkoman, whether he
has departed more or less from the original type, is always remarkable
for his bold penetrating glance, which distinguishes him from {315}
all the nomads and inhabitants of towns in Central Asia, and for his
proud military bearing; for although I have seen many young men of
martial demeanour amongst the Kirghis, Karakalpak, and Özbegs, it was
only in the Turkoman that I always found an absolute independence, an
absence of all constraint. His dress is the same as that worn at
Khiva, with some slight modification for man and woman, by the
addition of little articles of luxury from Persia. The part of the
attire of most importance is the red silk shirt that the ordinances of
the Koran forbid, but which is still worn by both sexes; with the
Turkoman women it constitutes in reality the whole home attire. My eye
had great difficulty in habituating itself to the sight of old matrons
and mothers of families, marriageable maidens and young girls, moving
about in shifts reaching to the ankle. The covering of the head for
the man is a fur cap, lighter and more tasty than the awkward cap of
the Özbeg, or the large towering hat of the Persian. They employ also
the Tchapan, an over-dress resembling our dressing-gown, which comes
from Khiva, but of which they curtail the proportions when they take
part in a Tchapao (predatory expedition). The women, when dressing
themselves for holidays, are accustomed also to bind a shawl round the
waist over their long shift, which hangs down in two slips;
high-heeled boots, red or yellow, are also indispensable; but the
objects that are most coveted, and that give them most pleasure, are
the trinkets, rings for neck, ear, or nose, and étuis for amulets, and
resembling cartouch-boxes, which are often seen hanging down on their
left side and on their right: as with us the ribbons which are used in
the different orders of knighthood. These accompany every movement of
the body with a clear sound, as it were, of bells.
{316}
The Turkoman is very fond of such clatter, and attaches articles that
produce it either to his wife or his horse; or when the opportunity
there fails him, he steals a Persian, and suspends chains upon him. To
render the lady's attire complete, a Hungarian dolmany (Hussar jacket)
is hung from the shoulders, which is only permitted to be so long as
to leave visible the ends of her hair plaited with a ribbon.
The tent of the Turkoman, which is met with in the same form
throughout all Central Asia and as far as the remote parts of China,
is very neat and in perfect accordance with the life led by the nomad.
We annex a representation [See plate] in three forms:--1st, the
framework cut in wood; 2nd, the same when covered with pieces of felt;
3rd, its interior. With the exception of the woodwork, all its
component parts are the product of the industry of the Turkoman woman,
who busies herself also with its construction and the putting together
the various parts. She even packs it up upon the camel, and
accompanies it in the wanderings of her people, close on foot. The
tents of the rich and poor are distinguished by their being got up
with a greater or less pomp in the internal arrangements. There are
only two sorts:--1. Karaoy (black tent, that is, the tent which has
grown brown or black from age);--2. Akoy (white tent, that is, one
covered in the interior with felt of snowy whiteness; it is erected
for newly-married couples, or for guests to whom they wish to pay
particular honour).
[Illustration]
TENT IN CENTRAL ASIA.
(A-- Framework. B--Covered with Felt. C--Interior.)
{317}
Altogether the tent as I met with it in Central Asia has left upon my
mind a very pleasing impression. Cool in summer and genially warm in
winter, what a blessing is its shelter when the wild hurricane rages
in all directions around the almost boundless steppes! A stranger is
often fearful lest the dread elements should rend into a thousand
pieces so frail an abode, but the Turkoman has no such apprehension;
he attaches the cords fast and sleeps sweetly, for the howling of the
storm sounds in his ear like the song that lulls the infant in its
cradle! The customs, usages, and occupations of the Turkomans might
furnish matter for an entire volume, so great and so remarkable is the
distinction between their manner of life and our own. I must, however,
here limit myself to a few traits in their characters, and only touch
upon what is indispensable to my narrative. The leading features in
the life of a Turkoman are the Alaman (predatory expedition) or the
Tchapao (the surprise). The invitation to any enterprise likely to be
attended with profit, finds him ever ready to arm himself, and to
spring to his saddle. The design itself is always kept a profound
secret even from the nearest relative; and as soon as the Serdar
(chief elect) has had lavished upon him by some Mollah or other the
Fatiha (benediction), every man betakes himself at the commencement of
the evening by different ways to a certain place, before indicated as
the rendezvous.
The attack is always made either at midnight, when an inhabited
settlement, or at sunrise, when a karavan or any hostile troop is its
object. This attack of the Turkomans, like that of the Huns and
Tartars, is rather to be styled a surprise. They separate themselves
{318} into several divisions, and make two, hardly ever three,
assaults upon their unsuspecting prey; for, according to a Turkoman
proverb, 'Try twice, turn back the third time.' ['Iki deng ütschde
döng.'] The party assailed must possess great resolution and firmness
to be able to withstand a surprise of this nature; the Persians seldom
do so. Very often a Turkoman will not hesitate to attack five or even
more Persians, and will succeed in his enterprise. I have been told by
the Turkomans, that not unfrequently one of their number will make
four or five Persians prisoners. 'Often,' said one of these nomads to
me, 'the Persians, struck with a panic, throw away their arms, demand
the cords, and bind each other mutually; we have no occasion to
dismount, except for the purpose of fastening the last of them.' Not
to allude to the defeat of 22,000 Persians by 5,000 Turkomans on a
very recent occasion, I can state as an undoubted fact the immense
superiority of the sons of the desert over the Iranis. I am inclined
to think that it is the terrible historical prestige of the Tartars of
the north that robs the boldest Persian of his courage; and yet how
dear has a man to pay for his cowardice! He who resists is cut down;
the coward who surrenders has his hands bound, and the horseman either
takes him up on his saddle (in which case his feet are bound under the
horse's belly), or drives him before him: whenever from any cause this
is not possible, the wretched man is attached to the tail of the
animal, and has for hours and hours--yes, for days and days--to
follow the robber to his desert home. Those who are unable to keep up
with the horseman generally {319} perish. [Footnote 100] What awaits
him in that home the reader already knows. Let me add an anecdote of
an occurrence which I myself witnessed. It occurred in Gömüshtepe. An
Alaman returned richly laden with captives, horses, asses, oxen, and
other movable property. They proceeded to the division of the booty,
separating it into as many portions as there had been parties to the
act of violence. But besides they left in the centre one separate
portion; this was done to make all good, as I afterwards remarked. The
robbers went up each in his turn to examine his share. One was
satisfied; a second also; the third examined the teeth of the Persian
woman who had been allotted to him, and observed that his share was
too small, whereupon the chief went to the centre heap and placed a
young ass by the side of the poor Persian slave; an estimate was made
of the aggregate value of the two creatures, and the robber was
contented: this course was often repeated; and although my feelings
revolted at the inhumanity of the proceeding, I could not refrain from
laughing at the droll composition of these different shares of spoil.
[Footnote 100: I once heard a young girl say that her mother had
been killed and left in the desert, because unable to follow the
Turkomans in their rapid flight.]
The main instrument, the one to which the Turkoman gives the
preference over all others in his forays, is, beyond all question, his
horse, which is really a wonderful creature, prized by the son of the
desert more than his wife, more than his children, more than his own
life. It is interesting to mark with what carefulness he brings him
up, how he clothes him to resist cold and heat, what magnificence he
displays in the {320} accoutrements of his saddle, in which he,
perhaps in a wretched dress of rags, makes a strange contrast with the
carefully-decorated steed. These fine animals are well worth all the
pains bestowed upon them, and the stories recounted of their speed and
powers of endurance are far from being exaggerated. By origin the
Turkoman horse is Arabian, for even at the present day those of the
purest blood are known by the name Bedevi (Bedoueen). The horses of
the Tekke stand very high and are very fast, but are far from
possessing the bottom or powers of endurance of the smaller horses of
the Yomuts.
The profit arising to the nomads by their abominable practice of
kidnapping by no means compensates for the perils which it entails,
for it is not often that it diminishes the poverty to which the son of
the desert is born. And what if he is able to save a few small coins?
His mode of living, simple in the extreme, would rarely call for such;
and I have known many Turkomans who, in spite of a condition of
increased prosperity, have continued to eat dried fish, and have
allowed themselves bread but once in the week, just like the very
poorest to whom the price of wheat renders bread almost inaccessible.
In his domestic circle, the nomad presents us a picture of the most
absolute indolence. In his eyes it is the greatest shame for a man to
apply his hand to any domestic occupation. He has nothing to do but to
tend his horse; that duty once over, he hurries to his neighbour, or
joins one of the group that squat on the ground before the tents,
discussing topics connected with politics, recent raids, or
horseflesh. In the meantime the inevitable Tchilim, a sort of Persian
pipe, in which the tobacco is not moistened, passes from hand to hand.
{321}
It is only during evening hours, particularly in the winter time, that
they love to listen to fairy tales and stories; it is regarded as an
enjoyment of a still higher and more elevated nature, when a Bakhshi
(troubadour) comes forward, and to the accompaniment of his Dütara (a
two-stringed instrument) sings a few songs of Köroglu, Aman Mollah, or
the national poet, Makhdumkuli, whom they half deify. The latter,
regarded as a sort of saint, was a Turkoman of the Göklen tribe; he
died about eighty years ago. Makhdumkuli died, as I heard from Kizil
Akhond, during the civil wars between the Yomuts and the Göklens--his
generous spirit could not endure to contemplate the spectacle of
brother struggling in murderous combat with brother, whose wives and
children were reciprocally captured and sold to slavery.
