THE EXPULSION
The imprisonment of the deputies, on George's Island at
Halifax, naturally agitated the minds of the simple
Acadians. In the ripening fields and in the villages
might be seen groups discussing the fate of their
companions. But, though they may have feared further
punitive acts at the hands of the British, they were
totally unprepared for the approaching catastrophe, and
did not for a moment dream that they were to be cast out
of their homes, deprived of all they held dear in the
land of their nativity, and sent adrift as wanderers and
exiles.
It is no part of this narrative to sit in judgment or to
debate whether the forcible expatriation of the Acadians
was a necessary measure or a justifiable act of war.
However this may be, it is important to fix the
responsibility for a deed so painful in its execution
and so momentous in its consequences.
The Council at Halifax had no power to enact laws. Its
action was limited to the authority vested in the governor
by his commission and his instructions. And, as Lawrence
had as yet neither commission nor instructions, [Footnote:
He had not yet been appointed governor. Hopson had wished
to resign in the summer of 1754; but the Lords of Trade,
who held him in high esteem, had refused to accept his
resignation, and Lawrence had been made merely
lieutenant-governor, though with the full salary of a
governor.] he asked the chief justice, Jonathan Belcher,
to prepare an opinion, as he desired to be fortified with
legal authority for the drastic act on which he had
determined. Belcher had arrived in Nova Scotia from New
England nine months before. He does not appear to have
examined the official correspondence between the years
1713 and 1755, or even the Minutes of Council. At any
rate, he presented a document ill-founded in fact and
contemptible in argument. The Acadians are not to be
allowed to remain, he said, because 'it will be contrary
to the letter and spirit of His Majesty's instructions
to Governor Cornwallis, and in my humble apprehension
would incur the displeasure of the crown and the
parliament.' [Footnote: Public Archives, Canada. Nova
Scotia A, vol. lviii, p. 380. Opinion of Chief Justice
Belcher.] What the instructions to Cornwallis had to do
with it is not clear. There is no clause in that document
contemplating the forcible removal of the people. But
even this is immaterial, since the instructions to
Cornwallis were not then in force. Hopson, who had
succeeded Cornwallis, had been given new instructions,
and the Council was governed by them, since, legally at
any rate, Hopson was still governor in 1755; and, according
to his instructions, Hopson was 'to issue a declaration
in His Majesty's name setting forth, that tho' His Majesty
is fully sensible that the many indulgences ... to the
said inhabitants in allowing them the entirely free
exercise of their religion and the quiet peaceable
possession of their lands, have not met with a dutiful
return, but on the contrary, divers of the said inhabitants
have openly abetted or privately assisted His Majesty's
enemies ... yet His Majesty being desirous of shewing
marks of his royal grace to the said inhabitants, in
hopes thereby to induce them to become for the future
true and loyal subjects, is pleased to declare, that the
said inhabitants shall continue in the free exercise of
their religion, as far as the Laws of Great Britain shall
admit of the same ... provided that the said inhabitants
do within three months from the date of such declaration
... take the Oath of Allegiance.' The next clause instructed
the governor to report to the Lords of Trade on the effect
of the declaration. If the inhabitants or any part of
them should refuse the oath, he was to ascertain 'His
Majesty's further directions in what manner to conduct
yourself towards such of the French inhabitants as shall
not have complied therewith.' [Footnote: Public Archives,
Canada. Nova Scotia E, vol. ii. Instructions to Governors.]
Hopson had tendered the oath to the Acadians. The oath
had been refused by them. Their refusal had been reported
to the government; and there the matter rested.
In another paragraph of the opinion the chief justice
asserted that 'persons are declared recusants if they
refuse on a summons to take the oath at the sessions,
and can never after such refusal be permitted to take
them.' This, no doubt, was the law. But the king had
ignored the law, and had commanded his representatives
in Nova Scotia to tender the oath again to a people who,
upon several occasions, had refused to take it. It was
not reasonable, therefore, to suppose, as the chief
justice did, that the king would be displeased at the
performance of an act which he had expressly commanded.
