“_John Goodwin_, minister of Coleman Street, was a man who made more

noise in the world than any person of his age, rank, and profession.

He had the hardiness to introduce Arminianism among the Calvinists,

which he bravely and jealously defended, both in his sermons and

writings. It is hard to say whether he displayed more courage in

attacking or repelling the enemy. It is certain he had a very

powerful body to deal with, as it was said that _he was a man by

himself_: _was against every man_, _and had every man almost against

him_. His genius seemed to be adapted to polemical divinity, and to

an age of faction and tumult. He was appointed by the council of war

to attend upon Charles I. a little before his execution. This was

deemed an insult upon fallen majesty; as no man more eagerly

promoted, or more zealously defended the murder of the king. His

discourses and writings on this subject were well remembered at the

restoration; but it was also remembered, that he had sown the seeds

of division among the sectaries, which is supposed to have saved his

life.”

He was educated at Cambridge, and his sermons were much admired for their

elegance and erudition. Brit. Biogr. 6. 378.—He died in 1665, aged 72.

{995} Of his matrimonial adventure we have met with the following

anecdote—

“The gentlewoman who afterwards was his wife, coming with her two

elder sisters to hear him preach at _Hareby_, a village not far from

_Bullingbrook_, the clerk, after sermon, insinuating himself into

their company, asked them, which of them could like such a man as Mr.

H. for a husband? The two elder declared against it, (though they

could not but commend his preaching,) and gave their reasons drawn

from the poor circumstances ministers’ widows were often left in: but

the younger said she should think herself happy if she might have

such a man, though she begged her bread with him. This was carried

to Mr. H and she became his wife. She survived him [ten years] but

never wanted while she lived.” (_Nonconf. Mem._ vol. 2.)

{996} Mr. _Palmer_ dates the commencement of his residence and ministry

here in 1647, in which he is mistaken, as appears both from the document

above referred to, and also from the old parish-book of South Lynn, which

prove beyond all doubt, that he was here in 1646.—The former contains the

following curious memoranda—

“Oct. 2. 1646: ord. yt Wedn. 14th be a day set apart for public

thanksgiving to God for his so mercifully freeing this town fr ye

contagious disease of the _Plague_. Notice to be given to sevl minrs

by Mr. ald. John May.—It is this day also agreed and ordered that the

sevl. ministers of this Town, viz. _Mr. Almond_, _Mr. Hoogan_, _Mr.

Toll_, _Mr. Leech_, and _Mr. Horne_ if he please, shall every one of

them be intreated in his turn weekly at the Hour appointed to pray

every morning before the Hall here with the company of this House by

the space of a quarter of an hour or thereabout; and that every one

of the aldermen or comn. Counsell that shall at any time be absent

frm. such Prayer shall pay for his respective fine or brogue 6_d._ to

the use of the Poor, and yt. ys. order as to the sd. payment of 6_d._

for ye sd. absence from prayer shall be inserted in the Table of

ancient orders.”

—again—

“9, Dec. 1646: Whereas _Mr. Almond_, _Mr. Hoogan_, _Mr. Toll_, and

_Mr. Leech_, ye now ministers of this Burgh did lately present a

Petition unto ys. House concerning an order lately made in ys House

for Prayer amongst ourselves by them and _Mr. Horne_: and this day 3

of ym came into this House to desire an answer thereof; which said

Petition was now plainly read, wherein were some dark sentences and

words not well understood, whereupon ys House hath intreated and

nominated _Mr. Hudson_, _Mr. Slany_, _Mr. Bassett_, and _Mr.

Wormell_, aldermen; _Mr. Barnard Utber_, _Mr. Williams_, _Mr. Scott_,

and _Captain Joshua Greene_, a committe for that purpose, giving ym

power forthwith to request all and every the said ministers to meet

together, to make explanation of ye sd dark words and sentences; and

then to draw up such an answer thereof as they shall conceive

fitting, and tender it to this House, that being approved on may be

returned in writing.”

—again—

“14. Dec. 1646: Whereas the last Hall day the ministers’ Petition was

twice read, and referred to a Committee to consider thereof and

certify the several explanations of dark sentences by ye sd

ministers. It is ys day upon the report of ye sd. committee ord.

that _Mr. Edward Robinson_ shall return this answer to ye sd

ministers, that ys House doth adhere to their former vote, mentioned

in a former order of ys House.”

{997a} That Mr. Man was settled here as early as 1593 appears from the

following passage in the old record already quoted—“1593 Mar. 18. John

Man B.A. Bennet Coll. Cambr. chose usher, wages 10_l._ a yr.”—Afterwards

we have it noted—“1597, Sept. 26. John Man. _M.A._ eld. M Gr. Sch. loco

Nic. Eston M A.”

{997b} “Bartholomew-day (said _Locke_) was fatal to our church and

religion, in throwing out a very great number of worthy, learned, pious,

and orthodox divines.”

{998} He was doubtless more diligent and laborious in his ministry than

any we have here now, or, perhaps, ever had since his time, of any

denomination. His memory ought therefore to be revered.

{999} Some of them are controversial, in answer to Dr. Owen, Dr. Kendal,

Mr. Grantham, &c. Others are funeral sermons preached at different

times, at Lynn and other parts of Norfolk: one is a narrative of the

penitent behaviour of _Rose Warne of Lynn_, a condemned malefactor;

another is a Farewell to his parishioners at the time of his ejection in

1662; another a _Poem_, entitled _The Divine Wooer_, at the end of which

is a long Epitaph drawn up by him for his friend and parishioner, Thomas

Lilly, Great Great Grandfather of our Sir Martin Browne Folkes. Most of

the rest are pious practical discourses, all very creditable to his

memory.—From the _Farewell to his Parishioners_, it appears that the

income of his vicarage was 80_l._ a year, equal we suppose to 500_l._ of

our money. That income he sacrificed for conscience’ sake.

{1001a} It is not easy to conceive what should deter him from taking

orders unless it were that he had some serious scruples as to the terms

of ordination, which, to say the least of them, seem to be hard enough of

all conscience.

{1001b} At his death he bequeathed his books to the town library: and he

also bequeathed a handsome legacy to the corporation, as trustees, to lay

out the interest of it in apprenticing poor children; which it is

presumed, is still applied to the same benevolent purpose.

{1002a} Who immediately succeeded Mr. Horne, as minister or pastor over

his people, seems uncertain. We have heard, a _Mr. Williams_ mentioned

as holding that situation previously to the settlement here of the elder

_Rastrick_, which seems to have taken place about 1710 or 12. Whether he

was here during the whole of the intervening period we cannot say: Nor do

we know any thing further of him.

{1002b} The exact number of his publications the present writer has not

been able to learn. The following were the titles of some of them—A

Commentary on the seven first Chapters of Revelation, 4to London, 1678,

pp. 935.—A Call to Repentance, &c. 8vo London, 1682 pp. 438.—Calling and

Election: or many called but few chosen. 12mo. Lond. 1674—Needful councel

for lukewarm christians, 4to Lond.—The object of love, &c. to the end we

may love one another. 12mo. London.

{1003} Dugdale does so repeatedly, in different parts of his works, and

so does Parkin, if our memory does not fail us—

“I have seen (says he, in one place) a memorandum wrote by Gybon

Goddard Esq. Serjeant at Law and recorder of Lynn, who was a _curious

collector of Antiquities_, and died in 1671, wherein he observes that

in his time in digging to set down a new sluice a little beneath

Magdalen fall, which is about half a mile from Magdalen bridge, on

the Marshland side, there was found about 16 foot, within soyle a

grave stone of about 8 feet long, and a cart wheel near to it. The

grave-stone (he adds) is now in Magdalen Church Yard.”

{1010} They run thus—

“Orders to be observed at the Society when met together—1. That there

be a meeting of the several members every Lord’s day evening, after

divine service, for religious conference, to be managed in manner

following, viz. One of the Stewards with the whole society kneeling,

to read the Collect for the second Sunday in Advent, adding thereunto

any particular Collect according to his discretions (but he shall

make choice of no other but those appointed for Sundays and holidays)

and if a chapter be read out of the N. Test, then the Society to

discourse of the contents of that chapter, aiming thereby each to

improve himself in the undertaking thereof, and in the more lively

application thereof to his own heart and conscience, and to render

the influence more powerful to the mind both of himself and his

brethren.—That every member at his going away, according to his

ability, put what he please into the poor-box, which is heartily

wished may be done not grudgingly or of necessity, but with joy and

alacrity, for God loveth a cheerful giver: After which to conclude

with two Collects, one of the Steward’s choice, and the last to be

that in the Communion Service, (_Prevent us O Lord_, _&c._)