In his biography, clouded with fable, I found him represented as a
wondrous man, who, without going to Bokhara or Khiva, was divinely
inspired in all books and all sciences. Once being on horseback, he
was surprised by an overpowering sleep; he saw himself, in fancy,
transported to Mecca into a circle where the Prophet and the first
Khalifs were assembled. With a thrill of reverence and awe he looked
round and perceived that Omar, the patron of the Turkomans, was
beckoning to him. He approached the latter, who blessed him and struck
him a slight blow on the forehead, whereupon he awoke. From that
instant the sweetest poesy began to flow from his lips, and his books
will long occupy with the Turkomans the first place after the Koran.
In other respects the collection {322} of poems by Makhdumkuli is of
particular interest: first, as furnishing us with a pure specimen of
the Turkoman dialect; secondly, because the method, particularly of
that part which relates to precepts as to horse-breeding, arms, and
the Alaman, is such as we rarely find in the literature of the
Oriental nations.
How charming to me, too, those scenes, which can never pass from my
memory, when on festal occasions, or during the evening
entertainments, some Bakhshi used to recite the verses of Makhdumkuli!
When I was in Etrek, one of these troubadours had his tent close to
our own; and as he paid us a visit of an evening, bringing his
instrument with him, there flocked around him the young men of the
vicinity, whom he was constrained to treat with some of his heroic
lays. His singing consisted of certain forced guttural sounds, which
we might rather take for a rattle than a song, and which he
accompanied at first with gentle touches of the strings, but
afterwards, as he became more excited, with wilder strokes upon the
instrument. The hotter the battle, the fiercer grew the ardour of the
singer and the enthusiasm of his youthful listeners; and really the
scene assumed the appearance of a romance, when the young nomads,
uttering deep groans, hurled their caps to the ground, and dashed
their hands in a passion through the curls of their hair, just as if
they were furious to combat with themselves.
And yet this ought not to surprise us. The education of the young
Turkoman is in every respect calculated to bring him to this tone of
mind. Only one in a thousand can read and write: horses, arms,
battles, and robberies, are the subjects that exercise, in youth, the
imaginations of all. I once heard even the honest {323} Khandjan, who
intended to read a lesson to his son, recount that a certain young
Turkoman had already kidnapped two Persians, and 'of him' (pointing to
his son) 'he feared he should never be able to make a man.'
[Illustration: ]
TARTAR HORSE RACE--PURSUIT OF A BRIDE.
Some customs and usages of the Turkomans are very remarkable, as we
have but faint traces of them amongst the other nomads of Central
Asia. But there is also the marriage ceremonial where the young
maiden, attired in bridal costume, mounts a high-bred courser, taking
on her lap the carcase of a lamb or goat, and setting off at full
gallop, is followed by the bridegroom and other young men of the
party, also on horseback; but she is always to strive, by adroit
turns, &c., to avoid her pursuers, that no one of them approach near
enough to snatch from her the burden on her lap. This game, called
Kökbüri (green wolf), is in use amongst all the nomads of Central
Asia.
To mention another singular usage, sometimes two, sometimes four days
after the nuptials, the newly-married couple are separated, and the
permanent union does not begin until after the expiration of an entire
year.
Another singular custom has reference to the mourning for the decease
of a beloved member of the family. It is the practice, in the tent of
the departed one, each day for a whole year, without exception, at the
same hour that he drew his last breath, for female mourners to chant
the customary dirges, in which the members of the family present are
expected to join. In doing so, the latter proceed with their ordinary
daily employments and occupations; {324} and it is quite ridiculous to
see how the Turkoman polishes his arms and smokes his pipe, or devours
his meal, to the accompaniment of these frightful yells of sorrow. A
similar thing occurs with the women, who, seated in the smaller
circumference of the tent itself, are wont to join in the chant, to
cry and weep in the most plaintive manner, whilst they are at the same
time cleaning wool, spinning, or performing some other duty of
household industry. The friends and acquaintances of the deceased are
also expected to pay a visit of lamentation, and that even when the
first intelligence of the misfortune does not reach them until after
months have elapsed. The visitor seats himself before the tent, often
at night, and, by a thrilling yell of fifteen minutes' duration, gives
notice that he has thus performed his last duty towards the defunct.
When a chief of distinction, one who has really well earned the title
of Bator (valiant), perishes, it is the practice to throw up over his
grave a Joszka [Footnote 101] (large mound); to this every good
Turkoman is bound to contribute at least seven shovelfuls of earth, so
that these elevations often have a circumference of sixty feet, and a
height of from twenty to thirty feet. In the great plains these mounds
are very conspicuous objects; the Turkoman knows them all, and calls
them by their names,--that is to say, by the names of those that rest
below.
[Footnote 101: This custom existed amongst the ancient Huns, and is
in use in Hungary even at the present day. In Kashau (Upper Hungary)
a mound was raised a few years ago, at the suggestion of Count
Edward Karolyi, in memory of the highly-respected Count St.
Széchenyi.]
{325}
Let me conclude this short account of the Turkomans with a still
briefer review of their history, in which I shall confine myself to
what, in these particulars, I have heard regarded as traditions still
commanding credit amongst them. 'We all spring,' said to me my learned
friend Kizil Akhond, 'from Manghischlak. Our ancestors were Szön Khan
and Eszen Ili. Yomut and Tekke were the sons of the first, Tchaudor
and Göklen of the second. Manghischlak was in the most ancient times
called Ming Kischlak (a thousand winter quarters), and is the original
home, not only of those of our race who have separated and migrated to
Persia, but of the Ersari, Salor, and the rest of the tribes. Our
saints of the olden times, as Ireg Ata [Footnote 102] and Sari-er,
repose within the confines of Manghischlak; and especially fortunate
is he who has been able to visit their tombs.' Khandjan told me that,
so late as one hundred and fifty years ago, the Turkomans had very
rarely any other dresses than those which they prepared of sheepskins,
or the hides of horse or wild ass; that nowadays this was all changed,
and the only thing that remains to remind us of the old national
costume is the fur cap.
[Footnote 102: Ireg Ata means 'the great father' in Hungarian; Oreg
Atya, 'old father.']
The animosities prevailing amongst the different tribes often lead to
the reciprocal insulting reproach of 'descendants of slaves.' The time
when they left their common country cannot be fixed with exactitude.
Ersari, Sarik, and Salor were already, at the time of the Arabian
occupation, in the eastern part of the desert, on this side of the
Oxus. Tekke, Göklen, and Yomut took possession of their present
country at a {326} later period, perhaps in the time of Djinghis Khan
and Timour. The change of abode of these last-mentioned tribes took
place only by partial emigrations, and, indeed, cannot even at the
present day be said to be more than half complete, for many Yomuts and
Göklens still loiter about their ancient seat with singular
predilection. During the middle ages, the Turkoman horsemen were for
the most part to be met with in the service of the Khans of Khiva and
Bokhara; often, also, under the banners of Persia. The renown of their
bravery, and particularly of their furious charges, spread far and
wide; and certain of their leaders, like Kara Yuszuf, who took part
with the tribe Salor in the campaigns of Timour, acquired historical
celebrity. The Turkomans contributed much to the _Turkecising_ of
North Persia, at the epoch when the family of the Atabegs ruled in
Iran; and beyond all dispute it is they who contributed the largest
contingent to the Turkish population on the other side of the
Caucasus, to Azerbaydjan, Mazendran, and Shiraz. [Footnote 103]
[Footnote 103: There are even now four or five of the smaller
Turkish tribes living a nomadic life in the district around Shiraz.
Their Ilkhani (chieftain), with whom I became acquainted in Shiraz
in 1862, told me that he can raise from them 30,000 horsemen, and
some, as the Kashkai and the Allahverdi, had been transplanted
hither by Djinghis Khan. In Europe this fact has not been
appreciated; and even Burnes, in other respects well informed,
thinks he has found, in a place of like name in the vicinity of
Samarcand, the _Turki shirazi_ mentioned by Hafiz in his songs.]
{327}
It is remarkable that in spite of the bitter hostility reigning
between the Turkomans and their Shiite brethren in Persia, the former
still always especially name Azerbaydjan as the seat of a higher
civilisation; and whenever the Bakhshi is asked to sing something more
than usually beautiful and original, Azerbaydjanian songs are always
called for: nay, even the captive Irani, if of Turkish origin, may
always expect more merciful treatment, for the Turkoman says, 'He is
our brother, this unbeliever.' [Footnote 104]
[Footnote 104: 'Kardashi miz dir ol Kafir.']
The last risings of the Turkomans in mass occurred under Nadir Shah
and Aga Mehemed Khan. Nadir, helped by these tribes and by the
Afghans, at the commencement of the last century, shook Asia out of
her slumber; and the second conqueror above mentioned availed himself
of the sword of the Turkomans to found his dynasty. Nomads are well
aware of the fact, and make the ingratitude of the Kadjar a subject of
frequent complaint, who, since the time of Feth Ali Shah, have, they
say, entirely forgotten them, and even withdrawn the lawful pensions
of several of their chiefs.
