CHAPTER I

THE TUNNELLERS OF HOLZMINDEN

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

C. F. CLAY, MANAGER

LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4

[Illustration]

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.

BOMBAY ⎫

CALCUTTA ⎬ MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.

MADRAS ⎭

TORONTO : THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.

TOKYO : MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

[Illustration:

The track of the Holzminden Tunnel after being dug up.

]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE TUNNELLERS

OF

HOLZMINDEN

(WITH A SIDE-ISSUE)

BY

H. G. DURNFORD, M.C., M.A.

FELLOW OF KING’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

CAMBRIDGE

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1920

------------------------------------------------------------------------

TO

MY WIFE

------------------------------------------------------------------------

PREFACE

Almost exactly two years ago, as I write these lines, the famous

Holzminden Tunnel became history. Even then, when the sordid camp was

still lending (and seemed likely to lend _in perpetuum_) its grey colour

to every aspect of life, when sense of proportion was practically

dormant and racial animosity intensified to the highest pitch, it was

impossible to overlook the peculiar dramatic proprieties of the event.

Some day, it was felt, this story might be fittingly told.

And in the retrospect the feeling remains unaltered. The harsh angles

have softened: the tumult and the shouting have died away to the remoter

cells of memory: Captain Niemeyer (of the Reserve) has departed—God

knows where! His imperial master is dragging out an unhappy old age in

exile. The British protagonists and walkers-on in the 9-months struggle

have scattered to the ends of the Empire on their lawful occasions. Once

in a blue moon perhaps they think of it and rub their eyes. The details

are already vague. The whole of their prison existence seems absurdly

far away.

But it is in the hope that they will care to follow with not uncritical

interest the following plain unvarnished account of the Tunnel episode

that I, a mere looker-on, have sorted out the threads and fitted the

jumble together. If any think this an impertinence, may I plead that an

ordinary stage hand may see more of the workings of a nine months run

than the star performers? To them at any rate, protagonists, walkers-

and lookers-on in the event, and their friends and relations I would

address myself particularly. Through them alone can I hope to interest

the British public in this simple tale of a strategically unimportant

but highly successful side-show, in Germany, in the dog days of 1918.

I am indebted to one friend in particular for assistance in the true

description of the actual Tunnel. He prefers to remain anonymous. Many

others of my ex-fellow-prisoners have helped me in various ways. The

design which is reproduced on the cover was drawn by Lieutenant Lockhead

while in captivity at Stralsund and was intended to serve as a Christmas

card; I am indebted to him for the loan of the block. To Messrs

Blackwood I am obliged for permission to reprint the personal

experiences contained in the final chapter.

H. G. DURNFORD.

KING’S COLLEGE,

CAMBRIDGE.

_24th July 1920._

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CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

PROLOGUE 1

I. A CAMP IN BEING 14

II. NIEMEYER—AND PINPRICKS 32

III. INTRODUCING THE MAIN MOTIF 49

IV. ESCAPES 60

V. ACCOMPLICES 71

VI. IN THE TUNNEL 89

VII. REPRISALS 101

VIII. THE LAST LAP 118

IX. THE ESCAPE AND THE SEQUEL 131

X. CLOSING INCIDENTS 148

XI. MAKING GOOD 164

------------------------------------------------------------------------

ILLUSTRATIONS AND PLANS

The track of the Holzminden Tunnel after being dug up _Frontispiece_

A street in Ypres ⎫

The Cloth Hall in 1917 ⎬ _to face p._ 2

The Menin Gate of Ypres⎭

The Battery in action N. of the Menin Road⎫

The Menin Road ⎬ ” 5

At the waggon-lines ⎭

View from Kaserne B, showing skating rink made in January

1918 _to face p._ 30

Karl Niemeyer ” 36

General plan of Holzminden Camp _p._ 53

Kaserne B _to face p._ 54

Scene of the Walter-Medlicott attempt⎫

A dining-room at Holzminden ⎭ ” 61

Section and ground-plan of staircase, chamber, and tunnel

entrance _p._ 73

Course of the tunnel ” 93

At the tunnel mouth _to face p._ 100

Section of attic roof _p._ 112

Orderlies digging out the tunnel between Kaserne B and the

outer wall _to face p._ 142

Group of recaptured officers in a room at Holzminden ” 162

Facsimile of the original permit-card copied by Lockhead

_to face p._ 169

Facsimile of the forged railway passport _between pp._ 174-5

Map of N.W. Germany and frontiers _p._ 189

------------------------------------------------------------------------

PROLOGUE

“B/—th will detail the liaison officer for the Group for to-morrow the

5th.”

The Brigade orderly splashed in bearing the unwelcome message. I had

just turned in. The never-to-be-forgotten fatal three days’ downpour

which had set in on the 31st July 1917 and had upset so many

calculations had just stopped and we had enjoyed an afternoon and

evening of bright sunshine and cloudless skies. The water in the

dug-out, which had risen steadily in spite of temporary responses to our

efforts with an old trench pump and a chain of buckets, was now

gradually beginning to abate and the stretcher on which I slept was once

more high and dry. Also I was due to go down to waggon-lines in two

days’ time, and life generally was taking on a less sombre hue.

It could afford to. Our six weeks in action in the Salient had been

lived in an atmosphere of almost unrelieved gloom, an atmosphere—so we

had come to believe—inalienable from the place itself.

