CHAPTER XIV.

HERAT.

HERAT

ITS RUINOUS STATE

BAZAAR

AUTHOR'S DESTITUTE CONDITION

THE SERDAR MEHEMMED YAKOUB KHAN

PARADE OF AFGHAN TROOPS

INTERVIEW WITH SERDAR

CONDUCT OF AFGHANS ON STORMING HERAT

NAZIR NAIM THE VIZIR

EMBARRASSED STATE OF REVENUE

MAJOR TODD

MOSALLA, AND TOMB OF SULTAN HUSEIN MIRZA

TOMB OF KHODJA ABDULLAH ANSAEI, AND OF DOST MOHAMMED KHAN.

[Greek text]

---Isidori Characeni, _Mansiones Parthicae,

17, apud Müller. Geograph. Gr. minores_.

[Herat; Its Ruinous State]

The traveller approaching from the north will certainly be surprised

when, on turning round the mountain Khodja Abdullah Ansari, he sees

lying before him the beautiful immense plain called Djölghei Herat,

with its numerous canals and scattered groups of villages. Although

trees, the principal ornament of every landscape, are here entirely

wanting, he cannot but be convinced that he has reached the bounds of

Turkestan, and with it of Central Asia, properly so called; for of

this Herat is rightly named the gate, or key. Without going so far as

the Orientals, in styling it 'Djennetsifat' (like Paradise), we

cannot, nevertheless, deny to the surrounding country the character of

loveliness and of fertility. Its natural advantages, {270} united with

its political importance, have unhappily made it an apple of discord

to adjoining nations, and when we consider the wars that have here

been carried on, and the frequent sieges that the city has had to

support, it is astonishing to us how rapidly the wounds inflicted seem

to have scarred over. Only two months before we arrived, hordes of

wild Afghans had here housed themselves, scattering desolation and

devastation in every direction, and yet, even now, fields and

vineyards looked flourishing, and the meadows were covered with high

grass mixed with flowers.

Like all cities in the East, it has both ancient and modern ruins; and

here, as everywhere else, we must pronounce the former the more

beautiful and the nobler. The remains of the monuments on the Mosalla

(place of prayer), remind us of the ruins of the ancient city of

Timour; the round towers lying scattered singly about look like the

immediate environs of Ispahan; but the city, and the fortress itself,

in the state in which I saw it, form a ruin such as we rarely meet

with, even in the East.

[Bazaar]

We entered by the gate Dervaze Arak. The houses which we passed, the

advanced works, the very gate, looked like a heap of rubbish. Near the

latter, in the inside of the city, is the Ark (citadel) having, from

its elevation, served as a mark for the Afghan artillery; it lies

there blasted and half demolished. The doors and windows have been

stripped of their woodwork, for during the siege the inhabitants

suffered most from the scarcity of fuel. In the bare openings of the

walls are perched here and there a few wretched-looking Afghans or

Hindoos--worthy guards of such a ruin. Each step we advance, we see

greater indications of devastation. Entire quarters of the {271} town

remain solitary and abandoned. The bazaar--that is to say, the arched

part of it, where the quadrangle of the bazaar is united by its dome,

and which has witnessed and resisted so many sieges--alone remains,

and affords, in spite of its new population, dating only from three

months ago, a really interesting sample of Oriental life--a blending

of the characteristics of India, Persia, and Central Asia, better

defined than even in the bazaar of Bokhara. It is only from the

Karavanserai Hadji Resul to that of No that a throng, rightly so

called, exists; and although the distance is small, the eye is

bewildered by the diversity of races--Afghans, Indians, Tartars,

Turkomans, Persians, and Jews. The Afghan parades about, either in his

national costume, consisting of a long shirt, drawers, and dirty linen

clothes, or in his military undress; and here his favourite garment is

the red English coat, from which, even in sleep, he will not part. He

throws it on over his shirt, whilst he sets on his head the

picturesque Indo-Afghan turban. Others again, and these are the _beau

monde_, are wont to assume a half Persian costume. Weapons are borne

by all. Rarely does any one, whether civil or military, enter the

bazaar without his sword and shield. To be quite _à la mode_, one must

carry about one quite an arsenal, consisting of two pistols, a sword,

poniard, hand-jar, gun, and shield. With the wild martial-looking

Afghan we can only compare the Turkomanlike Djemshidi. The

wretchedly-dressed Herati, the naked Hezare, the Teymuri of the

vicinity, are overlooked when the Afghan is present. He encounters

around him nothing but abject humility; but never was ruler or

conqueror so detested as is the Afghan by the Herati.