To form an idea of the political importance of the nomads, we need
only cast a glance at the map of Central Asia. We there see at once
that they have become, from their position, the guardians of the
southern frontiers of the entire Asiatic Highlands of Turkestan, as
they name it themselves. The Turkoman is, without any possibility of
contradiction, next to the Kiptchak, the most warlike and savage race
of Central Asia: in his rear, in the cities of Khiva, Bokhara, and
Khokand, we find the seat of cowardice and effeminacy; and had he not
constituted himself as it were into a barrier of iron, things would
never have remained, in the three countries just mentioned, in the
condition in which they were after the time of Kuteibe and Ebu
Muszlim, [Footnote 105] and in which they still continue.
[Footnote 105: The former conquered Turkestan in the time of Khalif
Omar; the latter, having first been Governor of Merv, fought for a
long time the battle of independence, in conjunction with the
Turkomans and Kharesmians against his master, the sovereign of
Bagdad.]
{328}
Civilisation, some may think, has a predilection for the way that
leads from the south to the north; but how can any spark penetrate to
Central Asia, as long as the Turkomans menace every traveller and
every karavan with a thousand perils?
{329}
CHAPTER XVII.
KHIVA, THE CAPITAL
PRINCIPAL DIVISIONS, GATES, AND QUARTERS OF THE CITY
BAZAARS
MOSQUES
MEDRESSE OR COLLEGES; HOW FOUNDED, ORGANISED, AND ENDOWED
POLICE
KHAN AND HIS GOVERNMENT
TAXES
TRIBUNALS
KHANAT
CANALS
POLITICAL DIVISIONS
PRODUCE
MANUFACTURES AND TRADE
PARTICULAR ROUTES
KHANAT, HOW PEOPLED
ÖZBEGS
TURKOMANS
KARAKALPAK
KASAK (KIRGHIS)
SART
PERSIANS
HISTORY OF KHIVA IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY
KHANS AND THEIR GENEALOGY.
_Les principaux Tartares firent asseoir le Khan sur une pièce de
feutre et lui dirent: 'Honare les grands, sois juste et bienfesant
envers tous; sinon tu seras si misérable que tu n'auras pas même le
feutre sur lequel tu es assis_.'
Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs, c. lx.
A. KHIVA, THE CAPITAL.
As we are speaking of an Oriental city, what need to say that the
interior of Khiva is very different from what its exterior would lead
us to expect! First, reader, you must have seen a Persian city of the
lowest rank, and then you will understand my meaning when I say that
Khiva is inferior to it; or picture to yourself three or four thousand
mud houses standing in different directions in the most irregular
manner with uneven and unwashed walls, and fancy these surrounded by a
wall ten feet high, also made of mud, and again you have a conception
of Khiva.
{330}
_Its Divisions._
The city is divided into two parts: (_a_) Khiva proper; and (_b_) Itch
Kale, the citadel with its encircling wall, which can be shut off from
the outer city by four gates; and consists of the following Mahalle
(quarters): Pehlivan, Uluyogudj, Akmesdjid, Yipektchi,
Koshbeghimahallesi.
The city, properly so called, has nine gates, and ten Mahalle
(quarters). [Footnote 106]
[Footnote 106: That is to say, towards the north, Urgendj
dervazesi,(1) Gendumghia dervazesi, Imaret dervazesi; towards the
east, Ismahmudata dervazesi, Hazaresp dervazesi; to the south,
Shikhlair dervazesi, Pishkenik dervazesi, Rafenek dervazesi; and to
the west, Bedrkhan dervazesi. There are ten Mahalle (quarters), that
is to say,
1. Or.
2. Kefterkhane.
3. Mivesztan, where the fruit is sold.
4. Mehterabad.
5. Yenikale.
6. Bala Havuz, where there is a large reservoir of water
surrounded by plane trees, serving as a place of recreation.
7. Nanyemezorama. (2)
8. Nurullahbay.
9. Bagtche.
10. Rafenek.
(1) Dervaze, a Persian word, meaning gate.
(2) This word means 'village that eats no bread.']
_Bazaars_.
Bazaars or shops for sale equal to those which we meet with in Persia,
and in other Oriental cities, do not exist in Khiva. The following
only deserve any mention. Tim, a small well-built bazaar, with
tolerably high vaulted ceilings, containing about 120 shops and a
karavanserai. Here are exposed all the cloth, {331} hardware, fancy
articles, linen, and cotton that the Russian commerce supplies, as
well as the inconsiderable produce proceeding from Bokhara and Persia.
Around the Tim are also to be seen Nanbazari (bread market),
Bakalbazari (grocers), Shembazari (the soap and candle market), and
the Sertrashbazari (from ten to twelve barbers' rooms, where the heads
are shaved: I say the heads, for the man would be regarded as out of
his senses or would be punished with death who should have his beard
shaved).
I must also class amongst the bazaars the Kitchik Kervanserai, where
the slaves brought by the Tekke and the Yomuts are exposed for sale.
But for this article of business Khiva itself could not exist, as the
culture of the land is entirely in the hands of the slaves. When we
come to speak of Bokhara, we will treat this subject more at large.
_Mosques_.
There are few mosques in Khiva of much antiquity or artistic
construction. Those that follow alone deserve notice. (1) Hazreti
Pehlivan, an edifice four centuries old, consisting of one large and
two small domes; it contains the tomb of Pehlivan Ahmed Zemtchi, a
revered saint, patron of the city of Khiva. Its exterior promises
little, although the Kashi (ornamental tiles) of the interior are
tasteful, but unfortunately the place itself is dark, and the
insufficiency of the lighting of the interior leaves much that the eye
cannot distinguish. Both inside the dome and in the courts leading to
it there are always swarms of blind practitioners of the _memoria
technica_, who know the Koran by heart from frequent {332} repetition,
and are ever reciting passages from it. (2) Another mosque is the
Djüma-a-Mesdjidi, which the Khan attends on Fridays, and where the
official Khutbe (prayer for the ruling sovereign) is read. (3)
Khanmesdjidi, in the interior of the citadel. (4) Shaleker, which owes
its construction to a farmer. (5) Atamurad Kushbeghi. (6)
Karayüzmesdjidi.
_Medresse_(Colleges).
The number of colleges and their magnificent endowments are, in
Central Asia, always a criterion of the degree of prosperity and
religious instruction of the population; and when we consider the
limited means at their disposal, we cannot but laud the zeal and the
readiness to make sacrifices, evinced both by King and subject, when a
college is about to be founded and endowed. Bokhara, the oldest seat
of Islamite civilisation in Central Asia, is a pattern in this
respect; but some colleges exist in Khiva also, and of these we shall
particularly mention the following:
(1) Medemin [Footnote 107]Khan Medressesi, built in 1842, by a
Persian architect, after the model of a Persian karavanserai of the
first rank. On the right is a massive tower, somewhat loftier than the
two-storied Medresse, but which, owing to the death of the builder,
remains imperfect. This college has 130 cells, affording accommodation
for 260 students; it enjoys a revenue of 12,000 Khivan Batman of
wheat, and 5,000 Tilla (2,500_l_. sterling) in money. To give the
reader an idea of this institution, I will state the manner in which
this revenue is apportioned, in order to show the parties composing
the _personnel_.
[Footnote 107: Abbreviation of Mehemmed Emin.]
{333}
Batman. Tilla.
5 Akhond (professors) receive yearly 3,000 150
1 Iman 2,000 40
1 Muezzin (caller to prayers) 200 0
2 Servants 200 0
1 Barber 200 0
2 Muttewali, or inspectors, receive a
tithe of the whole revenue; the
residue is divided amongst the
students, who form three classes:
1st class 60 4
2nd class 30 2
3rd class 15 1
(2) Allahkuli Khan Medressesi has 120 cells, and
the yearly revenue of the pupils is fifty Batman and
two Tilla (1_l_. sterling).
(3) Kutlug Murad Inag Medressesi. Each cell
produces fifty Batman and three Tilla.
(4) Arab Khan Medressesi has only a few cells,
but is richly endowed.
(5) Shirgazi Khan Medressesi.
These Medresse are the only edifices in the midst of the mud huts that
deserve the name of houses. Their courts are for the most part kept
clean, are planted with trees, or used as gardens. Of the subjects in
which instruction is given we will speak hereafter, remarking only by
the way, that the lectures themselves are delivered in the cells of
the professors, to groups of scholars ranged together according to the
degree of their intellectual capacity.
{334}
_Police_.
In each quarter of the town there is a Mirab, [Footnote 108]
responsible by day for the public order of his district, in case of
any rioting, theft, or other crime. The charge of the city after
sunset is entrusted to the four Pasheb (chief watchmen), who are bound
to patrol the whole night before the gate of the citadel. Each of them
has eight under-watchmen subject to his orders, who are at the same
time public executioners. These, in all thirty-two in number, go about
the city, and arrest everyone who shows himself in the streets half an
hour after midnight. Their particular attention is directed to
burglars, or to the heroes of the intrigues proscribed by the law: woe
to those caught _in flagrante delicto!_
[Footnote 108: A Mirab is the same as the Turkish Subashi, a
functionary, that has played his part from the Chinese frontier to
the Adriatic, and still continues to do so.]