One had come to realise what men had meant who in earlier days on the

Somme—when all was said to be quiet at Ypres—had trekked south into the

Valley of the Shadow of Death and remarked that “it was better than the

Salient.” Now we had seen for ourselves. It had not merely been the

shelling and the fact that there was not a really safe spot, except in

the very ramparts of the Eastern wall themselves, between Belgian

Battery Corner and the front line. It had not merely been that the

German gunners conveyed the impression that they were _aiming_ at _you_,

that they knew exactly where you were, and that they were doing it—had

been doing it all along—more as a pleasure than as an allotted task. It

had not been the fact that no fatigue or waggon-line party could set

great hopes on returning scatheless from a job of work; nor that here

hostile aeroplane observation seemed more acute than in other parts; nor

again that rarely a night passed but one saw or heard of some shambles

on a main traffic road. It was none of these things. The spirit of Ypres

was abroad, impregnating those new to her. From the very morning when,

accompanying a harassed, jumpy acting C.R.A. on his round of battery

inspections, I had first seen her, I had felt the spell upon me. It was

like grey skies and a wind in the east, the quintessence of sombreness.

The intervals of quiet could not be called peace; they served only to

intensify the solitude. The history of the place seemed to cast its

stamp on those who sojourned in it.

[Illustration:

A street in Ypres.

]

[Illustration:

The Cloth Hall in 1917.

]

[Illustration:

The Menin Gate of Ypres.

]

We had come into action at the beginning of July. Our instructions had

been to get “in” and camouflaged and registered and then wait for “the

day,” and that waiting had been sorely trying to the patience. It had

been far worse than sitting on the Messines Ridge in June. We had been

told we should be “silent,” but we had fired steadily nevertheless, and

this meant, of course, more ammunition and added risk of casualties

amongst horses and men. It had meant having the men out of cover to

shift the shells from their depôts to the gun-pits; and such things were

considerations when we were losing men at the rate of about two a day

and the stock of capable gunners and N.C.O.’s, depleted at Messines, was

beginning to run dangerously low. “D” Battery on our immediate right had

had an even worse time. Poor old “D.” They were always getting the rough

of it since Courcelette, and this time they had got it very rough

indeed. They had had no cellar to put their gun-crews in and we had been

unable to spare them a share in ours, so they had left emergency crews

at the guns and worked them by nucleus shifts, the remainder sleeping a

long way behind.

The preparations had dragged their slow course along, and we had gone on

with our daily routine, never knowing what the next minute was not going

to produce, unloading and storing the ammunition, and heaving a sigh of

relief when the last pack-horse had discharged his daily load and that

anxiety at least was off our shoulders for the day; checking the sights

and aiming-posts, strengthening so far as we could the pits, watching

and shepherding the men; gassed one night and on duty all the next and

then gassed again the third—the deadly mustard fellow had just made his

costly début; counting the leaden hours, congratulating ourselves each

time that—our duty over—we made the dug-out door afresh; and ever and

anon looking hopefully through the tattered screen which still served to

shield our part of the Menin Road from hostile observation to where

Passchendaele Church stood prominent and quite intact on the opposite

slope.

In five weeks the Corps Artillery alone had lost (I believe the figure

is correct) 568 officers, killed, wounded, or gassed, and other ranks

also had lost in proportion. We ourselves had lost one officer (gassed

almost as soon as we had got in), five out of our six N.C.O.’s, and

twelve gunners or bombardiers. “D” had had a young officer just out from

England killed with a sergeant immediately behind our own guns, and a

direct hit on one of their dug-outs had deprived them of three more

sergeants and two gunners at one fell swoop. The toll had mounted up

steadily, and though the C.-in-C. had issued a special appreciation of

the bearing of the artillery in these difficult circumstances, we had

day by day been feeling more the heavy strain.

Then had come the last days of July. All the conceivable practice

barrages had been fired and the Huns made wise to the uttermost.

Then again—amidst rumours that the French were two days late—the storm

clouds had gathered from the unfavourable quarter, and finally on the

31st July the great unwieldy barrage had unwound its complicated length

in drizzling rain on the Hun lines. The infantry had gone over and

reached the “black line” up to scheduled time: but on the “black line”

they had lost co-ordination; when the barrage advanced again they had

been late to follow up; the barrage had rolled on unheeding; our men,

floundering in its wake on hopeless ground and now in a steady downpour,

had had to come back and consolidate on the “black line,” while the

batteries awaited in vain the longed-for order to advance.

* * * * *

Well, what was one job more or less after all? One might as well be hung

for a sheep as a lamb, and I should go down to waggon-lines with all the

clearer conscience on the 6th, and sleep.... How I would sleep! I would

get down there for lunch if I could, have a quiet ride in the afternoon

into “Pop,” and come back to waggon-lines for an early dinner and bed.

How glorious to wake up once more, and to hear the birds twittering

outside! It seemed ages ago since one had done so last, and it was in

reality just eight days. My waggon-line billet was in a small

farm-house. Madame and her man had been, for those parts, friendly

enough. I remembered having tried to convey to Madame that next time I

visited her, Ypres would be free. She had not understood, and perhaps it

had been just as well.

[Illustration:

The Battery in action N. of the Menin Road.

]

[Illustration:

The Menin Road.

]

[Illustration:

At the waggon-lines.

]

Yes, a late breakfast, after a sluice-down in the open air, a leisurely

toilet, and a stroll round the horses; and then perhaps a real joy-ride,

an all-day affair towards Nieppe Forest....

I rang up the battery and gave my orders for signallers and an orderly

on the morrow. There was only one other subaltern available for the job,

and as the Major was out at the time I deputed myself. It is the

unwritten rule.

I read through the standing orders for the Group liaison officers,

finished my chapter of _Sonia_—I was to read the next in a very

different setting—and went to sleep.