{272}

The bazaar itself, dating from Herat's epoch of splendour, the reign

of the Sultan Husein Mirza, and consequently about four hundred years

old, deserved still, even in its ruins, the epithet beautiful. It is

said, in earlier times, to have formed an entire street, from the

Dervaze Arak to the Dervaze Kandahar. [Footnote 81] Of course, at

present, the shops in the bazaar begin to open again, but only by

degrees. The last siege and plundering of the city could not fail to

prove a great discourager. Indeed, under the rapacious system of

duties introduced by the Afghans, trade and manufacture have little

prosperity opened to them; for it is extraordinary, indeed incredible,

what taxes are extorted from both seller and purchaser, upon every

article that is sold. They seem, besides, to be regulated by no fixed

scale, but to be quite arbitrary. One has to pay a duty, for instance,

for a pair of boots that has cost originally five francs, one and a

half francs; for a cap, worth two francs, one franc; for a fur that

has been purchased for eight francs, three francs; and so on. Every

article imported or exported is stamped by tax-collectors, having

offices in the bazaar and in different parts of the city.

[Footnote 81: Unlike the other gates this one suffered little during

the siege. The Herati pretend that it can never he demolished,

because built by the English, who lay brick over brick only as

justice directs, unlike the Afghans, who mix the mortar with the

tears of oppression.]

The original inhabitants of the city were Persians, and belonging to

the race that spread itself from Sistan towards the north-east, and

formed the ancient province of Khorasan, of which, until recent days,

that remained the capital. In later times, the immigrations, of which

Djenghis and Timour were the cause, {273} led to the infusion of

Turco-Tartaric blood into the veins of the ancient population. The

collective name Char-Aimak is the result, as well as the subdivision

of the people into the Djemshidi, Firuzkuhi, Teïmeni or Timouri. These

are races of different origin, and can only from a political point of

view be regarded as one single nation. Thus far of the inhabitants of

the Djölghei Herat.

The fortress itself is inhabited, for the most part, by Persians, who

settled here in the last century, to maintain and spread the influence

of their own country. They are now principally handicraftsmen or

merchants. As for Afghans, one cannot find in the city more than one

in five. They have become quite Persians, and are, particularly since

the last siege, very hostile to their own countrymen. A Kabuli, or a

Kaker from Kandahar, is as much regarded by him in the light of an

oppressor, and therefore is as much detested, as by the aboriginal

natives of Herat.

The diversified throngs I encountered in Herat produced a pleasing

effect upon me. The Afghan soldiery in the English uniform, with

shako--a covering for the head contrary to the prescriptions of the

Koran, and the introduction of which into the Turkish army is regarded

as impracticable [Footnote 82]--seemed {274} to lead to the

conclusion that I had fallen upon a land where Islamite fanaticism had

lost its formidable character, and where I might gradually discontinue

my disguise. And when I saw many soldiers moving about with moustaches

shaved off, and wearing whiskers--an appendage regarded as a deadly

sin in Islam, and even in Constantinople as a renunciation of their

religion--the hope seized me that perhaps I might meet here English

officers; and how happy I should have considered myself to have found

some son of Britain, whose influence, without doubt, from political

circumstances, would have been here very great. I had, for the moment,

forgotten that the Oriental is never what he seems, and my

disappointment was, indeed, bitter.

[Footnote 82: The Osmanli insist that according to the Sunnet

(tradition), Siper (a head-covering with a peak), and Zunnar (the

cord round the loins of monks), are most rigorously forbidden as

signs of Christianity. Sultan Mahmoud II., on introducing into

Turkey for the first time a militia formed on the model of the

European, was very desirous of substituting the shako for the highly

inappropriate Fez, but the destroyer of the Janissaries did not

venture to carry his wish into execution, for he would have been

declared an _apostate_ even by his best friends.]