Moreover, beside the forementioned general method of reading and

discoursing the scriptures in order, any member hath the liberty to

raise any argument of a spiritual or religious nature, provided it be

not above our reach and capacity, nor leading to doubtful

disputations, but such as may conduce to general benefit and

advantage, to counselling the doubtful, and instructing the ignorant,

confirming the weak, and encouraging one another to run with patience

the race that is set before us. But matters of controversy to be

avoided, especially state affairs, as not belonging to us, who

pretend to be instructed by that grace of God that teacheth us to be

holy without blame before him in love. Wherefore upon deliberate

consideration, reflecting upon the confusions and distractions that

have been raised by societies on such occasions, it is ordered with

full consent, that whosoever shall pretend to start any thing of

debate or controversy concerning state affairs, after the first or

second admonition, shall be excluded from the society: also all

discourse of matters of trade, or other temporal concerns to be

forborne.—2_ndly_, that every respective member shall have liberty to

recommend an object of charity to the Stewards, to whom a

satisfactory account being given of the particular circumstances of

those unto whom they, with the consent of the rest of the society, or

the greater part of them, shall give out of the aforesaid collections

as necessity shall require.—3_rdly_, That every one that is absent

from the society at their meeting together, if on a frivolous

occasion, such as shews any backwardness to attend, or a mean and

slight esteem for the society in conformity to these rules and

orders, shall incur the penalty of 6_d._ to be paid into the bank for

defraying the necessary charges of the society, for the convenience

of meeting; and if a Steward, one shilling: but if any person’s

absence appears to be involuntary, as from a master’s restraint upon

a servant, or otherwise, not proceeding from sloth or backwardness, a

sufficient answer being given to the Steward who shall enquire the

cause, the said answer shall suffice for his absence: but if any one

be absent four times together without a very sufficient cause, he is

to be looked upon as dissaffected to the society until he gives the

Stewards satisfactory reasons for his said _absence_.—4_thly_, That

upon the Lord’s day next before Whitsunday there shall be an

_election of Stewards_ for the year ensuing, to be made in manner

following, viz. Every member of the Society to put into a bason two

tickets, whereon are written the names of the two persons he desires

may be stewards: that is to say, the one name on the one, and the

other on the other, each of the present stewards to have duplicate

votes, each putting in four tickets, having on two of them the names

of the one, and on the other two the names of the other person they

prefer for stewards: then the tickets being told over by the old

stewards, those two persons whose names are written on the greatest

number of tickets are the Stewards elect; and if at any time an

equality shall happen, then the determination to be made by

lot.—5_thty_, That for the admitting a new member into the Society it

is requisite to be introduced by one of the members, who is to

accompany him into the Society at their usual meeting, where giving

an account of the knowledge he hath of his life and conversation, if

approved of by the Stewards and the rest of the Society, the rules

and orders to be read to him; and after _one month_, if none of the

society make objection against it, he is to be admitted, by

subscribing his name to these rules and orders, expressing his

approbation of them and resolution to live up to them.—6_thly_, That

six times a year every member meet at St. Margaret’s Church to take

the holy sacrament together, extent upon unavoidable

hinderance.—7_thly_, That the major part of the society shall upon

any necessary occasion have power to make a new rule or order with

the approbation of a minister of the Church of England, which shall

be equally binding with the present upon every member of the

Society.—8_thly_, That the rules and orders be read over at least six

times every year at the usual meeting of the Society, and every

member have liberty to take a copy thereof.—9_thly_, That the person

who hath the greatest number of lots next the Stewards, shall be

deputy in the absence of one of the Stewards.—_These are the Rules

and Orders of a Religious Society in King’s Lynn_, _under the

patronage of the reverend Doctor Littel_, _Anno Domini_ 1704.”

The author has more materials relating to this remarkable society, but

what has been here given throws a sufficient light upon its character and

its objects. Such a society in every parish would be no way dangerous to

either church or state.

{1015a} It must not here be concealed, that his reputed heterodoxy,

especially in regard to the Athanasian trinity, might also be among the

causes, if it was not indeed the very chief cause of his failure in the

point of ecclesiastical preferment. That he was decidedly averse to

Athanasianism, and made no secret of that aversion, is very well known; a

remarkable instance of which was related by his son Dr. Edmd. Pyle in a

letter to one of his female friends, dated August 4. 1747; a copy of

which has fallen into the hands of the present writer. The passage

alluded to is as follows—

“My F—r has been excessive hoarse and stuffed and oppressed on the

lungs, and after physic had in vain attempted his relief, he went

abroad, the weather being fine, to view his new ch—h, {1015b} where

they are putting up a magnificent p—lp—t, as the finishing stroke.

There the sight of the Tr—ty in Un—ty emblematically displayed in the

front pannel of the said p—l—p—t put him into such a passion, that

you would have sworn, that with distemper and indignation he must

have been suffocated: but G—d be praised nature got the better both

of the m—st—y and the disease, and the conflict produced, what

medicines could not, a free and large expectoration, which was

succeeded by a fit of as clear and audible raving, as a man would

wish to hear from a sound protestant divine, on so provoking an

occasion.”

This letter-writer to be sure was an arch and wicked dog; but there can

be no doubt of his statement being founded on fact: and when it is

considered how their reputed heterodoxy affected Clarke, Whiston, and

others of Pyle’s eminent contemporaries, it will not appear very strange

that his rewards were not equal to his merits, or that his preferments

were few and inconsiderable.

{1015b} This was St. Margaret’s then rebuilt.

{1017} The correspondence between these two eminent men did not close

here. It is certain that some letters afterwards passed between them, as

appears from the fragment of Mr. Pyle’s answer to one he had received

from the primate, and which reads thus—

“I no sooner received the great favour of your Grace’s kind and good

Letter than I wrote to the person intimated therein, and deferred my

dutiful answer to it no longer than till I was enabled to acquaint

you with his truly filial reply, that he should never find greater

pleasure than that of complying with every desire of a father, and

the honorable friends of that father.—Meantime I am sorry for the ill

state of my friend _C—st—l_, which gives occasion to this affair. I

loved the man: my Sons honoured him much. I thank your Grace for

your very good remembrance of me and my Sou. Age, my Lord, confines

me at home, when yet good providence blesses me with eyes and

faculties, still enabling me to read, and even to preach once a day

generally. I read every thing and make use of the glorious

prerogative of private judgment, the birth-right of protestants. I

pass free sentiment upon _Mddltn_, and on all his opponents stronger

or weaker. So I shall upon what he is going to say on the only piece

of that great man of L— that ever gave me pleasure.—I read

_Disquisitions_, and when I’ve done fall to my prayers and wishes,

that the good thing desired may be put into the hands of the able,

knowing, and impartial, that no church-_tinkers_ may be suffered to

mend some few holes and leave others open, at which some vital part

of the noble christian scheme may run out and be lost. But no wish

of mine is so ardent as that your Grace may live with that excellent

[mind {1018}] of _Tlltsn_, which is in you, to preside in, to direct

this same good thing, and bring it to perfection.”

Of the residue of this letter we know nothing: this part of it

sufficiently shews whereabout Mr. P. and the Primate stood as to the

points afterwards agitated in the _Confessional &c._ This epistle is

supposed to have been written about 1753, three years before the death of

Mr. P. and four years before that of the Abp. than whom it does not

appear that a worthier prelate ever occupied the See of Canterbury.

{1018} There is a word wanting here in the MS. Copy, which probably was

_mind_ or _spirit_; alluding it is supposed to Tillotson’s liberal

mindedness, and wish to get rid of the Athanasian Creed, &c.

{1020} Something is here wanting; _vacate_ perhaps or _relinquish_.

{1021} The same MS. volume, or Collection, from which the above has been

taken, contains the following curious fragment or P.S. of a letter of the

date of 1742 from the same respectable prelate, to the same

correspondent, as we presume, for it has no superscription.—

“I find by the direction of one of your correspondents, whose hand

and head I guess at, how great a man a C—n of S— must be, that his

titles must follow him into all countries. The other, whose hand and

head I pretty well know, has more sense than to adorn the outside of

his letters in that manner.—I remember a story of a clergyman of

great form in _Surry_, who directed a post letter to _Abp.

Sancroft_—_To his Grace_, _my Lord Abp. of Canterbury_, _Primate of

all England and Metropolitan_:—which letter a man famous for

imitating hands happened to see brought to the post-office at

_Epsom_, and finding a little room left after the word

_metropolitan_, added the words _to boot_, which caused great wrath

in old Sancroft, and a thorough reprimand to the poor man next time

he appeared at _Lambeth_, who could not distinguish the addition from

his own hand. B. W.”

{1024} Of those letters of his which have fallen in this writer’s way

all are of a date posterior to his removal from this town, except that

which contains the account of the contested election in 1747, of which we

have already given large extracts.—Of the rest the most remarkable is

dated 24. July 1756, at Chelsea, where the Bp. of Winchester has a town

house, with whom he then resided as his chaplain. Who his correspondent

was does not appear; but he writes to him as follows—

“Dear Sir, I returned to this place a few days ago from Winch—r,

after taking possession of a warm stall in the Cathedral, and a very

good house in the close. My going thither was delayed a fortnight,

by a feverish disorder, attended with some very odd and disagreeable

circumstances of inflamation, from which I thank God I am very well

recovered. I find that as my constitution is, I must, now and then,

sacrifice something in point of health, to the plenty, that flows in

this noble house. However I am not worse upon the whole, than when I

lived in Norfolk: in that respect and all others I am sure I am a

_thousand times better_. Winch—r and all the large towns in that

county were full of _Hessian troops_, whose appearance and sober

behaviour was pleasing. I saw them in several different

circumstances. FIRST In their military _Exercise_, out of the City,

in a spacious plain on the top of a hill, every fine morning.