We have seen that, in the spring of 1754, when Lawrence
had intimated to the government that a number of the
Acadians who had gone over to the enemy were now anxious
to return to their lands, which he would not permit until
they had taken an oath without reserve, he was advised
not to 'create a diffidence in their minds which might
induce them to quit the province.' That this was still
the policy is evident from a letter to the same effect
written to Lawrence by Sir Thomas Robinson of the British
ministry on August 13, 1755, two weeks after the ominous
decision of the Halifax Council. [Footnote: Nova Scotia
Documents, p. 279. Here is a sentence from the letter:
'It cannot therefore be too much recommended to you, to
use the greatest caution and prudence in your conduct
towards these neutrals, and to assure such of them as
may be trusted, especially upon their taking the oaths
to His Majesty and his government, that they may remain
in the quiet possession of their settlements, under proper
regulations.'] Lawrence, however, could not have received
this last communication until the plans for the expulsion
were well advanced. On the other hand, the decision of
the Council was not received in England until November
20, so that the king was not aware of it until the
expulsion was already a reality. The meaning of these
facts is clear. The thing was done by Lawrence and his
Council without the authority or knowledge of the home
government. [Footnote: At the meeting of the Halifax
Council which decreed the removal of the Acadians the
following members were present: the lieutenant-governor,
Benjamin Green, John Collier, William Cotterell, John
Rous, and Jonathan Belcher. Vice-Admiral Boscawen and
Rear-Admiral Mostyn were also present at the 'earnest
request' of the Council.--Minutes of Council, July 28,
1755.]
The proceedings in connection with the expulsion were
carried on simultaneously in different parts of the
province; and the circumstances varied according to the
temper or situation of the people. It will be convenient
to deal with each group or district separately.
On July 31, 1755, Lawrence ordered Colonel Monckton, who
lay with his troops at the newly captured Fort Cumberland,
to gather in the inhabitants of the isthmus of Chignecto,
and of Chepody, on the north shore of the Bay. The district
of Minas was committed to the care of Colonel Winslow.
Captain Murray, in command at Fort Edward, was to secure
the inhabitants of Pisiquid, and Major Handfield, at
Annapolis Royal, the people in his district.
It is regrettable that we do not find in the instructions
to these officers any discrimination made between the
Acadians who had persistently refused to take the oath
and those who had been recognized by the governor and
Council as British subjects. Monckton was advised to
observe secrecy, and to 'endeavour to fall upon some
stratagem to get the men, both young and old (especially
the heads of families)' into his power, and to detain
them until the transports should arrive. He was also to
inform the inhabitants that all their cattle and corn
were now the property of the crown, and no person should
be allowed to carry off 'the least thing but their ready
money and household furniture.' [Footnote: Nova Scotia
Documents, p. 267.] On August 8 Monckton was advised that
the transports would be available soon, and that in the
interval he would do well to destroy all the villages in
the vicinity of Beausejour or Cumberland, and to use
'every other method to distress as much as can be, those
who may attempt to conceal themselves in the woods.'
Monckton promptly conceived a plan to entrap the people.
He issued a summons, calling upon the adult males to
appear at Fort Cumberland on the 11th. About four hundred
responded to the call. The proceedings were summary.
Monckton merely told them that by the decision of the
Council they were declared rebels on account of their
past misdeeds; that their lands and chattels were forfeited
to the crown, and that in the meantime they would be
treated as prisoners. [Footnote: Collections of the Nova
Scotia Historical Society, vol. iv, Journal of Colonel
John Winslow, part i, p. 227.] The gates of the fort were
then closed.
Less successful was Captain Cobb, who had been sent to
Chepody to capture the Acadians there. Before his arrival
the people had fled to the woods. Three other parties,
detached from Fort Cumberland to scour the country in
search of stragglers, reported various successes. Major
Preble returned the next day with three Acadians, and
Captain Perry brought in eleven. Captain Lewis, who had
gone to Cobequid, had captured two vessels bound for
Louisbourg with cattle and sheep, and had taken several
prisoners and destroyed a number of villages on the route.
The more energetic of the Acadians still at large were
not easily caught. The pangs of hunger, however, might
tempt many to leave the security of their hiding-places,
and Monckton determined to gather in as many more as
possible. On August 28 Captain Frye sailed from Fort
Cumberland for Chepody, Memramcook, and Petitcodiac, on
the north shore, with orders to take prisoners and burn
the villages on the way. [Footnote: 'Major Frye with a
party of 200 men embarked on Board Captain Cobb Newel
and Adams to go to Sheperday and take what French thay
Could and burn thare vilges thare and at Petcojack.'
--Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol.
i, p. 131. Diary of John Thomas.] Captain Gilbert was
sent to Baie Verte on a similar mission. Finding the
village deserted on his arrival at Chepody, Frye set fire
to the buildings and sailed toward Petitcodiac. On the
way the appearance of a house or a barn seems to have
been the signal for the vessels to cast anchor, while a
party of soldiers, torch in hand, laid waste the homes
of the peasantry. On September 4, however, the expedition
suffered a serious check. A landing party of about sixty
were applying the torch to a village on the shore, when
they were set upon by a hundred Indians and Acadians,
and a general engagement ensued. The British, though
reinforced by men from the ships, were severely handled;
and in the end Frye regained the boats with a loss of
twenty-three killed and missing and eleven wounded. This
attack was the work of Boishebert, the Canadian leader,
whom we met some time ago at St John. On the capture of
that place by Rous in the summer Boishebert had taken to
the woods with his followers, and was assisting the
settlers of Chepody to gather in the harvest when Frye's
raiders appeared. Frye did not attempt to pursue his
assailants, but retired at once to Fort Cumberland with
twenty-three captured women and children. He had, however,
destroyed over two hundred buildings and a large quantity
of wheat and flax. Meanwhile Gilbert had laid waste the
village at Baie Verte and the neighbouring farms.
[Footnote: 'A Party Likewise from ye Bay of verte under
ye comand of Capt. Gilbert who had bin and consumed that
vilige and the Houses adjasent.'--Diary of John Thomas.]
By August 31 the transports had arrived at Beausejour,
and early in the month of September the embarkation began.
The work, however, was tedious, and in the interval the
English met with another misfortune. On October 1 eighty-six
Acadian prisoners dug a hole under the wall of Fort
Lawrence and, eluding the vigilance of the guards, made
good their escape in the night. [Footnote: 'Stormy Dark
Night Eighty Six French Prisoners Dugg under ye Wall att
Foart Lawrance and got Clear undiscovered by ye Centry.'
--Diary of John Thomas.] But on October 13 a fleet of
ten sail, carrying nine hundred and sixty Acadian exiles,
left Chignecto Bay bound for South Carolina and Georgia.
After the departure of the vessels the soldiers destroyed
every barn and house in the vicinity and drove several
herds of cattle into Fort Cumberland. [Footnote: We
Burnt 30 Houses Brought away one Woman 200 Hed of Neat
Cattle 20 Horses ... we mustered about Sunrise mustered
the Cattle Togather Drove them over ye River near westcock
Sot Near 50 Houses on Fyre and Returned to Fort Cumberland
with our Cattle etc. about 6 Clock P.M.'--Diary of John
Thomas, pp. 136-7.]
Lawrence was now rid of nearly a thousand Acadians. It
was less than he expected, to be sure, and yet no doubt
it was a great relief to him. About this time he should
have received Sir Thomas Robinson's letter of August 13,
conveying to him the king's wishes in effect that the
Acadians were not to be molested. [Footnote: The date
of the receipt of this letter is uncertain; but it is
evident that he received it before the 30th of November,
as on that day he replied to a letter of the 13th of
August.] This letter received in time would no doubt have
stopped the whole undertaking. But now that some of the
people had already been deported, there was nothing to
be done but to go on with the business to the bitter end.
At Annapolis Royal, more than a hundred miles south of
Monckton's camp, matters proceeded more slowly. Handfield,
the commandant there, had decided to wait for the arrival
of the promised transports before attempting to round up
the inhabitants. Then, when his soldiers went forward on
their mission up the river, no sound of human voice met
their ears in any of the settlements. The inhabitants
had hidden in the woods. Handfield appealed to Winslow,
who was then at Grand Pre, for more troops to bring the
people to reason. [Footnote: Winslow's Journal, part
ii, p. 96.] But Winslow had no troops to spare. Handfield
does not appear to have relished his task, which he
described as a 'disagreeable and troublesome part of the
service.' What induced the inhabitants to return to their
homes is not clear, but early in the month of September
they resumed their occupations. They remained unmolested
until early in November, when a fresh detachment of troops
arrived to assist in their removal. On December 4 over
sixteen hundred men, women, and children were crowded
into the transports, which lay off Goat Island and which
four days later set sail at eight o'clock in the morning.