[Author's Destitute Condition]

As I before remarked, my finances had melted away positively to

nothing. I was obliged, on entering Herat, to sell at once even the

ass upon which I rode. The poor brute, being quite worn out with his

journey, brought me only twenty-six krans, out of which I was obliged

to pay the tax upon the sale, and other little debts. The state in

which I found myself was very critical. The want of bread admitted of

remedy; but the nights had become quite cold, and in spite of my being

inured to a life of hardship, my sufferings were great, when I slept

in an open ruin, with scanty clothing, and on the bare earth. The

thought that Persia might be reached in ten days cheered me up. Still,

it was not so easy an enterprise to arrive thither. To go alone was

impossible, and the karavan, preparing to go to Meshed, wished to wait

still for an increase of travellers, and a more favourable

opportunity; for the Tekke Turkomans not only rendered the journey

exceedingly {275} unsafe, but plundered villages and karavans, and

carried off captives before the very gates of Herat. During the first

days of my arrival, I heard that a Persian envoy, named Mehemmed Bakir

Khan, sent by the governor Prince of Khorasan to congratulate the

young Serdar of Herat, proposed soon to return to Teheran. I

immediately waited upon him, and begged him to take me with him. The

Persian was very polite; but although I repeated to him over and over

again the state of destitution in which I was, he paid no attention to

that statement, and asked me (the dreadfully disfigured Hadji), if I

had brought back with me any fine horses from Bokhara! Every word of

his seemed to indicate a wish on his part to penetrate my secret.

Seeing that I had nothing to expect, I left him. He quitted Herat soon

after, accompanied by many of the Hadjis who had travelled with me

from Samarcand and Kerki. All abandoned me--all but Mollah Ishak, my

faithful companion from Kungrat, who had believed, when I said that in

Teheran better fortunes awaited me, and who stood by me. The honest

young man obtained our daily food and fuel by begging, and got ready

besides our evening supper, which he even refused respectfully to

share with me out of the same plate. Mollah Ishak forms, in another

point of view, one of the most interesting of my episodes. He lives

now, at this day, in Pesth, instead of being at Mecca, and in the

sequel of my narrative we shall have occasion to speak of him.

[The Serdar Mehemmed Yakoub Khan; Parade of Afghan Troops]

Not to neglect any expedient to forward my journey on to Meshed, I

went to the reigning Prince, Serdar Mehemmed Yakoub Khan, son of the

present king of Afghanistan, a lad in his sixteenth year, who had been

placed at the head of affairs in the conquered {276} province, his

father, immediately after his accession to the throne, having been

obliged to hasten away to Kabul, in order to prevent any steps being

taken by his brothers to contest the throne with him. The young Prince

resided in the Charbag, in the palace which had also served for the

dwelling of Major Todd. It had, it is true, suffered much during the

siege, but was naturally preferred, as a residence, to the citadel,

which was a mere ruin. One part of that quadrangular court, a garden

as they were in the habit of calling it, although I saw in it only a

few trees, served as night quarters for him and his numerous retinue,

whilst in the portions situate on the opposite side an Arz (public

audience) of four or five hours' duration was held in a large long

hall. The Prince was generally seated at the window in an armchair,

dressed in military uniform, with high collars; and as the numerous

petitioners, whom he was obliged officially to receive, very much

wearied him, he made the Risale Company (the _élite_ of the Afghan

troops) exercise before his window, and seemed highly delighted with

the wheeling of the columns, and the thundering word of command of the

officer passing them in review, who, besides, pronounced the 'Right

shoulder forward! Left shoulder forward!' with a genuine English

accent.

[Interview with Serdar]