SECONDLY. At their _devotions_, on Sundays, in the Body of the

Cathedral; which was a most grave and edifying sight. Their service,

(both of such as are _Lutherans_, and of others of them that are

_Calvinists_,) is in the way of our _Dissenters_—1_st._ a _psalm_,

very long, in which every Soldier bore his part; each having a book,

and behaving in that, and the other parts of the service, with all

possible decency and attention. I saw about 700 each time that I was

present. They sing very well. The psalm was set by a Serjeant of

Granadiers, a noble stately fellow; who had a vast pair of whiskers

like birch brooms. All their granadiers wear this distinction in

their faces. When the psalm was ended, a very solemn divine (tho’ he

had no whiskers) in a black cloak, gave us a sermon in their

language; after a prayer, which ended with the _Lord’s_ Prayer; at

which they all went down on their knees on the floor. The preacher

used no great action, but he had a very great voice, great

earnestness, and was in a great sweat. Then followed another psalm,

much shorter than the first, and all was closed with a prayer shorter

also than the former.—There was a Collection of money, but for what

purpose I know not certainly. There were few of the common-people

but gave something. It is said to be made for the preacher’s

service, by some; others say it has relation to the Sacrament, which

they receive monthly; but I saw not the administration of it. The

generals and officers were all present and behaved with all

seriousness. The officers are very genteel and frugal; yet generous

enough to give the ladies of the place a Ball once a week.—Another

circumstance I saw them in was at a Ball, in a garden, from 6 to 9

o’Clock, which was by far the prettiest entertainment I ever was at.

The Dean of Winch—ter has a fine and large Garden, which is a place

of resort on summer evenings, for all the persons of fashion (which

are many) in the city. It consists of a large lawn, at the end of

which, (or rather through which) passes a quick river, that has a

Chinese bridge over it, and is formed into two cascades, as it runs

along. There is also a large grove, fine walks of gravel, and two or

three alcoves. Here the officers desired leave to introduce the

music, and give the ladies a Ball. The Dean consented, and all the

gentry and quality in and about the place were put together there.

And for the three hours I spake of, 25 couples danced on the lawn on

one side of the river, the musicians standing on the other. There

were 25 hands, and all good ones. They have learnt at home the tunes

of our English Dances, which are practised there in compliment to our

sovereign and country. In the dancing one could not but observe, how

true the officers stept both to the time and tune: whereas the

dancing of the English gentlemen, and most of the ladies too, was

what one may call _Romps run mad_. The day before I came away, the

troops from all the towns were encamped, about a mile and a half from

the city, which afforded me a mornings amusement of the most

agreeable sort. The Dean and Prebendaries, who have each of them a

good income; [and I’ll assure you, most of ’em, live up to it, as Peg

B— said of the Week’s Preparation] have done these Foreigners honour

at their Tables with high gentility. They almost all come to the

Cathedral, and one of ’em who sat next me, by some broken English of

his, and some bad _latin_, both of his and mine, was made to

understand all the ceremonies that were performed _by_ and _upon_ me

in the church, on the sunday I took possession. He seemed better

satisfied with all other things, than with our surplices, scarves,

and scarlet hoods; which he looked upon with somewhat of an evil eye:

For, you know, that from the days of good Q. B—ss to these days some

of the protestants abroad have objected to our Ecclesiastical Dresses

as _Popish_—and some even of our own Divines have boggled at them in

her time.—They have brought no _women_ with them, but a few of the

soldiers wives, who are very clean, large, and fleshy. They put on

when they get abroad a Straw Bonnet, which shades and almost hides

their faces, and a callico or printed linen cloak, very long and

full.—The persons at Winch—r of the female sex [like those of another

place that we know] are all, or would all pass for, fine gentlewomen.

And I could not for my life help being diverted with a question asked

by the simple _Hessian Women_ concerning them. _Pray_, said they,

_have you none but ladies of quality in this place_? The answer was,

that there was but one lady of quality [Lady Jernegan] in the city.

_Well_, said they, _we thought they were all such_; for in _our

country_, they who are _always dress’d out_, and _going from home_,

_are ladies of quality_: so we thought that ye were all quality.—One

of the superior officers quartered at Southampton (where the resort

of company to drink and bathe in the sea water, has benefited the

place and spoilt the people) seeing all the gentlewomen of the town

gadding abroad o’mornings, to the public rooms, or idle visits,

bought up all the _Thimbles_ he could get; and one morning when

abundance of them were together in a public place, he presented each

with a Thimble, saying, it must needs be, that they wanted the

requisites to employ them properly _at_ home, or they would not be

constantly _from_ home. This pretty reproof has produced a great

deal of mirth, but very little reformation, that I heard of, among

the Southhampton _Quality_.—The emoluments of churchmen as well as

others who live in Hampshire, [at Winch—r especially] ought to be

good. For (put all articles together that belong to house-keeping)

and things are dearer there, than with you, by 7 and 6 pence in the

pound. There is very little difference between the rate of eatables,

coals. &c. there and in London. Fowls of all sorts, pigs, rabbets,

are very high priced, and fish is 6_d._ a mouthful, tho’ Southampton

is so near. For the fine folks that come down from London have in a

very few years more than doubled the rate of that sort of food, even

upon the place. But the worst circumstance belonging to both that

city and county, is that there are many _Roman Catholicks_. One of

that persuasion would have hired my prependal house at a considerable

rent, for the term of the bishop’s life, till the end of which I

shall not fit it up for my own use. I sent such an answer that I

shall ne’er be applied to again by any body of that stamp: ‘any other

person of fashion shall have it for half the money, and be thanked

into the bargain.’ In looking over what I have writ, I find I have

filled a sheet; this surprizes me, for I did not intend to fill more

than a side. If you have as much patience as you used to have, may

be you have read it all. You can’t do a more acceptable thing than

to write to me, at any time, and at this time, it will be a sort of

charity, I being greatly dejected in _spirit_, at the state of public

affairs. Our Common prayer says, what is entirely true, ‘There is

none that fighteth for us but only God:’ and I wish I could be sure

we had him on our side. God bless us all. God bless you and yours,

and all that you and I love, and that love us—But, as _Falstaff_

says, ‘a pox on all cowards.’—So says your most humble servant, E.

P.”

To the preceding we beg leave to subjoin the following letter, or rather

_fragment_ of a letter. That it is _from_ the same hand seems

sufficiently certain from both external and internal evidence. It was

written in 1756, probably to his father, and it might be one of the last,

if not the very last that passed between them. We insert it the more

readily because so honourable to Bp. Hoadly’s memory, and not otherwise

to that of Dr. F.—

“Dr. _Thackery_, who keeps a school an _Harrow_ on the _Hill_, has

one living and 14 children. A man bred at Eaton, and a great scholar

in the Eaton way, and a good one every way, a true Whig, and proud to

be so by some special marks of integrity. He was candidate for the

Headship of King’s, and would have beat all men but George, and

George too, if Sir R. W. had not made George’s promotion a point.

Since this disappointment he took the school of _Harrow_ to educate

his own and other people’s children; where he has performed all along

with great reputation. The Bp. of W. never saw this man in his life;

but had heard so much good of him, that he resolved to serve him some

way of other, if ever he could—but said nothing to any body. On

friday last he sent for this Dr. T. and when he came into the room,

my lord gave him a parchment, and told him he had long heard of his

good character, and long been afraid he should never be able to give

him any serviceable proof of the good opinion he had long conceived

of him: That what he had put into his hands was the _archdeaconry of

Surry_, which he hoped would be acceptable to him, as he might

perform the duty of it yearly, at the time of his leisure in the

Easter Holidays. Dr. T. was surprized and overcome with this

extraordinary manner of doing him a favour, that he was very near

fainting as he was giving him institution.—Tis 130_l._ a year, with

dependencies that may bring in a deal of money.—1756.”

{1030} What led the author to this supposition or conclusion was an

anecdote said to have been written by Dr. H. himself; in these words—

“In Turner de morbis cutaneis See Wts. related by Langius of a woman

longing to bite a baker’s shoulder.—Somewhat like this was the case

of Mrs. Forest the wife of an alderman (or baliff as they are called

in Scotland) of _Haddington_ in _East Lothian_; who having had 4 or 5

daughters, and then with child of a boy, and lying by her husband

awake, while he was fast asleep, in a summer-morning, his shoulder

lying bare, she long’d to taste of it, and after a great desire could

not forbear fixing her teeth. He waking jump’d out of bed thinking

she was mad, but being soon convinced of what was the matter, easily

forgave the fact, but would not venture a second trial. After

dressing and taking care of the slight wound, he soon after made a

jest of the news to his companions at the tavern: but while they were

a whetting, news was brought him that his wife was miscarried of a

boy; upon which he merrily said, ‘d—mn it, if I had known it was a

boy her longing should have been satisfied.’—This I had from the

woman herself upon enquiry: for the story was notorious about the

time I was born, 1669. G. H.—M. Dr.”

{1037} Those traits in his character have been often elucidated by

divers well known anecdotes, two or three of which we will here take the

liberty of inserting.—One of them is given in a letter of Dr. Pyle, if we

are not mistaken, of the date of 1752, addressed perhaps to his father.—

“Your old friend Sir W. B. came to my Lord Bp. of Winch—r some weeks

ago, and told him that he waited upon him for a pension payable out

of his estate to the College of Physicians. My Lord said, he never

heard of any such pension paid out of his revenues; and as to an

estate of his own, he had none. Yes, says the knight, you are

chargeable herewith out of such an estate. My Lord said, he had no

estate any where of his own, and as Bp. of W. he had no such estate

as was named. Bp. of W—! quoth the knight; why then lam wrong; you

are not the person. I wanted Sir Cecil Bishop, and they told me he

lived here. Is Sir C. B. a clergyman, says my Lord? No, says the

knight. Why then Sir you might have seen your mistake immediately,

and so your Servant. This dog certainly wanted to see how the Bp.

look’d, and thence judge of his being likely to live or not, on

account of some estate that somebody he knows, is to buy or renew,

who hold of the Bp. of W. and nobody but a man of his parts and

assurance could, have got to the sight of him;” [_July_ 1752.]