The Menin Road was a populous concern in those days and the varied

traffic comforted our gregarious souls as we walked down at a round pace

next morning after breakfast to pay our respects _en route_ to Infantry

Brigade and the senior Artillery Liaison Officer of the Group in the big

labyrinth of dug-outs at the bottom of the hill. Hell Fire Corner,

though still occasionally shelled “on spec,” was no longer the shunned,

depressing cross-roads that it used to be. Now it even boasted a

military policeman to control the traffic. Ambulance cars and heavy

lorries passed and met us. The road was thick with infantry and

fatigue-parties of various kinds going up and coming out.

The shattered boughs and fallen branches, which had blocked the unused

road before, had now been side-tracked; only dead mules and horses here

and there had created fresh obstructions. Fritz was putting most of his

metal this morning on to the front line and the ridge where we were due

at noon; but even back here he had guns enough to send over his one a

minute, searching—now that he might no longer observe—for some of his

old favourite spots. So we did not loiter.

At Infantry Brigade they were making their toilet. The senior Liaison

Officer told me that battalion had shifted its headquarters during the

night: “too hot to stay where it was.” He gave me what he understood

were the map co-ordinates of their new abode, and I took my departure.

We crossed the old No Man’s Land, passed the working-parties at their

thankless tasks of road-making in the churned morass, and picked our way

warily round the crater lips across the old German front line system

till we struck the railway. It did not seem to be getting shelled, and

would at least afford better going than if we plunged through the

crater-field direct towards the front line. My intention was to nurse

the railway for a mile or so, and then, leaving it, to strike across up

the ridge in order to hit off “The Rectory,” where Battalion H.Q. were

reported to be.

I had not been forward myself since the show. It was worse even than I

expected. The ground was just beginning to harden in the hot sunshine,

but every hole was filled with water and one had to plan out one’s

course with long detours, jumping precariously from island to island.

The rusted wire, half buried in the loose earth, tore one’s puttees. The

whole place stank. There were very few dead about; the Hun communiqué

had probably not lied in saying that their outposts had been lightly

held. But the railway embankment gave possible lodgment for the feet and

we kept along it as I planned, with six paces between each man and one

eye on the 4·2’s falling just to our right in the valley. The effect on

that ground was only local and we had no fears of splinters.

At last, panting and thirsty, we reached the crest which our infantry

were holding. We could see no movement. Over the bleak expanse of

shell-holes there was no human being to be seen; one had got to cast

one’s eye right back to where the working-parties were.

A line of ruined houses and pill-boxes ran along the ridge. One of them

was “The Rectory.” I went into it; there was a concreted cellar facing

Boche-wards, but nobody inside it. I hailed a Red Cross man who was

wandering about forlornly. He hadn’t seen anyone, didn’t know anything.

It was rather annoying. I looked up my book of the rules and tried a

cast back to the original map reference for Battalion Headquarters. It

must be a ruined pill-box which they were shelling. I waited till there

was a pause and then looked inside. No, not a sign of anyone.

Confound Brigade! That part of the programme must wait, that’s all. I

had to establish connection by visual with our Brigade signallers at

Hell Fire Corner and must plant my lamp.

We went down into one of the pill-boxes on the ridge and deposited the

gear. The dug-out was a foot or more deep in water, but must have been a

comfortable, secure home. Two wounded infantrymen were lying on the

bunks on one side of the dug-out. They told me they had been there since

the first day, untended save by chance arrivals. I tried to cheer them

up and we offered them our water-bottles.

We stuck the lamp up just behind the pill-box on the top of a bank and

flashed it full in the direction of Hell Fire Corner. There was no

answer. “Nothing’s going right to-day,” I thought, and the shells were

pitching just to our right and inviting retirement to the safe—if

damp—recess beneath us.

But I was overdue and had not found sign or trace of the infantry. The

place might be deserted for all the world, save for our little party. I

had one more cast round in various ruined pill-boxes on our side of the

slope, and then made up my mind to go forward—east—a little. My Major

had told me yesterday that our fellows were digging in in front of the

ridge. Perhaps the infantry Colonel was with them.

It did not seem very likely, on the forward side of a ridge sloping

towards Hunland, but unusual things were done in those days of

disorganisation and I had not seen a single infantryman since we left

the working-parties behind us early in the morning. Our infantry, if

they were not a myth, must be east of me, not west.

I left my signallers still flashing vainly and took my orderly with me

to the forward slope of the ridge. We stalked down a hedge about 50

yards, then turned due right along another. There was another “pill-box”

just half right of us.

“That might be them, sir,” said my orderly.

We swung sharp right and walked up to it. I saw an unusual helmet. “One

of our Tommies decking himself out,” I thought. Then another helmet of

the same sort, and the truth flashed on me just as it was too late and

we were within a few paces of them, with the pill-box between us and

home, covered by a couple of German rifles.

A dozen very vivid thoughts raced through my mind. “Somebody’s made the

most awful howler.” “I can’t get back.” “Where in thunder were our

infantry, then?” “This is the end.” “I haven’t even got a revolver on

me.” “Prisoner!—what will they say?” “What the devil _will_ they say?”

I gave the lad an order and we held up our hands. I will not labour the

apology. The back verandah of the pill-box—so it looked—was bristling

with amazed and animated Huns. Cut off from retreat, unarmed and utterly

flabbergasted, what would you? I stammered out a few words in bad French

to their officer and then asked leave to sit down. I was exhausted and

quite overwhelmed. So this was the result of my fourteen months of

cumulative experience. What a culmination! To walk over No Man’s Land on

a bye-day in broad daylight into a German nest! Such a thing had never

come into our ken that I could remember. And if it had, I should have

been the first to pass uncharitable comment. What hideous irony! I

looked at the boy I had led unwittingly into captivity. What sort of an

officer did _he_ think I was now? He would bless me before it was all

over, if all one heard, had read of, was true. Suddenly one began to see

the prisoner-of-war question in a new light. What was it like really?