When I stepped into the court I have mentioned, accompanied by Mollah

Ishak, the drill was at its most interesting point. The men had a very

military bearing, far better than the Ottoman army, that was so

drilled forty years ago. These might have been mistaken for European

troops, if most of them had not had on their bare feet the pointed

Kabuli shoe, and had not had their short trousers so tightly {277}

stretched by their straps that they threatened every moment to burst

and fly up above the knee. After having watched the exercises a short

time, I went to the door of the reception-hall, which was filled by a

number of servants, soldiers, and petitioners. If all made way for me,

and allowed me undisturbed to enter the saloon, I had to thank the

large turban I had assumed (my companion had assumed a similar one),

as well as the 'anchorite' appearance which my wearisome journey had

imparted. I saw the Prince as I have described; on his right hand sat

his Vizir, and next to him there were ranged along against the wall

other officers, Mollahs and Heratis; amongst these there was also a

Persian, Imamverdi Khan, who on account of some roguery had fled

hither from (Djam) Meshed. Before the Prince stood his keeper of the

seal (Möhürdar), and four or five other servants. True to my Dervish

character, on appearing I made the usual salutation, and occasioned no

surprise to the company when I stepped, even as I made it, right up to

the Prince, and seated myself between him and the Vizir, after having

required the latter, a corpulent Afghan, to make room for me by a push

with the foot. This action of mine occasioned some laughing, but it

did not put me out of countenance. I raised my hands to repeat the

usual prayer required by the law. [Footnote 83] Whilst I was

repeating it, the Prince looked me full in the face. I saw his look of

amazement, and when I was repeating the Amen, and all present were

keeping time with me in stroking their beards, the Prince half rose

from his chair, and, pointing {278} with his finger to me, he called

out, half laughing and half bewildered, 'Vallahi, Billahi Schuma,

Inghiliz hestid' ('By G--, I swear you are an Englishman!').

[Footnote 83: This is in Arabic, and to the following effect: 'God

our Lord, let us take a blessed place, for of a verity Thou art the

best quartermaster.']

A ringing peal of laughter followed the sudden fancy of the young

king's son, but he did not suffer it to divert him from his idea; he

sprang down from his seat, placed himself right before me, and,

clapping both his hands like a child who has made some lucky

discovery, he called out, 'Hadji, Kurbunet' ('I would be thy victim'),

'tell me, you are an Englishman in Tebdil (disguise), are you not?'

His action was so naïve, that I was really sorry that I could not

leave the boy in his illusion. I had cause to dread the wild

fanaticism of the Afghans, and, assuming a manner as if the jest had

gone too far, I said, 'Sahib mekun' ('have done'); 'you know the

saying, "He who takes, even in sport, the believer for an unbeliever,

is himself an unbeliever." [Footnote 84] Give me rather something for

my Fatiha, that I may proceed further on my journey.' My serious look,

and the Hadis which I recited, quite disconcerted the young man; he

sat down half ashamed, and, excusing himself on the ground of the

resemblance of my features, said that he had never seen a Hadji from

Bokhara with such a physiognomy. I replied that I was not a Bokhariot,

but a Stambuli; and when I showed him my Turkish passport, and spoke

to him of his cousin, the son of Akbar Khan, Djelal-ed-din Khan, who

was in Mecca and Constantinople in 1860, and had met with a

distinguished reception from the Sultan, his manner quite changed; my

passport went the round of the company, and met with approbation. The

Prince gave me some krans, {279} and dismissed me with the order that

I should often visit him during my stay, which I accordingly did.

[Footnote 84: Traditional sentence of the Prophet.]

[Illustration]

'I SWEAR YOU ARE AN ENGLISHMAN!

However fortunate the issue of this amusing proceeding, it had still

some consequences not very agreeable, as far as my continued stay in

Herat was concerned. Following the Prince's example, every one wanted

to detect in me the Englishman. Persians, Afghans, and Herati came to

me with the express purpose of convincing themselves and verifying

their suspicions. The most boring fellow was a certain Hadji Sheikh

Mehemmed, an old man rejoicing in the reputation of being a great

astrologer and astronomer, and really, as far as opportunity enabled

me to judge, one well read in Arabic and Persian. He informed me that

he had travelled with Mons. de Khanikoff, and had been of much service

to him in Herat, and that the latter had given him a letter to the

Russian ambassador in Teheran, of which he wished me to take charge.

In vain did I try to persuade the good old man, that I had nothing to

do with the Russians; he left me with his convictions unshaken. But

what was most droll was the conduct of the Afghans and Persians; they

thought they saw in me a man _à la_ Eldred Pottinger, who made his

first entry into Herat disguised as a horsedealer, and became later

its master. They insisted that I had a credit here for hundreds, even

thousands, of ducats, and yet no one would give me a few krans to

purchase bread!

Ah, how long the time seemed that I had to pass in Herat waiting for

the karavan! The city had a most gloomy troubled aspect; the dread of

their savage conqueror was painted on the features of its inhabitants.

The incidents of the last siege, its capture and plundering, formed

the constant subjects of conversation.