Another anecdote of him is related by Bp. Warburton in a Letter to Hurd;

dated Prior Park, Nov. 18th 1767.—

“When you see Dr. Heberden pray communicate to him an unexpected

honour I lately received. The other day word was brought me from

below, that one Sir William Browne sent up his name, and would be

glad to kiss my hand. I judged it to be the famous physician, whom I

had never seen, nor had the honour to know. When I came down into

the drawing room I was accosted by a little, round, well fed

gentleman, with a large muff in one hand, and a small Horace open in

the other, and a spying-glass dangling in a black ribbon at his

button. After the first salutation he informed me that his visit was

indeed to me, but principally, and in the first place, to Prior Park,

which had so inviting a prospect from below: and he had no doubt but

on examination it would sufficiently pay the trouble he had given

himself of coming up to it on foot. We then took our chairs; and the

first thing he did or said, was to propose a doubt to me concerning a

passage in Horace, which all this time he had still open in his hand.

Before I could answer he gave me the solution of this long

misunderstood passage: and in support of his explanation had the

charity to repeat his own paraphrase of it in English verse, just

come hot, as he said, from the brain. When this and chocolate were

over, having seen all he wanted of me, he desired to see something

more of the seat; and particularly what be called the _Monument_, by

which I understood him to mean, the Prior’s tower, with your

inscription. Accordingly I ordered a servant to attend him thither;

and, when he had satisfied his curiosity, either to let him out from

the park above into the down, or from the garden below into the road.

Which he chose I never asked; and so this honourable visit ended.

Hereby you will understand, that the design of all this was to be

_admired_. And indeed he had _my admiration_ to the full; but for

nothing so much, as for being able at past eighty to perform this

expedition on foot, in no good weather, and with all the alacrity of

a boy, both in body and mind.”

[Before we dismiss this anecdote, it ought to be observed that the bishop

was somewhat incorrect in two instances at least: 1st. in representing

our knight as a _little man_; 2_ndly._ in saying that he was then _past

eighty_. Those who knew and remember him, speak of him as a _tall man_;

and it is certain that he wanted several weeks of seventy six when he

visited Prior Park.]—The next anecdote and the last that we shall here

relate, came from the late Thomas Hollingworth, many years a respectable

bookseller in this town, and who settled here under Dr. Browne’s

patronage. He used to say that the first time he had to make out his

bill after the doctor had been dubbed a knight, he wrote _Sir William

Browne debtor to Tho. Hollingworth_. When he delivered it into the

knight’s hand, he looked at it a short time, and then looking at him

said, Mr. H. you might have said _the honourable_ Sir Wm. Browne. I beg

your pardon Sir Wm. replied the bookseller, but upon my word I did not

know that it was customary to prefix to the name of a knight the word

_honourable_. As to that, rejoined the knight, tho’ it be not customary,

it would yet have been pleasing.—That to be sure was childish and

ridiculous enough; but we believe that with all his eccentricities and

foibles, Sir. Wm. B. was far from being one of the most disreputable or

unworthy characters that were to be found among the gentlemen of this

town and its vicinity during his long residence here.

{1039} The rough draught, or fragment of a translation of the

inscription is longer, but the rest the present writer could not well

make out.—The above seems enough to give the reader a pretty just idea of

the tenor of the whole.—Before we entirely dismiss this article, or take

our final leave of Sir Wm. we should not omit to notice the much admired

impromptu, or extemporaneous epigram produced by him when a regiment of

horse happened to be quartered at _Oxford_, and the king having purchased

the noble library of Bp. _Moore_, made a present of it to the university

of _Cambridge_. The epigram was an answer to one that had been made by a

Dr. Trapp, a witty, torified clergyman, on that occasion, in these words,

“The king, observing with judicious eyes

The wants of his two universities;

To _Oxford_ sent a _troop of horse_, for why?

That _learned_ body wanted _loyalty_:

To Cambridge he sent _books_, as well discerning,

That that right _loyal_ body wanted _learning_.”

Which drew from Sir Wm. the following reply, said so have been much

commended, even by Dr. Johnson.

“Contrary methods justly George applies,

To govern his two universities;

To _Oxford_ is dispatched a troop of horse,

Since _Tories_ own no argument like _force_;

To _Cambridge_ Ely’s learned books are sent,

Since _Whigs_ admit no force like _argument_.”

{1052} The loose livers, (or whores and rogues of the parish, as some

would call them) used to bring their _bastard_ children to him to

_christen_, or make them christians, although they discovered no desire

or inclination to live soberly, righteously, and godly, or become

christians themselves. This he thought very improper and objectionable,

and no less than a direct profanation of a religious rite; and therefore

refused to christen such children, unless their parents made a profession

of repentance, and solemnly promised to forsake those irregular and

vicious courses, and lead for the future virtuous and pious lives. Some

willingly complied with his requirement, upon whose children therefore he

performed the said rite. Others could not be prevailed upon to submit to

this requirement, for which reason he left their children unchristened,

which gave great umbrage, not only to their parents and such like folk,

but even to his own ecclesiastical superiors, up to the very bishop—all

blamed him for having any scruples about such frivolous, harmless, and

indifferent matters as these. Some also even of the most decent among

his parishioners disapproved of his refusing to christen the said bastard

children, it being, as they said, punishing the poor things for the sins

of their parents. Forbidding those of loose or immoral lives to come to

the Lord’s Table was another circumstance that gave great offence, and

caused him no small trouble. One of these was the greatest man in the

parish, or head Squire of the place; and a very fierce and dashing fellow

he certainly was. He, by way of retaliation and revenge, set himself

about picking holes in Mr. R’s coat. They were not indeed of an immoral,

but rather an uncanonical nature. Mr. R. had allowed a certain worthy

person to partake of the Lord’s Supper _sitting_ instead of _kneeling_.

He also had _not_ made a point of wearing the _surplice_ while performing

the burial service and some other duties. He had likewise taken the

liberty of using the word _honour_ instead of _worship_ in the marriage

service, and moreover of curtailing occasionally the liturgic part of the

public service. These deviations were magnified into serious misdoings,

and looked upon by his superiors in a very unfavourable light. Wherefore

his conduct was afterwards more closely scrutinized; and from the

examination and confession of his church-wardens the following articles

of accusation were extracted, upon which he was proceeded against in the

ecclesiastical court—1. That he did not read the Litany on _Wednesdays

and Fridays_: 2. That he did not constantly wear the surplice in all his

administrations: 3. That he did not usually administer the communion on

_Christmas-day_, unless it fell on _Sunday_. Nor on _Whit-Sunday_. 4.

That he did not read over the _Canons_ and _Articles_ twice a year. 5.

That there were two children unbaptiz’d in the parish, which he refused

to baptize. 6. That he was in the habit of conversing (or was on

friendly terms) with one Mr. Richardson, an excommunicate person.—[Now

this person was a worthy, pious dissenting minister, who had been

persecuted for conscience sake, or for nonconformity, and excommunicated:

and it was expected that no clergyman would converse or associate with

him, unless he recanted: which was a sort of morality or religion which

Rastrick did not approve, and therefore did not choose to practise.] The

first time he appeared before the spiritual Court at Lincoln to answer to

the above articles or charges, he had nothing to do but only to retain a

_Proctor_ against the next court-day. When that time came, it fell out

to be the very day when king James’s Declaration for liberty of

conscience came first down into the country, which must have been in the

spring of 1687. At this his second appearance he found the court very

much down in the mouth (as he expresses it) and far from the heat and

violence in their proceedings that he expected. They did however proceed

to business, and went over each of those charges, but came to no

determination: not thinking perhaps the then aspect of things favourable

enough to warrant a rigorous decision. However that was, Rastrick was

now becoming more and more dissatisfied with the terms of conformity, and

began soon to think of availing himself of the royal Declaration of

liberty of conscience to quit his public station in the church, as he

actually did before the close of that same year. After which he seems to

have continued disengaged till 1701, when he settled with the

Presbyterian congregation in this town.

{1055} The author therefore requests the reader to correct his mistake

at p. 1002 in dating Rastrick’s arrival here in 1710 or 11.

{1058} Something similar has occurred here within the present year

(1811,) only with this difference, that the disaffected gained their

point, and obliged the minister to resign and withdraw; whereas Mr. R.

maintained his ground and retained his situation, in spite of all

opposition, to the last. But he was constantly supported by the most

respectable part of the congregation.

{1059} As a manuscript it is very curious for the neatness and smartness

of the writing, especially as it appears to be written when the author

was above 70 years of age. The beginning of the Preface, where matter

corroborative of what was above suggested occurs, reads thus—

“Perceiving that Antinomianism is in a great part grown to be the

completion of the dissenting interest in England, as far as my

observation reaches, to the great reproach of the reformation, and

scandal of the opposers of its progress: and that many who pretend to

be against it are yet fond of the doctrines and opinions on which it

is founded; grounding all their divinity on the decrees of God alone,

abstracted from his rule of government; falling in with the

hypothesis of necessity and fate, on which Hobbes founded his

Atheism: making all God’s government to be merely physical, to the

destruction of all religion and morality: not enduring to hear of a

justification by works in any sense, though it be undeniably a

scripture doctrine and expression, _Jam._ 2. 24:—asserting such an

imputation of Christ’s righteousness as is essentially and formally

altogether unscriptural; and the like: by which means sinners are

hardened in their sin, comforted against necessary fears conducive to

their safety; charity, alms-deeds, and all good works at a fatal

stop; people taught to presume without ground; calling a good

conscience, or a consciousness of keeping Christ’s commandments, the

building on a rotten foundation: tho’ Christ saith the contrary.