And all the time I racked and racked my brains to think whose fault it

was, where the mistake had lain. I knew the range on the map to “The

Rectory,” which I had just left, and the range of our S.O.S. barrage.

Three hundred yards to play with. I had come barely a hundred. Perhaps

they hadn’t known of this pill-box. To know, O Lord, if only to know—and

I couldn’t[1].

[Footnote 1: I did learn later, at Stralsund Camp in Germany, where I

met the Colonel I was then trying to find. He told me his H.Q. on that

day had been 100 yards _north_ of “The Rectory,” which they had found

too hot to stay in.]

That day seemed an eternity. In the evening I heard the shells from my

own battery come whizzing over. I was to have observed them, five rounds

of battery fire on the German front line at 5 p.m. Since the push this

had been the only method, except by visual; no wires had lived a day up

till then.

My tie alone proclaimed me as an officer. I had left my tunic and all my

impedimenta, with—fortunately—my notebooks and important papers, in the

pill-box on the ridge.

The orderly in his rough way was comforting. I felt sorry for the boy.

It wasn’t his fault anyway.

One had an early insight into the German character. This lot were

Mecklenburgers and good stuff by the look of them, but desperately dull

and earnest. All day long they sat in that pill-box—three officers and

about twenty men—and jabbered. There wasn’t a laugh, there wasn’t even

the semblance of a smile. They smoked cigars most of the time; when food

was brought, they gobbled it down like famished wolves and then turned

to jabbering and smoking once more. Occasionally a British plane caused

a diversion; they rushed to the verandah and craned their necks at it

amidst a babel of maledictions, it would have been funny—if one had been

in the heart for it—to see the way these fellows took their war. They

were perfectly safe, and knew it, until such time as we should attack

again. The pill-box must have been sunk a yard or more beneath the

ground, and had five feet or more of concrete on every side. Only the

back-blast from a shell pitching in their back verandah—short of a

direct hit from a heavy gun—could have done much harm. They were

wonderfully well camouflaged.

They gave me something to drink but could not spare any food, and I

smoked a cigar or two. When it got dark they sent us down under an

escort. We had hardly started when a “strafe” began, so we sat in

another pill-box and listened to our own shells falling all round and

hitting the place more than once.

Then the bombardment died away and we went on our way—across the swampy

Hanebeek, past batteries and groups of infantry in open trenches or yet

other pill-boxes; into Company Headquarters, a crowded cellar in a farm,

where a brief examination of our guides by a pot-bellied, earnest Hun

officer took place; and then away again, on over more open, firmer

country, up a long slope by a narrow bridle-path, with our shells still

falling at intervals round about and fresh corpses of men and horses

showing where our guns had found occasional value from searching tracks

whose use had been established. The warning _Draht_, _Draht_ (“ware

wire”) of our surly N.C.O. guide became rarer, we emerged at length on

to a regular road, and after an hour or so’s walking we were taken into

the roomy and laboriously built and fortified quarters of the Regimental

Staff. There more depositions were taken by the bullet-headed Brigade

Major, a forbidding-looking, efficient little blackguard, I thought, and

a good specimen of their military machine. Cigars were provided for our

guides and we were marched out again once more, items of passing

interest, no doubt, but as human beings inconsiderable. We would be

going towards Moorslede. I was dead tired and faint with hunger, but the

cool night air blew fresh upon my forehead. We passed ammunition limbers

by the score—great, clumsy things they seemed after our neat Q.F.

variety—and now and again a company of infantry coming up to the line at

the rapid, business-like half run, half walk, which struck one so

strangely after our own infantry’s measured pace. They seemed to be in

high spirits, and had a cheery word for our guides. From what I saw, the

German Flanders army went up cheerfully enough in those days to take its

hammering.

And then at last, in the grey dawn and after many questionings of

passers-by by our somewhat uncertain guides, Moorslede, and a brief halt

in a Headquarters of sorts; then on again on the last stage, beyond

shell-fire now and knowing—as every German had enviously said to us who

could speak English at all—that “the war was _over for us_.” It was

their stock phrase, and I believed them with a deep-down feeling

somewhere—in spite of all the bitterness—that it was so, and that I

should at least, given reasonable luck, see home and friends once more.

Into Roulers we fare in a grinding, shaking motor-bus and take our first

impression of black rye bread and _ersatz_ coffee.

And here we may be left—in a Belgian occupied town, in a stifling,

ill-ventilated room, amidst a motley crew of unwashed, sleepy, but not

unfriendly Germans; worn with the fatigue and strain of the last long

fifteen hours, and at first—for my part—probing vainly for an

explanation of it all; and then, as the tyranny of the stomach grows

more ensconced, settling down to the long, absorbing vigil of waiting on

the next full meal.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER I

A CAMP IN BEING

A broad, level, methodically cultivated plain; a horizon of wooded

slopes with, every few degrees or so, the suggestion of winding valleys

and watercourses; to the northward, the river Weser, Nature’s barrier

beyond the wire, flowing between us and freedom, and visible from our

upper windows in an occasional gleam of silver against the shadows of

the steep further bank; to the west the town, red-roofed and picturesque

with adjoining allotments; on the edge of the allotments a large square

walled enclosure containing two very recent architectural abominations,

eyesores in the general prospect—to wit, _Kaserne_ A and B of the

_Offizier Gefangenen Lager_[2] Holzminden, that highly advertised

Brunswickian retreat which, on a day in September 1917, flung open its

hospitable gates to its first English guests, an advance instalment of

about thirty from Karlsruhe. Such—in a paragraph—was Holzminden Camp and

its environment.

[Footnote 2: Officer prisoners-of-war camp.]