{280}

[Conduct of Afghans on storming Herat]

According to the assertions of the Herati (which are, however, not

founded in fact), Dost Mohammed Khan took the fortress, not by the

bravery of the Kabuli, but by the treason of the garrison; they

insist, too, that the beloved prince Sultan Ahmed was poisoned, and

that his son Shanauvaz, who is almost deified by the Herati, did not

obtain information of the treachery before a great part of the Paltan

(soldiers) had already forced their way into the fortress. The

struggle carried on by the besieged prince with his angry

father-in-law was of the bitterest description, the sufferings borne

and inflicted were dreadful, but worst of all were the sacking and

plundering that took place unexpectedly some days after the actual

capture, when many fugitive Herati returned with their property into

the city. Four thousand Afghan soldiers, chosen expressly for the

purpose from different tribes and regiments, rushed at a given signal,

and from different sides of the city, upon the defenceless

habitations, and are said not only to have carried off clothing, arms,

furniture, whatever in fact met their eye, but forced every one to

strip himself almost to a state of nudity, and to have left the

half-naked tenants behind them in their thoroughly denuded and emptied

houses. They tore away even from the sick their bedding and clothing,

and robbed infants of cradles, nay, of the very swathing clothes,

valueless but to them! A Mollah, who had been robbed of all his books,

told me that he had lost sixty of the finest MSS.; but the loss he

most deplored was that of a Koran bequeathed to him by his

grandfather. He entreated the plunderer to leave him this one book,

from which he promised that he would pray for his despoiler. 'Do not

trouble thyself,' said the Kabuli; {281} 'I have a little son at home

who shall pray for thee from it. Come, give it me.'

[Nazir Naïm the Vizir]

Whoever is acquainted with the covetousness of the filthy grasping

Afghan, may picture to himself how he would behave in plundering a

city. The besiegers levied contributions upon the city during a day,

upon the country around during months. These are indeed natural

consequences of war, occurring even in civilised countries, and which

we will not make the subject of excessive reproach against the

Afghans. But it is a pity that, instead of seeking to heal the wounds

which they have inflicted, their miserable policy seems now to aim at

reducing the whole province still further to beggary; so that in a

country, where undoubtedly they are called upon to play an important

part, they have rendered themselves objects of detestation: for the

inhabitants would at once again plunge into a hopeless contest rather

than ever acknowledge the supremacy of the Afghans. Herat, that is

said now again to show signs of fresh life, has been left in the hands

of a good-humoured inexperienced child. His guardian, the Khan of the

Djemshidi, has an understanding with the Turkomans, against whose

incursions he ought to protect the country. The Alamans extend their

depredations to within a few leagues of Herat; scarcely does any week

elapse without villages being surprised and plundered, and the

inhabitants being led away to captivity. The Vizir of the Prince,

named Nazir Naïm, is a man whose coarse features are, as it were, the

sign-post of stupidity; he has in the course of only two months so

enriched himself that he has purchased for himself in Kabul two houses

with vineyards. As the internal affairs of the city and province are

left in his hands, he {282} is accustomed, during the whole time of

his hours of business, to surround himself with litigants and

place-hunters. He soon tires, and when questions or petitions are

addressed to him respecting the government recently established, to

get rid of the wearisome application he has ever ready the stereotyped

answer: 'Her tchi pish bud' (Everything as before). In his absence of

mind he returns the same answer when accusations are laid before him

of murder or theft; the plaintiff surprised repeats his story, but

obtains the eternal answer, 'Her tchi pish bud,' and so he must

retire.

[Embarrassed State of Revenue; Major Todd]