Meanwhile Captain Murray of Fort Edward was doing his
duty in the Pisiquid neighbourhood. On September 5 he
wrote to Winslow at Grand Pre, only a few miles distant:
'I have succeeded finely and have got 183 men into my
possession.' [Footnote: Winslow's Journal, part ii, p.
96.] But there was still much to be done. Three days
later he wrote again: 'I am afraid there will be some
lives lost before they are got together, for you know
our soldiers hate them, and if they can find a pretence
to kill them, they will.' Of the means Murray employed
to accomplish his task we are not told, but he must have
been exceedingly active up to October 14, for on that
date nine hundred persons had been gathered into his net.
His real troubles now began; he was short of provisions
and without transports. At last two arrived, one of ninety
tons, and the other of one hundred and fifty: these,
however, would not accommodate half the people. Another
sloop was promised, but it was slow in coming. He became
alarmed. 'Good God, what can keep her!' he wrote. 'I
earnestly entreat you to send her with all despatch...
Then with the three sloops and more vessels I will put
them aboard, let the consequence be what it will.'
[Footnote: Ibid., p. 173.] He was as good as his word.
On October 23 Winslow wrote: 'Captain Murray has come
from Pisiquid with upwards of one thousand people in four
vessels.' [Footnote: Ibid., p. 178.]
Colonel Winslow arrived on August 19 at Grand Pre, in
the district of Minas. After requesting the inhabitants
to remove all sacred objects from the church, which he
intended to use as a place of arms, he took up his quarters
in the presbytery. A camp was then formed around the
church, and enclosed by a picket-fence. His first action
was to summon the principal inhabitants to inform them
that they would be required to furnish provisions for
the troops during their occupancy, and to take effective
measures to protect the crops which had not yet been
garnered. There was danger that if the object of his
visit were to become known, the grain might be destroyed.
He was careful, therefore, to see that the harvest was
gathered in before making any unfavourable announcement.
On August 29 Winslow held a consultation with Murray as
to the most expeditious means of effecting the removal
of the people. The next day three sloops from Boston came
to anchor in the basin. There was, of course, immediate
and intense excitement among the inhabitants; yet, in
spite of all inquiries regarding their presence, no
information could be elicited from either the crews or
the soldiers. On September 2, however, Winslow issued a
proclamation informing the people that the lieutenant-
governor had a communication to impart to them respecting
a new resolution, and that His Majesty's intentions in
respect thereto would be made known. They were, therefore,
to appear in the church at Grand Pre on Friday, September
5, at three o'clock in the afternoon. No excuse would
be accepted for non-attendance; and should any fail to
attend, their lands and chattels would be forfeited to
the crown.
Winslow's position was by no means strong. He had taken
all the precautions possible; but he was short of
provisions, and there was no sign of the expected
supply-ship, the Saul. Besides, the Acadians far outnumbered
his soldiers, and should they prove rebellious trouble
might ensue. 'Things are now very heavy on my heart and
hands,' he wrote a few days later. 'I wish we had more
men, but as it is shall I question not to be able to
scuffle through.' [Footnote: Winslow's Journal, part ii,
p. 97.]
The eventful 5th of September arrived, and at three
o'clock four hundred and eighteen of the inhabitants
walked slowly into the church, which had been familiar
to them from their youth, and closely connected with the
most solemn as well as with the most joyous events of
their lives. Here their children had been baptized, and
here many of them had been united in the bonds of matrimony.
Here the remains of those they loved had been carried,
ere they were consigned to their final resting-place,
and here, too, after divine service, they had congregated
to glean intelligence of what was going on in the world
beyond their ken. Now, however, the scene was changed.
Guards were at the door; and in the centre of the church
a table had been placed, round which soldiers were drawn
up. Presently Colonel Winslow entered, attended by his
officers. Deep silence fell upon the people as he began
to speak. The substance of his speech has been preserved
in his Journal, as follows:
Gentlemen, I have received from His Excellency, Governor
Lawrence, the King's commission which I have in my
hand. By his orders you are convened to hear His
Majesty's final resolution in respect to the French
inhabitants of this his province of Nova Scotia, who
for almost half a century have had more indulgence
granted them than any of his subjects in any part of
his dominions. What use you have made of it, you
yourselves best know.
The duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very
disagreeable to my natural make and temper, as I know
it must be grievous to you who are of the same species.
But it is not my business to animadvert, but to obey
such orders as I receive; and therefore without
hesitation I shall deliver you His Majesty's orders
and instructions, namely: That your lands and tenements,
cattle of all kinds and live stock of all sorts are
forfeited to the Crown with all your other effects,
saving your money and household goods, and that you
yourselves are to be removed from this his province.
Thus it is peremptorily His Majesty's orders that all
the French inhabitants of these districts be removed;
and through His Majesty's goodness I am directed to
allow you liberty to carry with you your money and as
many of your household goods as you can take without
discommoding the vessels you go in. I shall do everything
in my power that all these goods be secured to you,
and that you be not molested in carrying them with
you, and also that whole families shall go in the same
vessel; so that this removal which I am sensible must
give you a great deal of trouble may be made as easy
as His Majesty's service will admit; and I hope that
in whatever part of the world your lot may fall, you
may be faithful subjects, and a peaceable and happy
people.
I must also inform you that it is His Majesty's pleasure
that you remain in security under the inspection and
direction of the troops that I have the honour to
command.
[Footnote: Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 94. It is
not thought necessary here to follow the grotesque
spelling of the original. It will be noted that the
doom of the people is pronounced in the name of the
king. But, as already stated, the king or the home
government knew nothing of it; and instructions of a
quite contrary tenor were even then on their way to
Lawrence.]
This address having been delivered and interpreted to
the people, Winslow issued orders to the troops and seamen
not to kill any of the cattle or rob the orchards, as
the lands and possessions of the inhabitants were now
the property of the king. He then withdrew to his quarters
in the presbytery, leaving the soldiers on guard.
The first thoughts of the stricken prisoners were of
their families, with whom they had no means of communication
and who would not understand the cause of their detention.
After some conversation together, a few of the elders
asked leave to speak to the commander. This being granted,
they requested to be allowed to carry the melancholy news
to the homes of the prisoners. Winslow at length ordered
them to choose each day twenty men, for whom the others
would be held responsible, to communicate with their
families, and to bring in food for all the prisoners.
Only five transports lay in the basin of Minas. No
provisions were in sight. It was impossible as yet to
put all the prisoners on board. More had been captured,
and they now outnumbered Winslow's troops nearly two to
one. Presently news came of the disaster to Frye's party
at Chepody. Winslow, having observed suspicious movements
among the prisoners, began to fear for the safety of his
own position. He held a consultation with his officers.
It was decided to divide the prisoners, and put fifty of
the younger men on each of the transports. [Footnote:
Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 108.--'September 10. Called
my officers together and communicated to them what I had
observed, and after debating matters it was determined,
'nemine contradicente', that it would be best to divide
the prisoners.'] The parish priest, Father Landry, who
had a good knowledge of English and was the principal
spokesman of the Acadians, was told to inform the
inhabitants that one hour would be given them to prepare
for going on board. Winslow then brought up the whole of
his troops, and stationed them between the door of the
church and the gate. The Acadians were drawn up; the
young men were told off and ordered to march. They refused
to obey unless their fathers might accompany them.
[Footnote: Ibid., p. 109.--'They all answered they would
not go without their fathers. I told them that was a word
I did not understand, for that the King's command was to
me absolute and should be absolutely obeyed, and that I
did not love to use harsh means, but that the time did
not admit of parleys or delays; and then ordered the
whole troops to fix their bayonets and advance towards
the French. I bid the four right-hand files of the
prisoners, consisting of twenty-four men, which I told
off myself to divide from the rest, one of whom I took
hold on.'] Winslow informed them that orders were orders,
that this was not the time for parley, and commanded the
troops to fix bayonets and advance. This appears to have
had the effect desired, for, with the assistance of the
commander, who pushed one of them along, twenty-four men
started off and the rest followed. The road from the
church to the ships, nearly a mile and a half in length,
was lined by hundreds of women and children, who fell on
their knees weeping and praying. Eighty soldiers conducted
the procession, which moved but slowly. Some of the men
sang, some wept, and others prayed. [Footnote: Winslow's
Journal, part ii, p. 109.--'They went off praying, singing,
and crying, being met by the women and children all the
way (which is a mile and a half), with great lamentations.']