The new Camp had been freely boomed; the _Lager_ “Poldhu” had got hold

of it and done wonders with it—that mysterious _Lager_ “Poldhu” of

Germany in war time, which spoke not through wires or wireless and

seemingly lacked all means of transmission, but which percolated, none

the less, from _Lager_ to _Lager_ in some mysterious way, so that what

should by rights have remained a close secret in the _Kommandantur_[3]

at X in Baden was known all over the Camp at Y in Silesia within a week

or so. Thus it was noised abroad in a dozen camps that four had got out

from Freiburg and were still at large, that a tunnel scheme had been

discovered at the last moment at Magdeburg, and that poor old C— had got

“jug” again for hitting a sentry in the parcel office at Ströhen.

[Footnote 3: Kommandantur means in a prison camp that part set apart for

the German personnel, and includes the Commandant’s office.]

Holzminden—so ran the “Poldhu”—was to be the real thing, a prisoner’s

Mecca—fine, brand-new buildings, spacious grounds, good scenery, good

air. The report was discussed and swallowed or pooh-poohed according to

temperament. The Schwarmstedt crowd took the news of their impending

departure thither with a pronounced sniff. They were—had been for

several months—in the Xth Army Corps Area. Holzminden also was in the

Xth Army Corps. There could no good thing come out of the Xth Army

Corps. Schwarmstedt was in fact sufficiently sceptical of the Xth Army

Corps to have remained gladly in its flea-ridden huts, had it not been

that the prospect of a winter on the bog-wastes in those flimsy

buildings seemed almost intolerable. That fate was reserved in the

actual event for Italians, with the usual leavening of neglected

Russians.

Accordingly, an advance party of the ‘nineteen-fourteeners’ and

‘-fifteeners’ of Schwarmstedt packed up their household gods and

suffered themselves to be transported to Holzminden. They were told

authoritatively that this was going to be merely a stopping-place on the

way to Holland and exchange; so they threw chests-full of tins at the

starving Russians who were remaining behind, left their heavy luggage to

follow after them, and arrived only with the clothes they stood up in

and a suit-case of tins to last them till they reached the border. The

border took most of them three months to reach; the suit-cases were

empty in under a week. It was galling, after having been led to believe

that they would be dining at the Hague in a few days, to find that they

were to remain prisoners for an indefinite period in a camp in which the

feeding arrangements were, to put it mildly, as yet incompletely

organised. But they had acted unwisely. Three and a half years of doubt

and uncertainty should have taught them better than to travel

empty-handed so far from their refilling point, or to rely on exchange

until they were actually at the border.

Fortunately, however, they were only the advance guard; the main party

from Schwarmstedt had yet to come, and when the nakedness of the land

and the bleakness of the immediate exchange prospect was really

discovered, the wires were set in motion and injunctions passed to the

remainder to save what could yet be saved. Anything edible had long

since disappeared down the throats of the Russians and would, in any

case, have been difficult to reclaim from our unfortunate Allies. But

other things of less immediate value were salved; and the main party

from Schwarmstedt pulled out in their turn from the bog camp, resigned

at least to a temporary stay in their new abode, and properly equipped

with the more essential things. It was a regal transport. There were 200

of them, not to mention their hand-luggage, which assumed vast

proportions, since everything that was left behind as heavy luggage

stood an even chance of being lost in transit, even if transport

exigencies in the Fatherland permitted of it ever being put on board a

train.

What an arrival that was—the main body from Schwarmstedt! We raw

‘seventeeners,’ fresh up in our ordnance boots and Tommies’ tunics from

the sorting camps of Heidelberg and Karlsruhe in mild Baden, could

hardly credit it. We had what we wore, plus, perhaps, an odd shirt which

the Belgian ladies in Courtrai might have given us. Here was an

eye-opener—Schwarmstedt Camp come to Holzminden under a camouflage of

suit-cases! We leaned out of the windows of “A” Barrack as they

staggered in at the main gate, and the Schwarmstedt advance party hailed

their friends as the stream rolled on through the inner gate into the

camp grounds, and bawled out amidst the general babel disparaging

comment on the new camp and its personnel.

Irish Mick in our room was in great form. “Bury your notes,” he sang

out, “bury your notes. They sthrip ye mother naked.” Every one in three

of the incoming cortège had not less on him than 50 marks in German

currency notes. (_Strengstens verboten_, of course, and a search on

arrival was the accepted thing.) So, taking Mick at his word, they sat

them down on the dusty _Spielplatz_, made unobtrusive graves with pocket

knives, and dedicated their money to the land. Perhaps they were seen.

Perhaps the scratches were in some cases too obvious. At all events the

Germans became wise; and one of their N.C.O.’s going round betimes next

morning before the party had been able to see to their investments

unearthed no less than 2000 marks! The Schwarmstedt party lost the first

round.

We have digressed somewhat: but those first few days at Holzminden were

days of digressions, of alarums and excursions, of administration too

chaotic even for a serious strafe. The best organisation in the world

will not get 500 more or less passive resisters satisfactorily

transplanted from one place to another without considerable difficulty,

and the German arrangements at Holzminden were ludicrously insufficient

for their task. The buildings were there, and that was about all. The

crockery had not arrived; there were three large boilers in the German

cook-house to cater for the bodily wants of 500 English officers and 100

Germans; there were two or three wretched cooking-stoves for our private

use; there were about half a dozen British orderlies—the rest, we were

told, were on their way; the bathroom had not even been begun; the

parcel room was not yet open, nor was the canteen; the German staff were

incomplete, new to the ropes, and totally inefficient. The Commandant

was a kindly old dodderer of about seventy who left everything in the

hands of the Camp Officer; and the Camp Officer, as we were to know

before very long and as a good many knew quite well already, was the

most plausible villain and the biggest liar in Germany. Hauptmann Karl

Niemeyer will figure perforce largely in these pages. Let him be

introduced to the reader as he introduced himself to us on our arrival

in the camp. It was one of his stock ‘turns.’