B. THE KHAN AND HIS GOVERNMENT.
That the Khan of Khiva can dispose despotically, according to his good
pleasure, of the property and lives of his subjects, scarcely requires
to be mentioned. In his character of Lord of the Land, he is what
every father is at the head of his family: just as the latter, when he
pleases, gives ear to a slave, so the Khan pays attention occasionally
to the words of a minister; nor is there any barrier to the capricious
use of his authority, except that inspired by the Ulemas, when these
have at their head such men as, by their learning and irreproachable
lives, have conciliated the affection of the people, and rendered
themselves objects of dread to the Khan. Matters stand so with almost
all the Governments of Asia, but this is not altogether to be ascribed
to the defects or entire absence of forms of government. No; in all
times, and in all epochs of history, forms intended for controlling
the tyrannical and capricious exercise of {335} power have existed in
theory, and have only remained inoperative from that weakness of
character and that deficiency of the nobler sentiments in the masses
at large which have, throughout the East, ever favoured, as they still
continue to do, every crime of the sovereign.
According to the Khivan Constitution, which is of Mongol origin, he is
(1) Khan or Padisha, who is chosen for the purpose from the midst of a
victorious race. At his side stand the
(2) Inag, [Footnote 109] four in number, of whom two are the nearest
relatives of the King, and the two others merely of the same race. One
of the former is always the regular Governor of the province of
Hezaresp.
[Footnote 109: The literal meaning of the word is younger brother.]
(3) Nakib, the spiritual chief, must always be a Seid (of the family
of the Prophet). He has the same rank as the Sheikh-ül-Islam in
Constantinople. [Footnote 110]
[Footnote 110: In Constantinople the Nakib-ül-Eshref, the chief of
the Seïds, is in rank below the Sheikh-ül-Islam. ]
(4) Bi, not to be confounded with Bey, with which it has only a
similar verbal meaning. The Bi is, in the battle, always at the right
hand of the Khan.
(5) Atalik, a sort of councillor of state, who can only be Özbegs, and
whose number the Khan can fix.
(6) Kushbeghi. [Footnote 111]
[Footnote 111: Vizir, or first Court Minister of the Khan: with him
begins the 'corps' of ministers properly so called, holding their
place at the will of the ruler.]
(7) Mehter, a sort of officer who has the charge of the internal
affairs of the court and country. The Mehter must always be from the
Sart (ancient Persian population of Khiva).
{336}
(8) Yasaulbashi, two in number, principal guards, whose functions are
those of introduction at the Arz (public audience). The Divan, a sort
of secretary, at the same time accountant, is of the same rank.
(9) Mehrem, also two in number, having merely the office of
chamberlains and confidants, yet possessing great influence with the
Khan and his Government.
(10) Minbashi, commander of 1,000 horsemen. [Footnote 112]
[Footnote 112: The collective military forces of the Khan of Khiva
were computed, I was told, at 20,000 men, but this number can be
doubled in the time of peril.]
(11) Yüzbashi, commander of 100 horsemen.
(12) Onbashi, commander of 10 horsemen.
These twelve divisions form the class of officials, properly so
called, and are styled Sipahi. They are also divided as follows: some
whom the Khan cannot remove from office, some who have a fixed
stipend, and the rest who are only in active service in time of war.
The high officials are rewarded with lands, and the regular troops
receive from the Khan horses and arms, and are exempt from all taxes
and imposts.
Thus far of the secular officers.
The Ulema or priests, of whom the Nakib is the chief, are subdivided
as follows:--
(1) Kazi Kelan, superior judge and chief of jurisdiction throughout
the Khanat.
(2) Kazi Ordu, who attends the Khan as superior judge in his
campaigns.
(3) Alem, the chief of the five Muftis.
(4) Reis, who is inspector of the schools, and exercises a
surveillance over the administration of the laws respecting religion.
{337}
(5) Mufti, of whom there is one in every considerable city.
(6) Akhond, professor or elementary teacher.
The first three belong to the higher rank of officials, and on
entering upon their functions, are richly provided for by the Khan.
The three others draw their stipends from the Vakf (pious foundations)
paid to them in money and produce; but it is, besides, the usage for
the Khan to make them certain presents every year, at the festivals of
the Kurban and the Noruz. The Ulemas of Khiva do not stand in as high
repute for learning as those of Bokhara, but they are far from being
so presumptuous and arrogant as the latter; and many are animated by a
sincere zeal to improve their countrymen as far as they can, and to
soften the rude habits contracted by constant wars.
_Taxes_.
In Khiva these are of two kinds:--
(_a_) Salgit, corresponding with our land-tax. For every piece of
ground capable of cultivation, measuring ten Tanab (a Tanab contains
sixty square ells), the Khan receives a tax of eighteen Tenghe (about
ten shillings.) From this the following are exempt: the warriors
(Nöker or Atli), the Ulemas, and Khodja (descendants from the
Prophet).
(_b_) Zekiat (customs), in accordance with which imported wares pay
2-1/2 per cent, on their value, whereas for oxen, camels, and horses
[Footnote 113] a Tenghe per head, and for sheep half a Tenghe per
head, were payable yearly.
[Footnote 113: Only those, however, are obliged to pay who have more
than ten, which constitute a herd.]
{338}
The collection of the Salgit is left to the Kushbeghi and Mehter, who
make circuits for the purpose every year through the principal
districts, and hold the Yasholu [Footnote 114] responsible for the
collection in the particular departments.
[Footnote 114: 'The great of age,' as the grey-beards are
denominated in Khiva.]
The collection of the Zekiat is controlled by a favourite Mehrem of
the Khan, who visits, attended by a secretary, the tribes of nomads;
and, as it is impossible to count the cattle, he every year taxes each
tribe at a rate fixed after negotiation with his Yasholu. Of course,
in this operation, the principal profit finds its way into the sack of
the Mehter; and the Khan last year was made to believe that the
Karakalpak had only 6,000 oxen, and the Yomuts and Tchaudors only
3,000 sheep taxed last year, which was, as I heard, only a third of
the truth.
_Justice_.
This is administered in the mosques, and the private dwellings of the
Kazis and Muftis, on whom the jurisdiction devolves. But every
individual may prefer his complaint before the governor of the city or
the province, who then makes his decision after Urf (i. e., as it
seems to him right). Each governor, and even the Khan himself, must
every day hold a public audience of at least four hours' duration, a
duty the neglect of which illness can alone excuse; and, as no one can
be excluded, the ruler is often forced to listen to and settle even
the pettiest family differences amongst his subjects. I have been told
that the Khan finds it fine sport to witness the quarrels of married
couples, {339} maddened with anger which he himself takes care to
foment. The father of the country is obliged to hold his sides for
laughter to see, sometimes, man and wife thrashing each other around
the hall, and finally falling wrestling in the dust.
C. KHIVA, THE KHANAT.
The Khanat of Khiva, known in history under the name of Kharezm,
[Footnote 115] and called also in adjoining countries Ürgendj, is
surrounded on all sides by deserts; its extreme frontiers to the
south-east are formed by the city of Fitnek, to the north-west by
Kungrat and Köhne Ürgendj, to the south by Medemin and Köktcheg.
Without attempting to give the superficial measurement of the land
occupied by fixed settlers, or ascertain precisely the number of the
inhabitants, let me rather content myself by furnishing as complete a
description as circumstances admit of the topography of the Khanat,
and leave the geographer, if so disposed, to apply himself to the
arithmetical calculation.
[Footnote 115: Kharezm is a Persian word signifying warlike,
rejoicing in war.]
But we may with less hesitation enlarge upon the extraordinary
fruitfulness of the soil, to be ascribed, not so much to appropriate
modes of cultivation, as to the excellent irrigation, and the
fertilising waters of the Oxus.
_Canals_.
These in Khiva are of two sorts--(_a_) Arna, those formed by the river
itself, which have from time to time been merely widened and deepened
by the {340} inhabitants; (_b_) Yap, canals dug to a width of one or
two fathoms, for the most part fed from the Arna. With these the whole
of the land that is under cultivation is covered, as with a net.
Amongst the Arna deserve particular mention--
1. Hazreti Pehlivan Arnasi, which, breaks in between Fitnek and
Hezaresp, passes before Khiva, and is lost in the sand after having
flowed through Zey and the district of the Yomuts.
2. Gazavat Arnasi forms a break between Khanka and Yenghi Ürgendj,
passes also to the west before Gazavat, and loses itself in the
territory of the Yomuts.
3. Shahbad Arnasi has its beginning above Yenghi Ürgendj, passes by
Shabad Tash-haus and Yillali, and disappears at Köktcheg.
4. Yarmish Arnasi breaks in opposite Shahbaz Veli, and flows through
the districts between Kiat Kungrat and Yenghi Ürgendj.
5. Kilitchbay Arnasi separates Khitai and Görlen, goes by Yillali, and
disappears in the sand behind Köktcheg.
6. Khodjaili Arnasi. On the further bank are--
7. Shurakhan Arnasi, which commences from the place of the same name,
and disappears to the northeast, after having watered Yapkenary and
Akkamish.
8. Iltazar Khan Arnasi, which traverses the land of the Karakalpak.
_Divisions_.