_Math._ 7, 24. Learned, able, and faithful ministers rejected and

discouraged, and illiterate persons that will indulge men in their

soporiferous notions set up in their room—I say, perceiving and

musing on these things, and _exercised_ by a party of weak christians

under the aforesaid impressions; understanding the state of christian

doctrine amongst us, and the divided condition of the Churches about

it, and casting my eyes upon that text in _John_ 15, 10. as one of

the plainest and fullest decisive of these controversies: so many

thoughts sprung up in my mind upon it, that to preserve them. I

immediately set pen to paper and wrote down above twenty of the

following propositions before I took it off; to which the rest were

quickly added. By which time I purposed to preach from that text,

and lay them all before _my own congregation who so much needed it_:

which I did with different success; viz. the usual distaste of the

_discontented party_, but so much to the satisfaction and acceptance

of others, my worthy friends, that I was greatly and constantly

importun’d to present them to their eyes, as I had done before to

their ears. And having been called to preach at a meeting of

ministers at _Nottingham_ on the 26th of June 1718, I made no

particular preparation for it, but took a text out of the 22 chap. of

_Math._ part of the parable of the marriage feast, the whole of which

I had preached over at home, but now only so much of it as would

afford me matter suitable to the whole congregation, both ministers

and people. And being by my brethren desired to publish my Sermon, I

was forced to deny them their request at that time, because what I

had delivered was pick’d out of a great many discourses, and what I

thought most proper for the auditory at that time only, but would

have been a maining to the whole. Yet I did not despise their

motion, nor lay aside all consideration of it. The importunity of

some of them ran so much in my mind, that . . . I thought if I must

write I might digest the matter of that sermon into the following

Treatise, without deviating from the design of it, but rather

conveniently adding to the principles of it, which I have done,

hoping that they will accept it here, with the rest, by which the

doctrines of that sermon are better stated, cleared, and confirmed,

than they would have appeared to have been if that sermon had gone

alone. So in this way I shall answer the desires of my friends at

home and my reverend brethren abroad at once; and do what service I

can to the Church of God before I die.”

The whole preface is very long, this being but a small part of it. But

this is enough to shew that there was in this congregation a party that

disapproved of his ministry, as well as another that highly approved of

it, and that he experienced a great deal of discomfort from the former,

who appear to have been very calvinistically or antinomianly inclined,

and withal very contentious, as their descendants or successors have been

almost ever since.

{1060} Some of those thoughts relate to the _Theory of Comets_, which he

supposed to be worlds in a state of conflagration and dissolution; and he

thought it probable our Earth will hereafter become a comet and be seen

as such in remote regions of the universe. This comet state of a

Heavenly body he considered as a state of judgment, and indicating the

previous apostacy and irreclaimable impenitence or rebellion of its

rational inhabitants, which caused the very world they inhabited to be so

devoted to destruction. Each of those devoted worlds, he thought, had

its _saviour_ and offers of mercy sent to it long previous to that awful

and fatal catastrophe. Christ he believed to be the saviour only of this

world, from which he draws some curious inferences favourable to his own

system.—According to his notion the same comet could not be expected to

appear twice in our system: nor would that, perhaps, even in this day, be

very easily refuted.

{1061} He was buried in St. Nicholas’ Chapel towards the west end, where

his grave stone is still to be seen, with a long Latin Inscription or

Epitaph, of which the following translation has been given many years ago

by the late Dr. _Thomas Gibbons_, exclusive of two expressions here

added.

“_Here lie the remains_

_of the revd._ JOHN RASTRICK, _M.A._

_Born at Hackington near_ Sleaford

_in the county of Lincoln_;

_and educated at_ Trinity-College _in Cambridge_.

_He was formerly vicar_ of Kirkton

_in the same county_, _fourteen years_:

_And afterwards_, _as he could mot comply_

_with some regulations of the_ Church of England

_with a safe conscience_,

_Was an undefatigable preacher of the gospel_

_in this town twenty-six years_

_To a christian church in separation from the establishment_.

_He was a man of eminent piety_,

_charity_, _and modesty_;

_of approved integrity_,

_of remarkable study and pains_;

_And an adept in almost every part of learning_,

_But especially the mathematics_.

_He was a pleasant companion_,

_A truly christian divine_,

_An eloquent and powerful preacher_,

_A faithful and vigilant pastor_,

_An intrepid reprover of vice_

_And as warm an encourager of virtue_.

_Having finished his course_,

_Imbittered_, _alas_! _with many trials_,

_He joyfully yielded up his soul to God_,

August 8, 1727. _Aged_ 78.”

{1063} On a slip of paper, in his hand writing, pinned to a blank leaf

fronting the title page are the following directions to his son—

“My dear son William, I suppose you will be inclined when I am gone

to publish the following Treatise called ‘Plain and Easy Principles,

&c.’ If you do, I leave it to you to tell the world, that these are

the notions that I am most inclined to; and that it was the division

among the ministers at Salter’s Hall, that begat them, and put me

upon a more deliberate perusal of Dr. Clarke’s and Mr. Jackson’s

books, &c. as well as Dr. Waterland’s: and that my case was just the

same with that of Mr. Peirce of Exeter, &c.—It’s probable that you

may write an Epistle of your own to the Reader (and so stile it, as

mine it stiled the Preface). In that Epistle you may account for my

sentiments as now mentioned, and add what more of your own you

please. But I would not have you publish my book till you have let

some learned pious persons peruse it and give their approbation.—Mr.

Sam. Wright’s thoughts you will find in his Letter, and my undigested

notions in that matter, you will find in his said Letter before my

book: if you can put them into order you may, and may punish them in

the nature of an appendix: _as also you may a great part of my last

Thoughts about the Trinity and Son of God_. Or let Mr. Wright put

them in Order.”

N.B. The above words in _italics_ have the pen drawn through them, and

may therefore be considered as cancelled.

{1064a} See the _preface_ to a modern poem called _Sleep_.

{1064b} Of those little poems, one is entitled _The Dissolution_; and as

the name of _Martha Rastrick_ is affixed to if, we may presume it was a

present, perhaps a new years gift to that daughter. The greatest part of

it we will here take the liberty of inserting, thought we have no reason

to think that the author had the remotest idea of its publication. Yet

as it cannot dishonour his memory, and has lain in MS. now nearly if not

quite a _hundred years_, it may be placed here as a curious relic. It

runs as follows—

“Happy the man to whom the sacred Muse

Her nightly visits pays,

And with her magic rod

Opens his mortal eyes:

He nature at one glance surveys,

And past and future, near and distant views.

I’m mounted on Fancy, and long to be gone

To some age or some world unknown,

Swifter than time and impatient of stay,

To the west, to the uttermost limits of day,

To the end of the world I’ll hasten away:

Where I may see it all expire

And melt away in everlasting Fire.

’Tis done! I see a flaming Seraph fly,

And light his Flambeau at the Sun;

Then hastening down to the curst globe

His blazing torch apply—

See the green forests crackling burn,

The oily pastures sweat

With intolerable heat:

The mines to hot volcanos turn;

Their horrid jaws extended wide,

The sulphurous contagion spread.

Why do the aged mountains skip,

And little hills like their own sheep,

Like lambs, which on their grizzly head

Once wanton play’d?

Expanded vapours, struggling to the birth,

Roar in the bowels of the earth.

And now the Earth’s foundations crack assunder,

Burst with subterraneous thunder.

Dusky flames and vivid flashes

Reduce the trembling Globe to ashes

Fiery torrents rolling down,

The naked valleys drown;

And with their ruddy waves supply

The channels of th’exhausted sea.

Seas, to thin vapours boil’d away,

Leave their crooked channels dry:

And not one drop returns again,

To cool the thirsty Earth with rain.

And must all Earth th’impartial ruin share?

Spare ye revengeful angels, spare!

Spare the Muses blissful seat:

Let me for _Wickham’s_ peaceful walls intreat.

No, ’tis in vain: and _Bodley’s_ spicy nest

Of learning too must perish with the rest;

—The _Oracles of God_ alone

An hasty Angel snatch’d away,

And bore them high through parted flames

To the Eternal throne.

Behold! fond soul, all thou didst once admire,

The objects of thy hope and thy desire;

Houses and lands and large estate;

The little things that make men great:

The empty trifles are no more,

But vanish all in smoke, scarce lighter than before.

Was it for this the Statesman wrackt his thought?

Was it for this the Soldier fought?

While grumbling drums like thunder beat,

And clanging trumpets rais’d the martial heat?

Now Nature is unstrung,

The Spheres their musick lose,

The Song of ages now

Ends in a solemn close.”

{1069} He had left Lynn the year before, so that the congregation had

but _four_ ministers in a _hundred years_, whose labours here were nearly

of equal duration: _J. Rastrick_ 26 years; _W. Rastrick_ 25 years; _A.

Mayhew_ 25 years; _W. Warner_ 24 years.—The _Baptists_, in little more

than 40 years, have had at least half a score ministers, and the

_Methodists_ ten times as many.

{1070} Coxe’s Memoirs of Walpole.