Twenty-five of us had arrived at midnight from Heidelberg, dead tired

and hungry, and had been greeted in fluent Yank beneath the flaring

electric lamp at the door of the Kommandantur by someone whom at first

sight and sound we took to be rather a genial and sympathetic person. He

told us that he was glad to see us, that he was always glad to see any

Englishman, that he had been great friends with the English himself

before the war, and that he hoped to be so again. But that in the

meanwhile war was war. That we had better, y’know, write straight away

to our friends for our thickest clothes, y’know. It was very cold here

in winter, y’know—(he did not then add that there was also very little

fuel and that wood was going to cost us 18 marks a pailful). He

concluded his speech of welcome on a note of old-world hospitality which

made us think of bedroom candles and a comforting ‘night-cap’:—

“So now, yentlemen, I expect you will be glad to go to your bedrooms. I

will wish you good-night. You will be searched in the morning.”

We crawled upstairs full of hope and were sorted out into three of the

upper rooms reserved for newcomers. There was nothing to eat and no

night lingerie to slip into; and we were locked in because we had not

been searched.

In the morning we appeared again, empty and unshaven, for the search.

Our kind mentor of the night before must have pierced our secret, for

almost his first enquiry was whether we had breakfasted. A menial was

then despatched to bid the cook provide breakfast for the _Herren_ with

all despatch, and we solaced our impatience with unreasoned thoughts of

a sizzling rasher, or at least some _wurst_. Breakfast, when it came,

was one cup each of _ersatz_ coffee, and lukewarm at that. But the

genial Karl pretended not to understand our disgust.

It must be admitted that he did not confine his innocent pranks to the

newly captured. All was fish that came to his net. The only difference

was that he got so little change out of those who knew the ropes. They,

for instance, might have guessed what “breakfast” (German 1917 version)

meant. Also they knew their rights and how far he—and they—could go,

pretty well to the last centimetre. So, be it added, did he. It was one

thing for the whole camp to laugh at him on _appel_ (roll-call).

Laughing and shouting on _appel_—Homeric ripples of merriment or short

sharp barks from the entire assembly—were recognised as means of

entering effective protest when the Germans began to exceed their

prerogatives. But it would be quite another thing to tell Niemeyer to

his face to shut up. One officer did this and was promptly marched off

to the cells. These two had waged bitter war since Ströhen days and the

Englishman had renewed the offensive by openly refusing to shake

Niemeyer’s hand on arrival at Holzminden. It was natural that the latter

should get back on him as soon as the opportunity arrived. Holding, as

he did, all the scoring cards, Niemeyer never went out of his way to

avoid trouble. On the contrary, he welcomed it. His power to deal with

the situation to his own satisfaction only failed when, as sometimes

happened, his temper passed completely beyond his control.

Under him, and in charge of Kaserne A, was one Gröner, a saturnine,

sallow, heavy-moustachioed fellow, reputed a schoolmaster in civil life,

and from all appearances a worthy exponent of Kultur. By the

Schwarmstedt lot he was known and loathed, and his stomach bulged

temptingly as he stalked on to our _appel_.

And there was Ulrich, who arrived shortly after the opening of the camp

and assumed command of B Kaserne and its two hundred and fifty

inhabitants. Ulrich had stopped something very recently in the

Passchendaele fighting and was generally understood to be “swinging the

lead.” At all events no brisker or jauntier figure was to be seen most

days of the week. But if a General hove in sight, or there was a rumour

of further drastic combings-out in the home service cadres, Ulrich

forthwith assumed a halt and woe-begone gait. His chest caved in, his

left leg lagged behind his right, and he appeared supremely miserable

and C3. These seizures were chronic, but were noticed to be of brief

duration. For the rest, Ulrich was polite, but a doubtful character. To

a privileged few he was communicative and expressed his doubts as to the

orthodoxy of the conduct of prison camps in the Xth Army Corps. But his

billet depended on his keeping in with the authorities; he was a

border-line case for the front, and he had a wife and numerous children.

What would you, or he?

Let us take the opportunity to introduce the rest of the minor

characters. There was a _Feldwebel-Leutnant_ called Welman who

rejoiced—justly enough—in the sobriquet of the “Jew Boy.” He had never

been to the front, was reported to be permanently unfit and to get fifty

per cent. of the profits of the canteen. At all events he was the

officer in charge of the Quartermaster’s Department in this Camp, and

was credited accordingly with a snug war billet. He was not

discourteous, but if unduly harassed by his own superiors, or by a long

row of sneeringly critical English, he became excited, and his voice

used to sound as if it came out of the bridge of his Semitic nose. He

spoke vile Berlinese and was generally regarded as a harmless enough

little soul with a capacity for business.

There was “Square-eyes,” an old farmer Feldwebel who had been promised

his discharge months since and loathed his present job. He never made an

enemy among the English in the camp and used to speak broken English,

beaming through enormous horn spectacles. Unfortunately his reign did

not last long. Either his discharge came, or he was regarded by the

authorities as too mild for his job. At all events he left us

comparatively early.

And there were other gentlemen Feldwebels who construed their duties too

humanely for the taste of the authorities and were removed; and one or

two who gained full approbation, and remained to add to the gaiety of

things.

What a fate to have the charge of officers in a prison camp! Theirs was

not an enviable lot. If they were too severe, they forfeited all moral

control over us. If they were too complaisant, they risked losing their

jobs. There was no more difficult fence on which to sit and preserve

balance. A few—the more democratic—were doubtless intrigued by the idea

of exercising control on the sacred officer class; on most it weighed as

an irreconcileable anomaly.