The political divisions of Khiva correspond with the number of those
cities having particular Bay, or governors, this entitling them to the
name of separate districts. At this present moment the following {341}
{342} divisions subsist, of which the most interesting are Khiva, the
capital, Yenghi Ürghendj, the most manufacturing, Köhne Ürgendj,
famous for having long been the capital of the Khanat, but now only a
miserable village. There only remain of its former splendour (_a_) two
ruins of towers, one more considerable, the other smaller, designed in
the same massive style as the other towers in Central Asia. The legend
recounts that these owe their demolition to the fury of the Calmucks,
because at a distance they seemed to be near, yet fly before the
approaching assailants; (_b_) the Dome of the Törebegkhan, inlaid with
tastefully enamelled bricks; (_c_) Mazlum Khan Solugu.
_Principal Towns or Divisions, with the Villages belonging to them,
and their distance from the Oxus_.
Name Distance from Oxus Villages
Tash or mile
1. Khiva 6
_To the West:_Bedrkhan,
Kinik, Akyap, Khasian,
Tashayak, Töyesitchti.
_To the South:_ Sirtcheli,
Shikhlar, Rafenek
Engérik, Pesckenik,
Pernakaz Akmesdjid.
_To the East:_ Sayat, Kiat,
Shikhbaghi, Kettebag.
_To the North:_ Gendumghiah,
Perishe, Khalil,
Neyzekhasz, Gauk,
Tcharakhshik, Zirsheytan
Ordumizan.
2. Hezaresp 1 Djengeti, Shikharik, Khodjalar
Himetbaba, Bitjaktchi,
Ishanteshepe, Bagat,
Nogman, Besharik.
3. Jenghi Ürgendj 1-1/4 Gaibulu Shabadboyu,
Kutchilar, Oroslar, Sabundji,
Akhonbaba, Karamaza
Kiptchaklar.
4. Kungrat Bank Kiet, Nogai, Sarsar, Sakar.
5. Tash-haus 6 Kamishli Kuk, Kongrudlar,
Karzalar Yarmish boyu,
Bastirmali.
6. Görlen 1 Djelair, Yonushkali, Eshim,
Vezir, Alchin, Bashkir,
Tashkali, Kargali.
7. Khodja Ili 2 Ketmendji Ata, Djarnike
Naymanlar (in the woods),
Kamishtchali Dervish
Khodja.
8. Tchimbay On the further bank
9. Shahbad 4 Khodjalar, Kefter Khane,
Kökkamish.
10 Shurakhan On the opposite side
11. Kilidj bay 4-1/2 Klalimbeg Bagalan Alieliboyu,
Bozjapboyu.
12. Mangit 1/2 Permanatcha, Kiatlar, Kenegöz.
13. Kiptchak On bank Basuyapboyu, Nogai ishan
Kandjirgali, Kanlilar.
14. Khitai 1-1/2 Akkum, Yomurlutam, Kulaulu.
15. Ak derbendand 7
Djamli
16. Kiet 2
17. Khanka 1 Meder, Godje, Khodjalar,
Shagallar.
18. Fitnek 2
19. Shabaz Veli 2
20. Djagatai 4-1/2
21. Ambar 5 Bastirmali Veyenganka Peszi.
22. Yenghi ya Opposite bank Altchin, Vezir.
23. Nôks
24. Köktcheg 9
25. Köhne Urgendj 6
26. Kiat Kungrat 2
[between
Görlen and
Yenghi Urgendj]
27. Nokhasz 2
[between Khanka
and Hezaresp]
28. Rahmetbirdi Opposite bank
beg [near
Oveisz Karaayne
mountain]
29. Kangli 1
30. Yilali 8
[between
Medemin and
Tashhaus]
31. Koshköpür
32. Gazavat 6
------
{343}
D. PRODUCTS, MANUFACTURES, AND TRADE OF KHIVA.
The fertility of the Khivan soil has already been several times
mentioned; we must, however, allude to the following produce as
especially excellent:--corn; rice, particularly that from Görlen;
silk, the finest of which is from Shahbad and Yenghi Ürgendj; cotton;
Ruyan, a kind of root, prized for the red colour extracted from it;
and fruits, the superior merit of which not Persia and Turkey alone,
but even Europe itself, would find it difficult to contest. I
particularly refer to the apples of Hezaresp, the peach and
pomegranate of Khiva, but, above all, to the incomparable and
delicious melons, renowned as far even as remote Pekin, so that the
sovereign of the Celestial Empire never forgets, when presents flow to
him from Chinese Tartary, to beg for some Ürkindji melons. Even in
Russia they fetch a high price, for a load of winter melons exported
thither brings in return a load of sugar.
{344}
With respect to Khivan manufactures, in high repute is the Ürgendj
Tchapani, or coat from Ürgendj; the material is a striped stuff of two
colours (of wool or silk, often made of the two threads mingled), this
is cut to the fashion of our dressing gowns. Khiva is also renowned
for its articles in brass, Hezaresp for its gowns, and Tash-hauz for
its linens.
The principal trade is with Russia. Karavans, consisting of from one
to two thousand camels, go to Orenburg in spring, and to Astrakhan in
autumn, conveying cotton, silk, skins, coats for the Nogai Tartars,
Shagreen leather, and fruits to the markets of Nishnei (which they
call also Mäkariä); they bring back in return kettles or other vessels
of cast-iron (here called Djöghen), chintz (the kinds used by us to
cover furniture, but here employed for the fronts of women's shifts),
fine muslin, calicoes, clothing, sugar, iron, guns of inferior
quality, and fancy goods in small quantities. There is a great export
trade in fish, but the Russians have their own fisheries, which are
protected by three steamers, stationed on the sea of Aral, and which
navigate as far as Kungrat, in accordance with a treaty concluded six
years ago by the last Russian embassy sent to Khiva. With Persia and
Herat [Footnote 116] the trade is inconsiderable; the reason is that
the routes leading thither are occupied by the Turkomans. Between
Khiva and Astrabad the intercourse is entirely in the hands of the
Yomuts, who bring {345} with them every year 100 or 150 camels, loaded
with box-wood (to make combs) and naphtha. With Bokhara, on the
contrary, more important transactions take place. They export thither
gowns and linen, and receive in exchange tea, spices, paper, and light
fancy goods, there manufactured. For the home trade they hold every
week, in each city, one or two markets; even in parts confined
exclusively to nomads, and where houses as such do not exist, a
market-place (Bazarli-djay), consisting of one or more mud huts, is
constructed. A market in this country assumes the appearance of a fair
or festival. The Central Asiatic visits it often from a distance of
ten or twenty miles, purchasing perhaps a few needles or other
trifles; but his real object is the love of display, for on such
occasions he mounts his finest horse and carries his best weapons.
[Footnote 116: In Herat, it is true, and in its environs, the
Khiva-Tchapani (coat from Khiva) is much appreciated and bought at a
high price, but the article itself reaches them through Bokhara.]
[Illustration]
MARKET ON HORSEBACK--AMONGST THE ÖZBEGS.
E. HOW THE KHANAT IS PEOPLED.
Khiva is peopled by 1. Özbegs; 2. Turkomans; 3. Karakalpak; 4. Kasak
(called by us Kirghis); 5. Sart; 6. Persians.
1. _Özbegs._
This is the designation of a people for the most part inhabiting
settled abodes, and occupying themselves with the cultivation of the
earth. They extend from the southern point of the sea of Aral as far
as Komul (distant a journey of forty days from Kashgar), and are
looked upon as the prominent race in the three Khanats. According to
their divisions they fall into thirty-two principal Taife (tribes).
[Footnote 117]
[Footnote 117: As--1. Kungrat; 2. Kiptchak; 3. Khitai; 4, Manghit;
5. Nöks; 6. Nayman; 7. Kulan; 8. Kiet; 9. Az; 10. Taz; 11. Sayat;
12. Djagatay; 13. Uygur; 14. Akbet 15. Dörmen 16. Öshün;
17. Kandjigaly; 18. Nogai; 19. Balgali; 20. Miten; 21. Djelair;
22. Kenegöz; 23. Kanli; 24. Ichkili; 25. Bagurlü; 26. Altchin;
27. Atchmayli; 28. Karakursak; 29. Birkulak; 36. Tyrkysh;
31. Kettekeser; 32. Ming.]
{346}
This division is old, but it is very remarkable that
even these particular tribes are scattered almost
indiscriminately over the ground above mentioned, and
it seems astonishing and, indeed, almost incredible,
that Özbegs of Khiva, Khokand, and Yerkend, differing
in language, customs, and physiognomy, represent
themselves nevertheless as members, not only of one
and the same nation, but of the very same tribe or clan.
I will here only remark that in Khiva most of the
tribes have representatives, and the Khivite has a
legitimate pride in the purity of his ancient Özbeg nationality, as
contrasted with that of Bokhara and Kashgar. At the very first sight,
however, the Khivan Özbeg betrays the mixture of his blood with the
Iran elements, for he has a beard, always to be regarded in the
Turanis as a foreign peculiarity, but his complexion and form of
countenance indicate very often genuine Tartar origin. Even in the
traits of his character, the Khivan Özbeg is preferable to his
relatives in the other races. He is honest and open-hearted, has the
savage nature of the nomads that surround him without the refined
cunning of Oriental civilisation. He ranks next to the pure Osmanli of
Turkey, and it may be said of both that something may still be made
out of them.