{1073a} Biographical account of Sir B. Keene, by Bailey Wallis D.D. who

married his niece, a daughter of the rev. Venn Eyre, formerly lecturer of

Lynn.

{1073b} Of their intellectual character, or mental endowments not much

seems now to be known. The father being an alderman may furnish a sort

of presumption, that he must have been a person of no common or mean

parts: the mother has been spoken of as possessed of a well-cultivated

mind; which seems to be corroborated by the following extract of a Letter

from her to her son, the ambassador, in 1745, when this town assumed such

a warlike appearance; as was observed at p. 920.—

“This place, heretofore famous for the arts and blessings of peace,

is now entirely in the guise of war. Every thing has a military air.

The ditch before the walls is scoured; but there are unhappily so

many hay-stacks just by, that a few Highlanders, or French, by

casting two or three of them into the deepest part of it, might be

masters of the town in about four hours. The bridge of St. Germans

and those above it are to be cut down, if we hear any of the rebels

have escaped through the Fens, and are coming towards us. But the

river is fordable in many places, and several of them are near the

town. The body of the people are formed into 5 regiments, which are

commanded by proper officers, chosen out of the body politic. Those

whose spouses bear rule over them being disposed into one regiment

called greys. Those heroes spend their mornings and evenings in the

Guildhall, there learning the trade of war, under able and

experienced masters. No merchant sells deals, salt, pitch or tar,

without a weapon by their side. Shopkeepers have taken to the sword,

and divide their cags of soap with their blades. You can’t purchase

a joint of meat, or a loaf of bread, or a pound of candles but of an

armed man. Even clergymen are engaged in these death-doing measures.

One bears a captain’s commission. Another is a sutler. Most of the

fair and timerous persons of the other sex, who had any wits a while

ago, have very few remaining now. An ancient Lady indeed of the

illustrious house of the R— commands a fortress adjoining to the

town-wall, in which are some veteran troops, natives of Spain. {1074}

With these she supports herself and wonderfully animates her

neighbours whose courage fails; and let the enemy come when they

please, ’tis generally believed she will be in a condition to make a

sally.”

{1074} “Bottles of Mountain Malaga.”

{1075} On his promotion he was congratulated by his venerable relation,

the elder Pyle, to which the bishop returned the following answer—

“My dear uncle, I return you my hearty thanks for your kind

congratulation on my advancement to the see of C. and was proud of

shewing my respect and veneration for you by doing a small piece of

service to so worthy a young man as my C. P. [cousin Philip] I hope

these cold winds will not set you back again and I may once more

visit you and survey you as I did then, in the light of an ancient

prophet or patriarch. Truly I have often wished that my fortune had

permitted me to have enjoyed you more than I have done, to have sat

at your feet and suckt in the true unpoluted streams of goodness and

religion, which you have poured forth for so many years, so much to

your own reputation and the welfare of others. Be assured you leave

a Nephew behind you who is determined to support the cause of Truth

and Righteousness, and has courage enough to attack the f. [false]

principles both of gt, and rn. [government and religion] that

universally prevail among ch. Divs. [church Divines] With my most

sincere Benediction I am. Dear Sir. your affectionate Nephew 28 Mar.

1752.

E. C.”

{1079} A degree which was exactly the reverse of the initials of his

name D.LL.

{1081} Dr. H. was respectable in the line of his profession, not only as

a practitioner, but likewise as a writer; though he was not rewarded

according to his merit. Many of his works, at his death, were left in

manuscript, most of which still remain in that state; but some have been

since published, in addition to those that appeared in his life time. Of

his published works the following are thought the most remarkable—1. “A

paper on a _puncture in the bladder_,” inserted in the Phil. Trans. vol.

66.—2. “A paper on the disease called _the mumps_,” inserted in the

Edinb. Phil. Trans.—3. “A paper on the _use of mercury and opium_,”

published in Dr. Duncan’s Medical Commentaries.—4. “A Treatise upon

_Scrophula_,” published in London by Dilly.—5. “A Treatise on the

_Eau-brink-Cut_,” published at Lynn, in 1793.—6. “Observations on the

_Marsh remittent Fever_ and on the _Water Canker_, &c.” published by

Mawman, London, 1801.—7. “Letters on the cause and treatment of the

_Gout_, in which some digressive remarks on other medical subjects are

interspersed;” published by Whittingham, Lynn, and Sold by Crosby,

London, 1806. Before we close this brief memoir of Dr. Hamilton we may

just observe that he, as was before said of Mr. Rastrick and another

person, sometimes left his profounder studies and amused himself in

writing verses, of which a specimen may be seen at the beginning of his

“Observations on the Marsh Remittent Fever.” In the same work, at page

89, we also learn how long it was that Dr. Hepburn practised physic in

this town, and consequently at what time he settled here, which appears

to have been about the spring or early part of the year 1694, whence was

about 25 years of age. This had escaped the author’s observation till

after the memoir of Dr. Hepburn had been printed off, otherwise he would

not have represented the doctor’s settlement here as taking place at or

_about the commencement the last century_, which is six years at least

later than the time when it did take place. This is mentioned here for

the purpose of correcting that mistatement, and enabling the reader to

fix the true date of Dr. Hepburn’s first settlement here.—The passage

referred to in Dr. Hamilton’s book reads thus,

“The late Dr. George Hepburn, who practised physic at Lynn upwards of

65 years, {1082} and whose medical ability, sagacity, and judgment,

were equalled by few, and surpassed by none of his contemporaries,

told me that he was so folly convinced of the great efficacy, as well

as perfect innocence and safety of large doses of the Peruvian bark,

that being attacked by an intermittent fever himself at an early

period of his medical career in this town, and at a time when he had,

in an epidemic season, a great deal of practice in the country, took

at one dose an ounce of the Peruvian bark in powder, mounted his

horse immediately after it, went to visit his patients, and had no

more of his disease.”

{1082} _During so extraordinary a course of practice and longevity he

must have seen the whole population of the place buried two or three

times over_.

{1085} Their godships or high mightinesses would do well however to be

constantly upon their guard against that formidable natural enemy of

theirs, the high bailiff of Marshland, who has before now overpowered and

overthrown as potent beings as any of them. If they escape the mighty

hug, or unfraternal embrace of this formidable adversary, this ancient

lord and master and demon of this lower region, they may think themselves

peculiarly fortunate, and need not fear afterwards to breathe the

deleterious air of any other spot in Britain, or even in the very island

of Walcheren itself.

{1088} This female and virgin saint is said to have been born at Antioch

in the 3rd century. Some say her father was a heathen priest, while

others say that it was Theodosius patriarch of Antioch. All agree that

she was a christian; and some assert that she was very beautiful, which

excited in Olybius, preside of the east, under the Romans, a desire to

marry her; but finding she was a christian, deferred it till he could

persuade her to renounce her religion. Not being able to accomplish that

object, he first put her to extreme tortures, and then beheaded her. She

has the same office among the papists, as Lucina has among the heathens,

viz. to assist women in labour: So she seems to be the patroness, or

tutelar saint of the midwives. Her holiday, (20th July) is very ancient,

not only in the _Roman_, but also in the _Greek_-church, who celebrate

her memory under the name of _Marina_. She suffered in the year 278.

[See Wheatly on the common Prayer, p. 69—also Mackerell’s History of

Lynn, p. 4.]—Her victory over the Dragon by means of the cross has

probably only a figurative meaning.

{1089} Of the former and present state of this church, the following

descriptions have been given by writers who had visited and examined it,

and had consequently undertaken to give of it a correct account.—

“This church (says _Mackerell_) deserves to be taken particular

notice of, as it is of no mean extent, being a very large, stately,

and magnificient pile, built, as most cathedrals in England are, in

the perfect form of a cross, and contains in _length_ within the

walls, by mensuration 240 feet; in _breadth_, including the cross,

118 feet, and in _height_ from the highest battlements 52 feet.

About the middle or cross isle it is graced with a very fair and

lofty _Lanthorn_, all covered with lead, mounted on four main arches

within the body of the church, in which hangs the _Clock-Bell_, which

may be heard all over the town. The height of this ornamental

fabrick is 132 feet. It was neatly painted within with several coats

of arms and other decorations in 1621.—At the west end is a tower of

stone 82 feet high; on the outside of which towards the street, is

placed a Moon-Dial, shewing the increase and decrease of that planet,

with the exact hour of the day to all that pass by, actuated within

by clock work, and new beautified and gilt in 1710. On this tower is

a very high and regular spire, of timber, all covered with lead,

resembling a pyramid, in height 193 feet; [but] in all, from the

superficies of the ground, it is 275 feet, including the spindle of

iron with a cross on the top, and under it a vane in form of a hand,

both gilt, which was new set up in 1630; the former one having

continued full 70 years, being erected in 1568. [rather 1558.] The

model of the spire is surprizing. Near this [and parallel with it on

the north side] is the Bell-Tower, built of freestone 86 feet high,

in which formerly were _five_ very large bells, of which the biggest

was called _the Margaret_, and was for her curious sound one of the

fairest of that kind, and might be heard (the wind favouring, as I

have been assured) full ten miles distant. Others had likewise their

distinct names, as _the Trinity_, _the St. Thomas_, _&c._ So

christened, I suppose, as was usual before the reformation. But the

_biggest_ and the _least_ of these were purposely broken, and with

some addition cast into others, to make a ring of _eight_, which was

effected in 1663.—This noble structure is illuminated with above 70

arched windows, and others, all formerly of painted glass,

representing the pictures of saints in sacred scripture, with other

holy men and women, martyrs and confessors; of which that high and

lofty one on the south side and cross isle is [was] very remarkable,

[exhibiting] as I am informed, the whole history of _St. Margaret_,

the patroness of this church; and that circular one over the altar

[containing] the genealogy of the kings of Israel, is now to be seen

almost all entire, where also underneath the same are depicted the

Town-Arms, and on the south windows in the Quire are still remaining

several coats of arms in lively colours, and very fair.”