At last the young men were put aboard and left under
guard, while the escort returned to bring another contingent
of the prisoners; and so until all who were deemed
dangerous had been disposed of. The vessels had not been
provisioned; but the women and children brought daily to
the shore food which the soldiers conveyed to the prisoners.
After this it appears that the soldiers committed some
depredations in the neighbourhood, and Winslow issued an
order forbidding any one to leave the camp after the
roll-call. [Footnote: Winslow's Journal, part ii, p.
113.--'September 13. No party or person will be permitted
to go out after calling the roll on any account whatever,
as many bad things have been done lately in the night,
to the distressing of the distressed French inhabitants
in this neighbourhood.'] In the meantime parties were
sent to remote parts of the rivers in search of stragglers,
but only thirty, very old and infirm, were found, and it
was decided to leave them ashore until the ships should
be ready to depart. It still remained, however, to bring
in the inhabitants of the parish of Cobequid, and a
detachment under Captain Lewis was dispatched on this
errand. He returned without a prisoner. The inhabitants
of Cobequid had fled; but Lewis reported that he had laid
their habitations in ruins.
Neither the needed transports nor the provisions had
arrived. Winslow chafed and groaned. He longed to be rid
of the painful and miserable business. At last, on the
evening of September 28, came the belated supply-ship;
but where were the transports? Winslow resolved to fill
up the five vessels which lay in the basin, and ordered
that the women and children should be brought to the
shore. Families and those of the same village were to
be kept together, as far as possible.
Meanwhile twenty-four of the young men imprisoned on the
ships made good their escape, and one Francois Hebert
was charged as an abettor. Winslow ordered Hebert to be
brought ashore, and, to impress upon the Acadians the
gravity of his offence, his house and barn were set on
fire in his presence. At the same time the inhabitants
were warned that unless the young men surrendered within
two days all their household furniture would be confiscated
and their habitations destroyed. If captured, no quarter
would be given them. The result was that twenty-two of
the young men returned to the transports. The other two
were overtaken by the soldiers and shot. [Footnote:
Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 173.]
Finally a number of transports arrived, and, on October
8, amid scenes of wild confusion, the embarkation began
in earnest. From the villages far and near came the
families of those who were detained in the church and on
the vessels. Some came aiding the infirm or carrying the
sick, while others were laden with bundles of their
personal effects. Most were on foot, although a few rode
in the vehicles bringing their household goods. Old and
young wended their way to the vessels, weary and footsore
and sad at heart. In all, eighty families were taken to
the boats. The next day the men who had been imprisoned
on the vessels since September 10 were brought ashore in
order that they might join their families and accompany
the people of their own villages. Four days later (October
13) several of the ships received sailing orders, some
for Maryland, others for Pennsylvania, and others for
Virginia.
By the 1st of November Winslow had sent off over fifteen
hundred exiles. But his anxieties were by no means at an
end. There were still a large number of people to be
deported. The difficulty lay in the shortage of transports.
After the vessels had been taxed to their utmost, Winslow
had still over six hundred persons on his hands; [Footnote:
Winslow's Journal, part ii, p. 183.] and he was obliged
in the meantime to quarter them in houses at Grand Pre.
There remained also the task of destroying the villages
to prevent their occupation by stragglers, in accordance
with Lawrence's orders. Finally, on December 13, transports
were provided for the unhappy remnant of the prisoners;
and seven days later the last vessels left port. The
cruel task was done. In all, over six thousand persons
had been forcibly deported, while the rest of the population
had been driven to the wilderness and their homes laid
waste. Some wandered to the Isle St Jean and others to
New Brunswick and Canada. The land of the Acadians was
a solitude.
And so, sorrow-framed, the story of the expulsion draws
to its close. Hardly had the deplorable work ended, when
England made with Frederick of Prussia the treaty which
formally inaugurated her Seven Years' War with France.
For Lawrence, perhaps, this was a fortunate circumstance.
The day of mutual concessions had passed; and an act
which a few months before might have been denounced as
unwarrantable might now, in the heat of a mighty contest,
be regarded as a patriotic service. Nor is this the only
instance of the kind in history. Often, indeed, has war
served, not only to cover the grossest inhumanities; it
has even furnished an excuse for substantial reward.