One little fellow, Mandelbrot, curiously combined respect and authority

in his behaviour to us. He was an incorrigible disciplinarian and never

allowed any liberties. But if he had to address a British officer,

whatever the officer’s rank, he would click his heels together and stand

to attention.

The first ten days at Holzminden were chaos itself. Even Niemeyer was

unable to exert himself as actively inimical in the complete

disorganisation. He was too busily engaged in strafing his own staff.

Moreover, he was as yet only Camp Officer. The doddering old Commandant

still reigned and Niemeyer’s time was largely spent in interposing his

unwelcome oar into conversations between the Commandant and an aggrieved

senior British officer.

The English, moreover, were at sixes and sevens amongst themselves. It

was frankly a struggle for food. Schwarmstedt, as stated, had brought

very few tins. We from Baden had none. The German commissariat was of

course execrable. There was no “common box” or relief store of tins and

food for new-comers such as had been instituted in the prosperous days

of Crefeld and Gütersloh, when the odd captives straggled in from the

battle of the Somme and found plenty awaiting them. Parcels had in many

cases been already countermanded on the strength of the Holland rumour,

in others they were in process of being diverted from Schwarmstedt, and

this would probably be a matter of weeks. For the first time since 1914

the old campaigners were casting about for their next meal. It was a new

experience. The German canteen, of course, had nothing edible for sale.

There was barely fuel enough for our few stoves; the baths were not yet

open; the beds were hard and rocky.

It needed but a brief acquaintanceship with the Xth Corps to be able to

put one’s finger on the _fons et origo mali_, which went much deeper

than the doddering Commandant and his graceless Lieutenant. Everything

that was unpleasant in our new surroundings had been hatched, we might

be sure, at H.Q. from the brain of von Hänisch, the fox, _General

Kommandierende_ of the Corps. Now von Hänisch, besides being by nature

fox-like, had got a bad hammering from the English on the Somme, and had

lost many men, and his field command into the bargain; and now, with a

third or so of the British officer prisoners-of-war in Germany under his

amiable tutelage, he was not the man to waste any time in getting back

on the country which had been the means of breaking him.

The camp was not ten days old before von Renard took a preliminary prowl

round his prize covert to appraise the value of his new hunting grounds;

the magic word went forth “_Inspection_.” The taps were turned on; the

available brooms were brought forth; the British orderlies—what there

were of them—were set on to every conceivable form of fatigue; the

German staff worked overtime, and general electricity pervaded the

place. And amidst the general preparations the senior British officer

girded up his loins for a battle royal and noted down with his faithful

adjutant a long list of complaints....

It is the next day, some time after morning _appel_, which the General

has attended and which has passed without incident. The senior British

officer, the better to forward his many just claims, has ordered a

punctiliously correct parade.

From Room 69 on the second floor of Kaserne A we may get a good view of

the interview which, one way or the other, is destined to fashion our

existence for the immediate future. The General having made a tour of

the Camp is about to pass through the gate into the precincts of the

Kommandantur. Our senior officer will apply for an interview. The

General will doubtless unbend so far as to go through the form of one.

He is surrounded by his staff, as well as by the old Camp Commandant,

with his insufferable Camp Officer, the Paymaster, and the other

officers attached to the camp. They are grouped respectfully behind

their Chief, very splendid in their best uniforms, and stiff as pokers.

Every now and again he turns and addresses a question to one of them,

and then the poker back grows even stiffer, and the gloved hand goes up

to the peaked cap in salute and stays there till the General is pleased

to turn away again. How we used to loathe this German habit. One

conceived a frantic longing to tear their hands forcibly away and fasten

them down. It seemed so thoroughly Prussian, this habit of talking to

their superiors as if they were shading their eyes from the sun! How

infinitely better our own brisk method seemed than this long-drawn

apotheosis!

The interview is graciously accorded and takes place on the bleak patch

of grass graced by the euphemistic title of _Spielplatz_ and already

worn bare by the trampling to and fro of 500 pairs of feet. Here,

against the back wall of the squalid cook-house, across one of the

dining room tables (symbol of conference!), ringed in by smug

supercilious Huns, and with the eyes of his own countrymen riveted on

him from the adjoining barrack, our senior officer joins the issue. It

exemplifies the scant attention which has been paid to the spokesman of

the British community that the interview should be held in the open air,

almost as an afterthought, instead of, as it should properly have been

held, in the Kommandantur itself.

The senior British officer has no enviable task, but he has at least the

armour of experience and knows how far he may go and to what he is

entitled. Years of this sort of thing—ever since First Ypres—have taught

him that only too well. There is nothing novel to him in this interview;

only that the nature of the Hun opposite to him partakes of the

attributes of the fox rather than of the pig, and that he has if

possible a stiffer job in prospect than ever heretofore, and one which

he would gladly delegate.

It is no sinecure being senior officer in a bad German prison camp. “The

stiffest job I ever took on in my life,” a veteran of both the Boer and

the European war was heard to say once. “I have never known a position

where one weak link in one’s own argument, one single individual who is

beyond control, will so completely crack one’s line of defence.”

But of that anon. For the present we will follow Major Wyndham at his

uphill task, as the interview begins. He trusts to his own moderate

German rather than to an interpreter and speaks direct to the Fox, who

listens with eyes askance and a sneer on his face.

The first complaint is the building accommodation. It is at present

quite inadequate. There are no public rooms, no library, one solitary

cook-house, and no bathroom. When are these going to be allowed, please?

The General confers. The extra cook-house and the bathroom will be put

up as soon as possible. As to the public rooms and the library, there is

nothing in the Regulations which prescribes for these. They have been

permitted in other camps, but that was a luxury.

“But every German officers’ camp in England has at least one public

room. It is well known.”