{347}
Khiva is less instructed in the doctrine of Islamism than Bokhara, a
circumstance that has had much influence in producing the following
result: the retention by the Khivan Özbeg not only of many of the
national usages of heathenism, but also of the religious observances
of the Parsees. A predilection in favour of music and the national
poetry of the Turks, more passionately cultivated by the nomads of
Central Asia than by any civilised nation, has been here more strictly
maintained than in Khokand, Bokhara, and Kashgar. The Khivan players
on the Dutar (a guitar with two strings), and Koboz (lute) are in high
renown throughout all Turkestan; and not only is Nevai, the greatest
of the Özbeg poets, familiar to every one, but no ten years elapse
without the appearance of lyrists of the second or third rank. I
became acquainted in Khiva with two brothers; one, Munis, wrote
excellent poems, of which it is my purpose later to publish several,
and the other, Mirab, had the extraordinary patience to translate into
the Özbeg-Turkish dialect the great historical work of Mirkhond to
render it more accessible to his son, who was nevertheless acquainted
with Persian. The work employed him twenty years, but he was ashamed
to communicate the fact to any one, for a man who busies himself with
any other branch of learning than religion is there regarded as a very
superficial person.
Many centuries have elapsed since their first settlement, and yet the
Khivan customs still retain the impress of the early heroic age. Mimic
battles, wrestling, and particularly horse races, occur frequently. In
the latter very brilliant prizes await the winners. Every wedding of
distinction is honoured by a race of 9, 19, 29, which means that the
winner receives from the giver of the festival, of all or part of his
property, 9, 19, 29, for instance 9 sheep, 19 goats. {348} and so on;
these often yield him a considerable sum. Smaller races of less
importance consist of what is styled Kökbüri (green wolf), of which we
have already spoken when treating of the Turkomans. There are
festivals and sports in Khiva which have been handed down from the
primitive inhabitants, who were fire-worshippers; they once existed in
other parts of Central Asia before the introduction of Islam, but they
are at the present day quite forgotten.
2. _Turkomans_.
Of these we have already spoken at large. There are in Khiva (_a_)
Yomuts who inhabit the borders of the desert, from Köhne to Gazavat,
the district of Karayilghin, Köktcheg, Özbegyap, Bedrkend, and
Medemin. (_b_) Tchaudor, who wander about also in the land around
Köhne, namely, near Kizil Takir, and Porsu, but more to the west, in
the country between the Aral and Caspian Seas. Of Göklen there are
very few.
3. _Karahalpak_.
These inhabit the further bank of the Oxus, opposite Görlens, far away
up close to Kungrat, in the vicinity of extensive forests, where they
occupy themselves with the breeding of cattle; they have few horses
and hardly any sheep. The Karakalpak pique themselves upon possessing
the most beautiful women in Turkestan; but on the other side they are
themselves described as being the greatest idiots, and I have heard
many anecdotes confirming this assertion. [Footnote 118]
[Footnote 118: Of this nation I have found ten principal tribes--
1. Baymakli.
2. Khandekli.
3. Terstamgali.
4. Atchamayli.
5. Kaytchili Khitai.
6. Ingakli.
7. Kenegöz.
8. Tomboyun.
9. Shakoo.
10. Ontönturûk.]
{349}
Their number is computed at 10,000 tents. From time out of mind they
have been subject to Khiva. Forty years ago they rebelled under their
leader, Aydost, who invaded Kungrat, but were, at a later date,
defeated by Mehemmed Rehim Khan. Eight years have hardly elapsed since
they rose again under their chief, Zarlig, who is said to have had
under him 20,000 horsemen, and to have committed great devastations
until they were utterly routed and dispersed by Kutlug Murad. Their
last insurrection took place three years ago, under Er Nazar, who
built himself a stronghold, but was nevertheless overcome.
4. _Kasak (Kirghis)_.
Of these, very few remain subject to Khiva, they having, in recent
times, for the most part fallen under the dominion of Russia, We shall
speak more fully of this great nomadic nation of Central Asia when we
come to treat of Bokhara.
5. _Sart_.
These are called Tadjik in Bokhara and Khokand, and are the ancient
Persian population of Kharezm. Their number here is small. They have,
by degrees, exchanged their Persian language for the Turkish. The Sart
is distinguishable, not less than the Tadjik, by his crafty, subtle
manners. He is no great favourite with the Özbeg, and in spite of the
Sart and Özbeg having lived five centuries together, very few mixed
marriages have taken place between them.
{350}
6. _Persians_.
These are either slaves, of whom there are about 40,000, or freed men,
besides a small colony in Akderbend and Djamli. In other respects, as
far as material existence is concerned, the slave in Khiva is not
badly off. Craftier than the plain straightforward Özbeg, he soon
enriches himself, and many prefer, after having purchased their
freedom, to settle in the country rather than return to Persia. The
slave is styled in Khiva, Dogma, and his offspring, Khanezad
(house-born). The blemish of the captivity to which he has been
subjected is only effaced in the third generation.
F. MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF KHIVA IN THE 19TH CENTURY.
1. _Mehemmed Emin Inag_.
On the sudden retreat of Nadir Shah, [Footnote 119] who had, without
a blow, rendered himself master of the Khanat, the Kirghis of the
small horde (or Üstyurt Kazaghi, or Kasaks of the upper Yurt, as they
style themselves) took the lead of affairs in Khiva. They ruled until
the end of the last century, at which time an Özbeg chieftain of the
tribe of Konrad rose and laid claim to the throne. His name was
Mehemmed Emin Inag (1792-1800), by which title he meant to express his
descent from the last Özbeg family that had reigned. He succeeded in
getting together a small army, and marched against the Kasak Prince.
But the latter, who was still in considerable force, defeated his
adversary several times, till he finally fled to Bokhara, where he
lived some years in retirement. His partisans, {351} however,
continued the struggle until they gained several advantages; they then
despatched a deputation of forty horsemen to inform Mehemmed Emin;
whereupon that prince returned and again placed himself at the head of
affairs, and this time with better result, for he drove away the
Kasaks. Mounting the throne he became the founder of the present
reigning family, who were his successors, in an unbroken order of
succession, as shown in the accompanying genealogical account.--_See
next page_.
[Footnote 119: After he had, in 1740, conquered Yolbarz (Lion) Shah,
and a few months later had retired to Kelat. ]
2. _Iltazar Khan_ (1800-1804).
This prince made war with Bokhara, because the latter supported the
sinking power of the Kasaks. Whilst he was occupied in the
neighbourhood of Chardjuy, the Yomuts, at the instigation of the
Bokhariots, dashed upon Khiva and got possession of the city, and
plundered it under the guidance of their chief, Tapishdeli. Iltazar,
endeavouring to return with rapidity, was, in his retreat, routed by
the Bokhariots, and died in flight in the waters of the Oxus. He was
succeeded on the throne by his son,
3. _Mehemmed Rehim_ (1804-1826);
Called also Medrehim. He lost no time in turning
his arms against the Yomuts, drove them out of the
capital, and made them richly atone for the booty
they had taken. Equal success attended him in his
dealings with the Karakalpaks. These, led by Ajdost,
resisted him at first, but he compelled them to submit.
He was not so fortunate in his attack upon Kungrat,
where one of his relatives contested the throne with him.
{352}
[Illustration]
Family Tree
{353}
The struggle lasted 17 years. It is remarkable that he continued,
during the whole of this time, the siege of the above-named city; and
the obstinate defender, laughing at all the efforts of the enemy,
called out to him, it is said, one day from the top of the tower:
'Utch ay savun (three months sour milk), Utch a kavun (three months
melons), Utch ay kabak (three months pumpkins), Utch a tchabak' (three
months fish); meaning thereby that he had food for the four seasons of
the year, which he could procure within the precincts of the city;
that he had no occasion for bread, and that he could last a long time
without being reduced by famine.
To revenge the death of his father, Medrehim marched against Bokhara,
where, at that time, Emir Seid, a weak-minded prince who assumed the
Dervish character, held the reins of government. The Khivites
devastated many cities up to the very gates of Bokhara, making
numerous prisoners. The Emir was informed, and he exclaimed, 'Akhir
Righistan amandur!' which means that he had still a place of security,
Righistan, [Footnote 120] and that he had no occasion to fear. After
having committed great ravages, Medrehim returned laden with spoil.
Towards the close of his reign, he reduced to subjection, at Astrabad,
the Tekke and the Yomuts.
[Footnote 120: A place of public resort in the city of Bokhara.]
{354}
4. _Allah Kuli Khan_ (1826-1841).
This prince inherited from his father a well-filled Hazne (treasury),
as well as powerful influence amongst the neighbouring nations. His
anxiety to preserve it involved him in several wars. In Bokhara the
feeble Seid had been succeeded by the energetic Nasr Ullah, who,
seeking to avenge the disgraceful defeat of his father, began a war in
which the Khivan Crown Prince was routed.