[In the time of the civil wars most of the painted glass in those windows

was, it seems, taken down and replaced with white glass, the former being

looked upon, by those who were then in power here, as savouring too much

of _popery_ and superstition. See _Mackerell_, p. 8, &c.—Of its present

state Mr. _Britton_ writes as follows.

“The _church_ was a large spacious structure, and though curtailed of

its original dimensions, is still a noble pile. Internally it

displays a nave, with ailes, which constitute the present place for

service; a chancel or choir, with ailes; a transept and two towers at

the west end. The roof is supported by 22 columns; of which those

east of the transept are formed by a cluster of five shafts each. In

this part of the building are some ancient carved stalls, and several

flat monumental stones, with inscriptions; also some very large and

fine brasses. At the east end is a circular window, with ten

transverse mullions. This part of the church is divided from the

transept by a wooden screen, which was erected in 1622. A lofty

tower, or _lanthorn_, is said to have been originally at the

intersection of the cross ailes; and a high _spire_ to have

surmounted one of the western towers. The latter display different

styles of architecture, and the lower parts of them are very ancient.

The buttresses of the angles to the southern tower consist of several

small shafts of columns. The church formerly contained numerous

brasses {1091a} and inscriptions, some of which remain.” {1091b}

This account, we presume, is pretty fair and correct as far as it goes,

and our limits will not well allow us here to attempt any further

enlargement. We will, however, just add, that the interior of this

church is, for so large a building, kept in a style of uncommon

cleanliness and neatness.

{1091a} _Since Mr. Britton wrote this passage_, _an unprincipled and

sacrilegious Sexton made much havoc among those brasses_, _many of which

he carried away and sold_; _but being detected_, _he was so ashamed and

frightened_, _that he actually went and hanged himself_.

{1091b} See Beauties of England, vol. xi, page 293.

{1093} From the period in which he flourished, the date of his

canonisation, and the great regard then paid to the memory of new saints,

(compared with the date of the original erection of this chapel,) it

appears more than probable that the personage in question was St.

Nicholas called _Peregrinus_, who became famous in Apulia, and of whom

_Jortin_ says—

“He was a Greek, born in Attica. His parents were poor, and he had

not learnt to read, or been bred to any trade. When he was eight

years of age, his mother sent him out to take care of the sheep.

From that time he began to sing aloud, _Kyrie eleison_, which he did

night and day; and this act of devotion he performed all his life

long. His mother not being able to make him leave it off, thought

that he was possessed of the devil, and carried him to a neighbouring

monastery, where the monks shut him up and chastised him, but could

not hinder him from singing his song. He suffered punishment

patiently, and immediately began again. Returning to his mother, he

took a hatchet and a knife, and clambering up a mountain, he cut

branches of cedar, and made crosses of them, which he stuck up in the

highways, and in places inaccessible, praising God continually. Upon

this mountain he built himself a little hut, and dwelt there sometime

all alone, working perpetually. Then he went to Lepanto, where a

monk joined himself to him and never forsook him. They passed into

Italy, where Nicholas was taken sometimes for an holy man, and

sometimes for a madman. He fasted every day until evening; his food

was a little bread and water, and yet he did not grow lean. The

nights he usually passed in prayer, standing upright. He wore only a

short vest, reaching to his knees, his head, legs and feet being

naked. In his hand he carried a light wooden cross, and a scrip at

his side, to receive the alms that were given him, which he usually

laid out in fruit, to distribute to the boys who went about with him,

singing along with him _Kyrie eleison_. His oddities caused him to

be ill used sometimes, even by the orders of the bishops. He

performed, [as was said] various miracles, and exhorted the people to

repentance. At last falling sick, and being visited by multitudes

who came to beg his blessing, he died, and was buried in a Cathedral,

with great solemnity: and according to custom (our author adds) a

great number of miracles was wrought at his tomb.”

This is related under 1094, which we take to be the year of his death, or

canonization. See _Jortin_ Rem. Eccl. Hist. 5. 66. Such was our St.

Nicholas: a more harmless and far better saint, without doubt, than

_Dominic_ and many others that might be mentioned; so that his memory,

_comparatively speaking_, ought to be held in very high estimation.

{1095} Had the wielders of the whitening brush totally effaced this

impious representation, or had the reformers of the time of Edward the

sixth, or of Charles the first completely obliterated it, they had done a

good thing, and deserved our commendation; and so would our present

rulers were they to do the same; for what can be a more absurd and

impious object in a place of worship, or any other place, than a picture

or image of the Almighty!

{1097} The passage alluded to is as follows—

“1585 Feb. 21. An order made III and IV Ph. and Mary conc. the

derision of St. Margts. parish and the parish of St. Nic. and yt. of

late yt. order notwithstanding prcell of the _Checker-warde_ and of

_New Condutt-warde_ have been accounted prcell of St. Nic. Chap.

ctrarie to the same order: yt. is ord. yt. those 2 wards aforesaid

shall hollie be accounted of St. Margt’s parishe and shll paie

clarcks wages and other charges, as prishrs. of the parish of St.

Margt. according to ye sd. resited order.”

{1098} That affair is thus related in the record—

“1579, May 23. Controversye about the Tytle of St. Nicolas church

yard. Opinion of the Recorder 19. June. Maior Ald. C. C. stand to

their Tytle and Int. in S. N. ch. yd. and defend it by Law of Arms.”

{1103} p. 391.

{1109} In the White Friars Yard Chapel at Norwich, where he used to

preach, a monumental inscription in memory of him was set up long after

his death by his grandson the late Grantham Killingworth Esq. the chief

part of which is as follows—

A MEMORIAL

_Dedicated to the singular merits of_

_A faithful confessor_, _and laborious servant of Christ_,

_Who with true christian fortitude endured persecution_

_Through many perils_, _the loss of friends and substance_,

_And ten imprisonments for conscience sake_;

_The rev._ Mr. THOMAS GRANTHAM,

_A learned Messenger of the Baptized Churches_,

_And pious founder of this church of believers baptized_,

_Who delivered to king Charles the second_

_Our Declaration of Faith_,

_And afterwards presented to him_

_A Remonstrance against Persecution_.

_Both were kindly received_, _and redress of grievances promised_.

He died Jan. 17. 1692, aged 58 years:

And to prevent the indecencies threatened to his corpse,

was intered before the west doors,

In the middle aile of St. Stephen’s Church, in this city,

Through the interest, and much to the credit of

The rev. Mr JOHN CONNOULD

By whom, with many sighs and tears,

The burial service was solemnly read to a crowded audience:

When at closing the book he added,

“This day has a very great man fallen in Israel.”

For after their epistolary dispute, in sixty Letters, ended,

That very learned vicar retained

The highest esteem and friendship for him whilst living,

And was by his own desire buried by him, May 1703.

{1112} A narrative of this memorable affair has been published by Mr.

Finch, and may be had of him, or of the booksellers.

{1113} With whom such connection might be desirable for this infant

society; and it certainly would not be dishonourable, or inconsistent

with their avowed aversion to religious thraldom; as it would require no

sacrifice of their religious liberty or christian freedom: both parties

being equally advocates for the full enjoyment of that inestimable right,

and most invaluable blessing.

{1116} Of the _origin_ and _progress_ of Methodism in the kingdom, see a

brief account at page 934 of this work.—It is a remarkable instance of

deep policy in the history of methodism, that the sect, when young and

weak, placed itself under the wing of the established church, and

bitterly inveighed against all who separated from it; but when it

acquired strength, so as to feel itself able to go alone, it threw off

the mask, and scrupled not to avow and prove itself, to all intents and

purposes, a dissenting sect.

{1120a} Should they soon assume a different character, or become

disposed like their neighbours to congregate and form themselves into a

distinct society, for the purpose of instructing their dear townsmen by

public lectures, respecting that better way of thinking with which they

deem themselves so well acquainted, an admirable opening for putting such

a project in execution now presents itself—that of buying or hiring the

Methodist Chapel, which is expected to be disposed of to the best bidder

as soon as the new edifice is completed, or perhaps sooner.

{1120b} Yet Hiram was dead many centuries before Euclid was born.

{1121} So it may be supposed that Euclid and Solomon, and Hiram and

Mannon, and Marcel and king Athelstan lived all about the same time!—an

idea too monstrous surely, for English, or even Masonic credulity to

imbibe or adopt!—See _Prichard’s_ description of Masonry. 21st. Edit, p.

3, &c.

{1126} Its constituents during the first stages of its existence bore

the following names—_Asty Harwick_, _Abel Hawkins_, _Geo. Foley_, _N.

Elstobb_, _Sam. Browne_, _Peter Elyson_, _Rich. Marshall_, _John

Mountaine_, _Nic. Anderson_, _John Bagge_, _Dan. Swaine_, _Jos. Lee_,

_Wm. Taylor_, _Rob. Fysh_, _Edm. Elsden_, _Tho. Day_, _Rich. Sands_,

_Henry Fysh_, _Robert Hamilton_, _Rich. Allyson_, _Wm. Ward_, _Scarlet

Browne_, _Geo. Patteson_, _Tho. Berneye_, _Tho. Hawkins_, and _Jos.