“That may be. But England is not Germany. It is war-time, and the

English officers must learn to do without luxuries.”

“Is it to be understood that this is a ‘strafe’ camp?”

“It may please the English officers to understand that. It is deserved

_allerdings_. Next please.” The General glances at his watch.

The next complaint is the size of the exercise ground. It is too small

to admit of games being properly played. There is plenty of room if the

General will permit the barbed wire fence on the southern side to be

moved back 15 yards. It will not encroach on the allotments. And a

corner at the south-east end of the camp might also with advantage be

put inside the wire.

This is a reasonable proposition. As things are, we can play a

half-sized game of hockey on the available ground. One half-sized game

of hockey will not go far amongst 550. And there is no necessity for the

curtailment. Along the southern side of the ground the inner wire runs

parallel to the outer wall, but full 40 yards away from it; immediately

under the wall are the allotments of the camp staff. There is a space 20

yards in breadth between the wire and the allotments. Why should we not

have this? One can do a lot with 20 yards on a hundred yards’ stretch in

a prison camp.

But Foxy-face knows only too well where he can hit us on the raw, and is

obdurate. “Later, perhaps, we will see, but now impossible. Neither can

the gymnasium at the south-eastern end, or any of the ground round it,

be included.”

Next on the programme comes the conduct of the Camp Officer. Why has

Hauptmann Niemeyer, whose behaviour at Ströhen Camp has been already

reported to and strongly condemned by the _Kriegsministerium_ (War

Office), been again placed in a position of responsibility in so large a

camp? Has the General been made aware of his previous record?

The senior British officer regrets that he cannot command greater

fluency as he makes this point-blank attack. If he succeeds, Niemeyer

will have to go. If he fails, it will be war to the knife between the

two of them, and he knows it.

But the General has already prejudged the issue and our Major might just

as well have saved his powder. Niemeyer has been standing with his hand

at the peak of his cap for three minutes gabbling all the time. A clever

man can get quite a lot of self-justification into three minutes. He

will stay. We can trust him for that ... the General beams on his

faithful henchman.

The Major sees that it is hopeless, but keeps his temper and carries on.

There is one more complaint, and a big one, for it touches honour rather

than comfort. It is on the delicate subject of parole.

Now it should be explained that in the Great War captivity meant

confinement in the strictest sense of the term, and the roystering days

at Verdun in the Napoleonic Wars were not repeated. In those days

prisoners on parole kept their private apartments, their carriages, and

their mistresses, and racketed, if they wished to—so long as they kept

within a reasonable and elastic law—to their heart’s content. In the

Great War it was the wish, rightly and clearly expressed by Lord Grey,

that officers should use the privileges of parole to take walks outside

the camp only when they could not get sufficient exercise within it to

keep themselves fit. When, therefore, in previous camps the British had

availed themselves of this privilege, they had been in the habit, before

starting on the walk, of handing in a signed card to the Germans on

which it was stated that they undertook not to do two things:—to escape

or in any way to facilitate future escape, or to damage German property.

The arrangement had proved perfectly satisfactory.

But at Holzminden, when the cards were produced for us to sign, there

was a whole charter of other things that we must or might not do when we

went out for walks. We were required, for instance, to sign to the

effect that we would unhesitatingly obey the orders of the German

officer or N.C.O. accompanying us; this hit at the whole basis of the

parole idea. We were asked to append our names underneath a clause which

stated that we _knew_ that the breaking of our parole was punishable

with the death penalty; this merely insulted our intelligence. We were

determined that we would either take walks on parole on the terms of

heretofore or not take them at all. This spirit of dogged conservatism

when there was so clearly everything to lose and nothing much to gain

might seem petty and unreasonable, were it not remembered, firstly, that

any attempt to interfere with our parole was in honour bound to be

furiously contested, and secondly, that if in the course of business you

conceded the German an inch, he was pretty certain shortly to make

overtures for a mile.

Such, at any rate, is the opinion of the senior British officer, as he

now bluntly demands the _status quo ante_ in the matter of parole.

The General laughs and turns to his escort. Who are these British after

all who should set themselves up on so high a pedestal? It is known that

their parole was broken at Schwarmstedt, in the spirit, if not actually

in the letter. The Major asks for corroborative detail. It is given and

denied roundly.

The high and mighty _Stellvertreter Kommandierende General_ does not

lightly brook flat contradiction in his own domain, and begins to lose

his temper. In other words, he begins to shout. The word “Baralong,”

spat out so that all can hear, floats up to our upper window. He is

presumably making some general allegation against the lost British sense

of honour. Neither is our Major quite so cool as he was; “Lusitania”

counters “Baralong.”

There is no further any attempt at concealment and the Fox bares his

teeth in a snarl.

“If every Englishman in this command,” he storms, “got his deserts he

would be shot.” And he stalks away with his staff in a white heat of

passion.

The senior British officer sends for his Adjutant and an order goes

round the camp that all parole cards will be torn up and no walks will

take place until an apology is forthcoming.

[Illustration:

View from Kaserne B, showing skating rink made in January 1918.

]

The apology took months to come. It took weeks only to report the full

circumstances of the case to the British Legation in Holland, thence to

the Dutch Minister in Berlin, and finally to the Kriegsministerium

itself. And in the meanwhile 500 odd British officers took their sole

exercise in the slushy compound, pounding round and round the eternal

triangle, forbidden to play games, and longing for the frost which would

at least enable them to build a slide.

And on the evening after the General’s departure a groan went up from

the entire _appel_ as the Interpreter announced the fact that the aged

Commandant had taken his expected departure and that Hauptmann Niemeyer

reigned in his stead.

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The Tunnellers of Holzminden (with a side-issue) · 第 1 / 11 章