At the time the news arrived that the Russians were marching from
Orenburg upon Khiva, and that the hostility of the Emir of Bokhara was
only owing to the instigations of the unbelievers, the consternation
was great, for it was reported that the Muscovite force amounted to
more than eighty thousand men, with a hundred cannon; and as they had
waited long in the vain hope of receiving help from the 'Inghiliz' in
Herat, the Khan despatched, about ten thousand horsemen, led by Khodja
Niyazbay, against the Russians, who had already forced their way from
the Ughe plain as far as the lake of Atyolu, six miles distant from
Kungrat. The Khivites recount that they surprised the enemy, and that
such a slaughter ensued as is seldom heard of. Many were made
prisoners; and in Kungrat two Russians were pointed out to me who had
remained behind from that campaign as prisoners, had afterwards become
public converts to Islamism, and had in consequence been set free by
the Khan, who had loaded them with presents: they had even contracted
marriages there. [Footnote 121]
[Footnote 121: The above is the version of the affair according to
the Khivites themselves. It is, however, well known that the
expedition that marched against Khiva, under the command of General
Perowszky, consisted of only from ten to twelve thousand men. The
principal cause of the Russian disaster was unquestionably the
severe cold; still a battle did actually take place, and the Özbegs,
to whom Captain Abbot ascribes so much cowardice, did inflict
considerable injury upon the corps of occupation after it had fallen
into disorder.]
{355}
After the victory, the Khan had raised entrenchments in the
neighbourhood of Dövkara, on both sides. The garrisons of these were
placed under the control of Khodja Niyazbay. These, however, have been
abandoned, and have remained in ruins for the last ten years. To
return thanks to God for the happy termination of the war with the
Russians, Allahkuli founded a Medresse (college), which he richly
endowed.
On the other side the war with Bokhara continued; the Göklens were
also subdued, and a great number of them sent to colonise Khiva. It is
an old but singular custom in this country that a whole tribe is taken
altogether and forced to submit to a transportation which transfers
them to Khiva itself; there they receive every possible succour, and
as their own feelings of animosity continue to exist, there is no
difficulty in maintaining over them a close surveillance.
5. _Rehim Kuli Khan_(1841-1843).
This prince succeeded to his father, and immediately found that he had
enough to do with the Djemshidi, a Persian tribe inhabiting the
eastern bank of the Murgab, of whom the Khivites had taken 10,000
tents with their chiefs, and had settled there as a colony on the bank
of the Oxus, near Kilidjbay. On the other side the Sarik, at that time
masters of Merv, began hostilities with the Özbegs. The younger
brother of the Khan, Medemin Inag, was sent against them with 15,000
horsemen; but on the dreadful journey between Khiva and Merv, many
{356} soldiers fell sick. As the Emir of Bokhara was at the same time
besieging the city of Hezaresp, the Inag turned his arms quickly
against the latter, defeated him, and then concluded a peace. About
this time died Rehim Kuli Khan, and
6. _Mehemmed Emin Khan_ (1843-1855)
seized the reins of government, to which not perhaps the law of
inheritance (for the deceased Khan left sons), but his former
services, gave him a good claim. Mehemmed Emin Khan is regarded as the
most glorious monarch that Khiva can boast in modern times; for he
restored to the kingdom of Kharezm, wherever possible, its ancient
limits which it had lost 400 years before; and at the same time, by
the subjection of all the nomads in the surrounding country, he raised
the reputation of the Khanat, and considerably increased its revenues.
Two days had not elapsed after his having been raised to the White
Felt [Footnote 122]--a proceeding tantamount in Khiva and Khokand to
accession to the throne--when he marched in person against the Sarik,
the bravest of all the Turkoman tribes; for he longed to bring under
his sceptre the fruitful plain of Merv. After six campaigns he
succeeded in capturing the citadel of Merv as well as another fortress
called Yolöten, in the same vicinity. Scarcely had he got back to
Khiva, when the Sarik again rose in rebellion, and put to the sword
the officer left in command at Merv with the whole garrison. A new
campaign was commenced with great rapidity, in which the Djemshidi,
old {357} enemies of the Sarik, also took part, and, led on by their
chief Mir Mehemmed, were conquerors, and, to the chagrin and vexation
of all the Özbeg heroes, made their triumphal entry into Khiva.
[Footnote 122: The enacting of this ceremonial, I was told, has been
ever since the time of Genghis Khan, and still is, the exclusive
privilege of the grey-beards of the tribe of Djagatay.]
The Sarik was consequently reduced to subjection: nevertheless the
Tekke, who at that time dwelt in Karayap and Kabukli, between Merv and
Akhal, evincing feelings of hostility by refusing the payment of their
yearly tribute, Medemin saw himself forced again to use a sword, still
reeking with Turkoman blood, against another of these tribes. After
three campaigns, during which many men and animals perished in the
sandy desert, the Khan succeeded in overpowering a part of the
insurgents, and left a garrison composed of Yomuts and Özbegs, under
their two leaders, to keep them in check. By mishap differences broke
out between the chieftains; the leader of the Yomuts returned to
Khiva, and was there hurled down by order of the offended Khan from
the top of a lofty tower.
This act made all the Yomuts enemies of Mehemmed Emin; allying
themselves secretly with the Tekke, they were, a little later, the
cause of his death. At this time Medemin had collected a force of
40,000 horsemen, consisting of Özbegs and other tributary nomads; of
these he despatched a part against the Russians, who were then
approaching Khiva, and marching from the eastern shore of the Sea of
Aral upon the entrenchments of Khodja Niyazbay. He proceeded with the
rest of his forces to Merv, with the intention of putting an end by a
decisive blow to the never-ceasing disorders amongst the Turkomans. He
speedily took Karayap, and was preparing to assail Sarakhs {358} (the
ancient Syrinx), when one day, whilst resting in his tent, pitched on
a hill in the vicinity of Merv, [Footnote 123 ] in the very centre of
his camp, he was surprised by some daring hostile horsemen, and in
spite of his cry, 'Men Hazret em' (I am the Khan), his head was struck
off, without any of his retinue having had time to hasten to his
rescue. At the sight of the severed head, which the Turkomans sent as
a present to the Shah of Persia, [Footnote 124] a panic seized his
troops, who retired nevertheless in good order, and whilst on their
way called to the throne Abdullah Khan.
[Footnote 123: With respect to this hill we are told that it was
here also that Ebu Muslim, the mighty vassal and afterwards enemy of
the Kahlifs of Bagdad, met with his death.]
[Footnote 124: The Shah, who had reason to dread Medemin--for after
the fall of Sarakhs, he would certainly have assailed
Meshed--respected the gory head of his enemy, and had a small chapel
built for it before the gate (D. Dowlet). But he afterwards had it
demolished because it was said that pious Shiites might mistake it
for the tomb of an Imamzade, a holy Shiite, and it might so give
occasion to a sinful act.]
7. _Abdullah Khan_ (1855-6).
Scarcely had this prince reached the alarmed capital when differences
arose respecting the right to the throne, and Seid Mahmoud Töre, a
claimant who had some preferable right from seniority, drew his sword
in the presence of all the Mollahs and great personages, and avowed
his intention to make good his claim by immediately striking the Khan
dead. He was first pacified and afterwards placed in confinement. The
Yomuts on their side had gained over two princes with the intent to
place them on the throne; but their intrigue was discovered whilst it
was yet time; the {359} unfortunate princes were strangled; and as for
the Yomuts, their criminality being plain to all, it was determined to
punish them. The Khan advanced against them at the head of a few
thousand horsemen but the Yomuts protesting their innocence, and their
grey-beards, with naked swords suspended from their necks (symbolising
their submission), coming bare-footed to meet him, they were this time
forgiven. Two months later, the tribe again beginning to show hostile
sentiments, the Khan became incensed, assembled in great haste 2,000
horsemen, and attacked the Yomuts who were in open rebellion. The
affair terminated unfortunately. The Özbegs were put to flight; and
when a search was made for the Khan, it was found that he was amongst
the first that had fallen, and that his body had been thrown with the
others, without distinction of person, into a common grave. They
named, as his successor, his younger brother,
8. _Kutlug Murad Khan_ (reigned three months only).
He had fought at the side of the late Khan, and was returning covered
with wounds. He soon armed afresh to continue the struggle that had
cost his brother his life, when the chiefs of the Yomuts made
overtures of peace, with the promise that they would appear in Khiva
to do homage, and bring with them the cousin of the Khan, who had
fallen into their hands in the last engagement, and whom they had
proclaimed Khan.
{360}
Kutlug Murad and his ministers put faith in these professions. The day
was fixed for their appearance, when they appeared accordingly, but
with a force of 12,000 men, and bringing with them their best horses
and arms of parade. On the morning of the presentation, the Khan
received his cousin, and the latter, whilst in the act of embracing
him, treacherously stabbed the sovereign with his poniard. The Khan
fell to the ground, and the Turkomans rushed upon the royal servants
who were present. During the consternation that prevailed, the Mehter
ascended the wall of the citadel, and, announcing from the battlements
the atrocious crime, called upon the Khivites to put to death all the
Yomuts within the walls of the city. The incensed populace attacked
the Turkomans, who, paralysed by fear, offered no resistance. They
fell, not only by the weapons of Khivites, but even by the knives of
the women. The streets of Khiva ran literally with blood, and it took
six days' labour to dispose of the dead bodies.