A striking proof of the confusion that pervades everything is the

circumstance, that in spite of unheard-of duties, in spite of endless

imposts, the young Serdar cannot raise out of the revenues of the

province of Herat a sum sufficient to defray the expenses of the civil

functionaries and the garrison of fourteen hundred men. Mr. Eastwick

[Footnote 85] reports, according to a statement made by the Prince

Governor of the province of Khorasan, that the income of Herat amounts

yearly to 80,000 Toman (38,000_l_.), but from this sum are to be

maintained, besides the corps of civilians, five regiments of

infantry, and about 4,000 cavalry, for which purpose the amount given

is clearly insufficient. With a larger income, Herat of the present

day has far fewer expenses; the terrified city is easily governed; and

it can only be ascribed to maladministration that a subvention is

required from Kabul to defray the expenses of the troops. {283} Had

Dost Mohammed only lived a year longer to consolidate the government

of the newly-conquered province, the incorporation of Herat with

Afghanistan might have been possible. As it is, fear alone keeps

things together. It needs only some attack, no matter by whom, to be

made upon Herat, for the Herati to be the first to take up arms

against the Afghans. Nor does this observation apply to the Shiite

inhabitants alone, whose sympathies are, of course, in favour of

Persia, but even to those of the Sunnite persuasion, who would

certainly prefer the Kizilbash to their present oppressors; but I find

no exaggeration in the opinion that they long most for the

intervention of the English, whose feelings of humanity and justice

have led the inhabitants to forget the great differences in religion

and nationality. The Herati saw, during the government of Major Todd,

more earnestness and self-sacrifice with respect to the ransoming of

the slaves [Footnote 86] than they had ever even heard of before on

the part of a ruler. Their native governments had habituated them to

be plundered and murdered, not spared or rewarded.

[Footnote 85: 'Journal of a Diplomate's Three Years' Residence in

Persia,' vol. ii. p. 244.]

[Footnote 86: The report is general in Herat that Stoddart was sent

on a mission to Bokhara to ransom the Herati there pining in

captivity.]

[Mosalla, and Tomb of Sultan Husein Mirza; Tomb of Khodja Abdullah

Ansari, and of Dost Mohammed Khan.]

Two days before my departure, I suffered an Afghan to persuade me to

make an excursion to a village in the vicinity named Gazerghiah, to

pay a visit there to the tombs of Khodja Abdullah Ansari, and of Dost

Mohammed Khan, in order, as it is said, to kill two flies with one

blow. On the way I paid my parting visit to the fine ruins of Mosalla.

The remains of the mosque and of the sepulchre, which the great Sultan

Husein Mirza, caused to be built for {284} himself ten years before

his death (901), are, as I before mentioned, an imitation of the

monuments of Samarcand. [Footnote 87] Time would have long spared

these works of art, but they suffered shamefully during the last two

sieges, when the place became the quarters of Shiite fanaticism. It is

to be regretted that European officers, like General Borowsky and

General Bühler--the former a Pole, the latter an Alsatian, and both

present in those campaigns, could not interfere to prevent such acts

of Vandalism. Gazerghiah itself, at a league's distance from Herat,

and visible, by its position on a hill from that city, has many

monuments of interest in sculpture and architecture. They date from

the epoch of Shahrookh Mirza, a son of Timour, and have been described

at large by Ferrier, but with some slight mistakes, which one readily

excuses in an officer who travels. The name of the saint at

Gazerghiah, for instance, is Khodja Abdullah Ansari--the latter word

signifying that he was an Arab, and of the tribe that shared the

Hidjra (flight) with the Prophet. More than six hundred years ago, he

passed from Bagdad to Merv, thence to Herat, where he died, and was

declared a saint. He now stands in high repute as patron of both city

and province. Dost Mohammed Khan directed himself to be buried at the

feet of Khodja Abdullah Ansari, at once flattering the prejudices of

his countrymen {285} and offending those of his enemies. The grave,

which lies between the walls of the adjoining edifice and the

sepulchre of the Khodja, had when I saw it no decoration, and not even

a stone; for his son and successor preferred first to lay the

foundation of his inheritance before completing the tomb of him who

had bequeathed it to him. This does not, however, prevent the Afghans

from performing their reverential pilgrimages. The saint will, before

long, be thrown into the shade by his mighty rival; and yet he has but

his deserts, for he is probably one of the numerous Arabian vagabonds,

but Dost Mahommed Khan was the founder of the Afghan nation.

[Footnote 87: The sepulchre particularly has much resemblance to

that of Timour. The decorations and inscriptions upon the tomb are

of the most masterly sculpture it is possible to conceive. Many

stones have three inscriptions carved out, one above the other, in

the finest Sulus writing, the upper line, the middle one, and lower

one, forming different verses.]

{286}

Travels in Central Asia Being the Account of a Journey from Teheran Across the Turkoman Desert on the Eastern Shore of the Caspian to Khiva, Bokhara, and Samarcand · 第 14 / 17 章