For a period of eight days after this butchery Khiva remained without
a sovereign. The crown was tendered to the formerly capable Seid
Mahmoud Töre; but his passionate fondness for the indulgence of the
intoxicating opium was an obstacle, and he abdicated his rights in
favour of his younger brother,
9. _Seid Mehemmed Khan_ (1856--still reigning).
The incapacity of this prince is well known, and the reader has seen
many instances of it. During this reign Khiva has been much devastated
by the civil war with the Yomuts, and colonies founded by the previous
Khans have been ruined and unpeopled. Whilst Yomuts and Özbegs were
thus destroying one {361} another, and hurrying off mutually their
women and children to slavery, the Djemshidi making their way in,
according to the proverb, 'Inter duos litigantes tertius est gaudens,'
and assailing the unarmed population, plundered the whole of Khiva,
from Kitsdj baj to Fitnek, and richly laden with spoil, and
accompanied by 2,000 Persian slaves, who had freed themselves in the
confusion, returned to the banks of the Murgab.
Poverty, cholera, pestilence, and depopulation led necessarily to a
peace; then a pretender to the throne, supported by Russian influence,
named Mehemmed Penah, unfurled the banner of revolution, and
despatched an embassy by Manghishlak to Astrakhan to implore the
protection of the Russian Padishah. The intrigue took wind, and the
envoys were put to death on their way. Later, however, when the
Russian Imperials (gold pieces) had been expended, Mehemmed Penah was
murdered by his own partisans, and the ringleaders were formed into
parcels (that is to say, they had their hands bound to their body with
wetted leather), and were so forwarded to Khiva, where a cruel end
awaited them.
{362}
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE CITY OF BOKHARA.
CITY OF BOKHARA, ITS GATES, QUARTERS, MOSQUES, COLLEGES
ONE FOUNDED BY CZARINA CATHERINE
FOUNDED AS SEMINARIES NOT OF LEARNING BUT FANATICISM
BAZAARS
POLICE SYSTEM SEVERER THAN ELSEWHERE IN ASIA
THE KHANAT OF BOKHARA
INHABITANTS: ÖZBEGS, TADJIKS, KIRGHIS, ARABS,
MERVI, PERSIANS, HINDOOS, JEWS
GOVERNMENT
DIFFERENT OFFICIALS
POLITICAL DIVISIONS
ARMY
SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OF BOKHARA.
_. . . regnata Cyro
Bactra . . . Tanaisque discors._
Horace, _Ode_ iii. 29, 27-8.
------
The circumference of Bokhara, represented to me as a day's journey, I
found actually not more than four miles. The environs, though
tolerably well cultivated, are in this respect far inferior to the
country around Khiva.
Bokhara has eleven gates, [Footnote 125] and is divided into two
principal parts, Deruni Shehr (inner city), and Beruni Shehr (outer
city); and into several quarters, the chief of which are Mahallei
Djuybar, Khiaban, Mïrekan, Malkushan, Sabungiran. Although we have
given {363} the reader, in a preceding chapter, some idea of the great
buildings and public places, we will here condense in a short account
our particular observations.
[Footnote 125: Dervaze Imam, D. Mezar, D. Samarcand, D. Oglau, D.
Talpatch, D. Shirgiran, D. Karaköl, D. Sheikh Djelal, D. Namazgiah,
D. Salakhane, D. Karshi.]
_Mosques_.
The Bokhariot pretends that his native city possesses 365 mosques,
counting the small as well as the large ones, so that the pious
Musselman may find a different one to attend each day in the year. I
have not been able to discover more than the half of that number. The
following are the only ones that deserve mention:--
1. Mesdjidi Kelan, built by Timour, but restored by Abdullah Khan,
which is thronged on Fridays, as the Emir then says his prayers there.
2. Mesdjidi Divanbeghi, built, with the reservoir and Medresse bearing
the same name, by a certain Nezr, 1029 (1629), who was Divanbeghi
(state secretary) of the Emir Imankuli Khan.
3. Mirekan.
4. Mesdjidi Mogak. This is a subterranean building, in which,
according to one tradition, the primitive Musselmans, according to
another, the last Fire-worshippers, held their meetings. The former
version seems more probable; for, first, the Guebres could have found
more suitable spots outside of the city, in the open air; and
secondly, many Kufish inscriptions there point to an Islamite origin.
{364}
_Medresse (Colleges)._
The Bokhariot prides himself upon the number of these colleges, and
fixes them at his favourite figure, 365. There are, however, not more
than 80. The most celebrated are the following:--
1. The Medresse Kökeltash, built in 1426; it has 150 cells, each of
which costs from 100 to 120 Tilla. [Footnote 126] The students in the
first class receive an annual sum of five Tillas.
[Footnote 126: On the first foundation of a Medresse, the cells are
given as presents, but the subsequent proprietors can only obtain
them upon the payment of a fixed price.]
2. M. Mirarab was erected in 1529, and has 100 cells, each of which
costs from 80 to 90 Tilla, and pays interest 7 per cent.
3. Koshmedresse (pair of colleges) of Abdullah Khan, built in 1372. It
has about 100 cells, but not so valuable as the preceding ones.
4. M. Djuybar was erected in 1582, by a grandson of the great scholar
and ascetic of the same name. It is most richly endowed; each cell
pays 25 Tilla, but it is not very full, being at the extreme end of
the city.
5. M. Tursindjan, where each cell yields five Tilla yearly.
6. M. Emazar, founded by the Czarina Catherine, through her
ambassador. It has 60 cells, each paying three Tilla.
We may remark, generally, that the colleges of Bokhara and Samarcand
are the cause why so high an idea not only prevailed throughout Islam,
but existed for a long time even amongst Europeans, as to the learning
of the superior schools in Central Asia. The readiness to make the
sacrifice which the foundation of such establishments supposes, may by
a superficial observer be easily mistaken and ascribed to a higher
motive. {365} Unhappily, merely blind fanaticism lies at the root; and
the same thing occurs here as took place during the middle ages, for,
with the exception of what is given in a few books upon Mantik (logic)
and Hikmet (philosophy), there is no instruction at all but in the
Koran, and religious casuistry. Now and then, perhaps, one may be
found who would like to busy himself with poetry and history, but his
studies must be in secret, as it is regarded as a disgrace to devote
oneself to any such frivolous subjects. The aggregate number of
students has been represented to me as about 5,000; they flock
thither, not merely out of all parts of Central Asia, but also from
India, Kashmir, Afghanistan, Russia, and China. The poorer receive an
annual pension from the Emir, for it is by means of these Medresse,
and its severe observance of Islamism, that Bokhara is able to
exercise a spiritual influence upon neighbouring countries.
_Bazaars._
There are none here like those in the chief cities of Persia. Very few
are vaulted or built of stone; the larger ones are covered over either
with wood or reed mattings laid across long perches. [Footnote 127]
[Footnote 127: They are separated into different parts, as Tirm
Abdullah Khan, the above-mentioned prince, had them built according
to Persian models on his return from Persia in 1582. Restei
Suzenghiran, haberdashers; R. Saraffan, where the money-changers and
booksellers station themselves; R. Zergheran, workers in gold; R.
Tchilingheran, locksmiths; R. Attari, dealers in spices; R. Kannadi,
confectioners; R. Tchayfurnshi, tea-dealers; R. Tchitfuroshi,
dealers in chintz; Bazari Latta, linendrapers; Timche darayfurushi,
grocers; and so on.]
{366}
Each bazaar has its particular Aksakal, responsible to the Emir for
order, as well as for taxes. In addition to the bazaars there are,
perhaps, altogether about thirty small karavanserais, used partly as
warehouses, and partly for the reception of strangers.
_Police._
The system of police in Bokhara is more severe than in any other city
of known parts of Asia. By day the Reis himself perambulates the
bazaars and public places, and he sends out his numerous dependents
and spies; and about two hours after sunset no one dares to show
himself in the streets, neighbour cannot visit neighbour, and the sick
man runs the risk of perishing for want of medical aid, for the Emir
has declared that the Mirshebs (night-watchers) may even arrest
himself should they meet him abroad during the forbidden hours.
THE KHANAT OF BOKHARA.
_Inhabitants._
The actual frontiers of the Khanat are: on the east, the Khanat of
Khokand, and the mountains of Bedakhshan; on the south, the Oxus, with
the districts on the further side, Kerki and Chardjuy; on the west and
north, the Great Desert. The positive line of demarcation cannot be
defined, and it is equally impossible to fix the number of
inhabitants. Without going too far, they may, perhaps, be set down at
two millions and a half, consisting generally {367} of those having
fixed habitations and those leading a nomad life, or, if we take the
principle of nationality, of Özbegs, Tadjiks, Kirghis, Arabs, Mervi,
Persians, Hindoos, and Jews.
_Özbegs_.
The Özbegs, part of the thirty-two tribes, are already particularised
in our account of Khiva, but they are sensibly distinguishable from
the kindred race in Kharezm, both by the conformation of the face and
by the character. The Özbeg Bokhariots have dwelt in closer connection
with the Tadjiks than the Khivites have done with the Sarts, and have
consequently paid the penalty by losing much of their national type,
and of their Özbeg straightforwardness and honesty. As the dominant
population in the Khanat (for the Emir himself is also an Özbeg of the
tribe Manghit), the Özbegs form the nerve of the army, but the
superior officers are rarely taken out of their ranks.