Taylor_.—Most of these seem to have continued in the society to the last,

though some were expelled for different reputed delinquencies.—It is

curious enough to observe their mock formalities in the administration of

their laws, and the maintenance of the government and discipline of the

society, as they appear in their written transactions, which are still

extant. A few specimens here may not be ungrateful to the reader—At one

time _Asty Harwick_ is indicted, tried, found guilty, and fined, for

_carrying home the sword_, _contrary to the rules of the society_—at the

same time _Richard Marshall_ is indicted, tried, found guilty, and fined,

for _throwing a piece of pipe at Mr. Deputy governor_—another time

_Samuel Browne_ is indicted, tried, found guilty, and fined, for _tearing

the bill before it was discharged_—another time _Joseph Lee_ is indicted,

tried, found guilty, and fined, for _interrupting Mr. deputy govr.

Harwick_—another time _Jos. Lee_ is indicted, tried, found guilty, and

fined, for _pulling the governor_ Capt. Nic. Anderson’s _wig awry_—same

time _Asty Harwick_ and _John Bagge_, were indicted, tried, found guilty,

and fined, for _insulting the secretary in his office_—another time _Mr.

Bagge_ was indicted, tried, found guilty and fined, for _not attending_

the then governor, Mr. Richard Marshall, with the sword, Mr. Bagge being

then sword-bearer.—Those who were indicted and tried were _all found

guilty_, _with only one exception_, which was in the case of _Wm. Ward_,

(April 14, 1750) who was indicted, tried, and _acquitted_, under the

charge of _affronting the then govr._ Mr. Bagge, by conferring upon him

the unworthy and degrading office of _deputy secretary_.—Thus did some of

our most hopeful and reputable townsmen employ themselves between 60 and

70 years ago. Whether their successors or representatives of the present

day employ themselves more worthily, may deserve some consideration. As

to our courtiers and statesmen, it cannot well be supposed that they

would have any great objection to our gentlemen and all the rest of the

nation employing their leisure time in such a frivolous manners, as it

would leave them at liberty to pursue their course with less observance

or interruption. After all, had our society of _True-Britons_, been

still continued we are not sure but they might have proved by this time,

as useful to themselves, and as beneficial to the community at large, as

either of our present Lodges of Free Masons.

{1129} For further information relating to the original history of these

two houses the reader is referred to the account of St. Gyles and St.

Julian’s gild, in a former part of this work.—p. 422, &c.

{1130a} This gentleman did not acquire his wealth here; nor did he

follow the example of our Aldersons, our Cases, our Freemans, our Adlens,

our Bowkers, our Bagges, &c., who went out of the world apparently

without ever remembering the poor, or wishing to leave behind any

memorials of their names in such charitable bequests.

{1130b} Some years ago, as one of the present pensioners told this

writer, the governor of that time went so far as to talk of furnishing

those chambers with that desirable appendage, but that the _reader_ of

that period, with one of the women, (both of whom had a fireplace in

their rooms,) most unfeelingly dissuaded him from it, and he gave it

up.—The present occupier of one of those rooms is said to have been for a

long time confined to it, if not to her bed. The want of a fireplace

must doubtless be severely felt by her.

{1131a} In another place he is called _Loningston_ and _Lovingstone_.

{1131b} Over against the above passage is inserted the allowing note,

seemingly in the same hand—“The above 10_l._ annuity is applied to the

clothing of the poor yearly, and payd by the chamberlain, to the

overseers of St. Margaret’s parish.” Then it is added,—“I take this to

be the 10_l._ payd to the Treasurer of St. James’s Workhouse, by the name

of _Loningston_ or _Lovingstone_, which I take to be the same.” But this

modern note-writer, and conjectural commentator, ought to have known that

St. James’s Workhouse could not be called an _Almshouse_ or _Hospital_ in

1594, nor till near a whole century after. The said annuity must

therefore have undergone some foul play.

{1132a} There are happily still some such contributors, and among them

one conspicuous above the rest, to whose unostentatious charities the

poor pensioners in all our almshouses are not a little indebted for their

comforts; as this writer could easily perceive by what dropt from divers

of them, in the course of conversations he has had with them at different

times. It is here neither needful nor proper to mention the name.—Of the

_land_ charged with the 10_l._ a year to this almshouse, the following

memorandum occurs in the said MS. volume; written seemingly about 1729:

“I find 76 acres on the S. marsh; viz. Godfrey Hill, 5 acres; 7_l._

10_s._—Tho. Miles, 5 acres; 7_l._ 0_s._—Jer. Ink. J. King, and J.

Lay, 14 acres; 16_l._—Widow Carleton, 16 acres; 18_l._ 2_s._—R.

Richmund, 36 acres; 39_l._—Total 76 acres: 88_l._—This I take to be

the land to maintain this almhouse.”—A little after we find the

following memorandum,—“Payd the Hoipital 1729, 19_s._ 8_d._ per week,

for 52 weeks; 51_l._ 2_s._ 8_d._—Mr. Quartereder, 5_s._—Straw money,

6_s._—9 Chald. coles, boatidge, and porter, 9_l._ 16_s._ 6_d._—200

Sedge, 1_l._ 4_s._—12 brooms, 1_s._ 4_d._ 4 Skeps 20_d_; 2_s._

8_d._—this is the fixt yearly pay, 62_l._ 16_s._ 10_d._ besides other

incident charges, repairs, &c.”

On the whole therefore it appears, that the poor occupiers, or pensioners

of this almshouse were much better off 80 or a 100 years ago, than they

have been for many years past, as well as that our rulers were than

better disposed towards them than they have been latterly.

{1132b} Since that period, the _weekly_ allowance of these pensioners

appears to have differed at different times—down to 1772 it was 19_s._

3_d._ in all, or about 18_d._ each: From 1772 to 1791, 1_l._ 5_s._ 5_d._

or about 2_s._ each: From 1791 to 1803, 1_l._ 8_s._ 5_d._ or about 2_s._

3_d._ each: From 1803 to 1811, 1_l._ 12_s._ 3_d._ or 2_s._ 6_d._ ¾

each.—But here it ought to be observed, that the _Reader_ has had always

allowed him 1_s._ 6_d._ a week more than the women. He has also a

Chalder of Coals allowed him, as has likewise each of the women who have

fire-places in their chambers. _Nine_ chalders a year are allowed this

house in all;—the rest are appropriated to the kitchen or common

fireplace.

{1135} Of two of these we learn, that the _first_ was established on the

1_st._ of June 1795 for a _hundred_ members, who receive relief in

sickness, lying-in, old age, and upon the death of their husbands. The

fund is supported by a small monthly payment of their own, and annual

subscriptions from _honorary_ members.—The _second_ beneficial society

for the same number of poor women, (100;) was established July 1, 1799,

affording the same allowances to them, except the pension in _old age_,

which it was found by experience could not be supported without the

assistance of many honorary members. It was hoped that this society

would be able to support itself; in which case the advantages resulting

from it might have been extended to any number of poor women who might

choose to embrace them. But either the allowance must be still further

reduced, or the monthly payment increased, before it will be released

from the necessity of requiring at least occasional benefactions.—It is

to be hoped therefore that it will not fail of obtaining every necessary

aid and support.

{1136} Of the number of these societies, and their respective meeting

places, the following account is supposed to be pretty correct—_Two_ at

the _Crown Tavern_; _one_ at the _Three Tuns_; _one_ at the _Three

Pigeons_; _two_ at the _Valiant Sailor_; _one_ at the _Coach and Horses_;

_one_ at the _Tailor’s Arms_; _two_ at the _Plough_; _one_ at the

_Angel_; _two_ at the _Oak_; _one_ at the _Dog_; _four_ at the _Three

Fishes_; _two_ at the _Sun_; _two_ at the _Green Dragon_; _one_ at the

_Boar’s Head_; _one_ at the _George and Dragon_.—in all 23. There may be

more, but we have not been yet able to find them out.—As to the number of

_Inns_ and _Public Houses_ now in the town, they are said to be near 70,

but they were formerly much more numerous: even as many as 87 some years

ago. This decrease is not to be ascribed to a decrease of our

population, but rather to a decreasing propensity in the inhabitants to

frequent those houses, owing probably, in part at least, to the great

increase of _conventicles_, and the increasing frequency of _evening

services_ in those places, where a large proportion of the inhabitants

find themselves entertained much more innocently, profitably, and

agreeably, than at the public house:—all which however cannot be supposed

very pleasing to our publicans and common-brewers.

{1138} There are, it seems, many benevolent societies so named in

different places; and some of them unconnected with Methodism—of which

there is one of a very respectable appearance at _Liverpool_, among whose

members is the name of the celebrated _William Roscoe_. In the _annual

account_ of this society for 1809 appears the following remarkable

passage—

“The _Subscribers_ to the _Stranger’s Friend Society_, are, in

general, already well acquainted with the nature, design, and

excellency of the institution. It may not, however, be unnecessary

to state once more, for the information of that part of the public,

whose attention has not been hitherto duly excited towards this

charity, that its object is, _to visit_, _at their own homes_, _the_

SICK _and_ DESTITUTE POOR of all countries and denominations, (_the

Methodists only excepted_, in order to exclude even the suspicion of

sectarian partiality,) and administer such relief and consolation as

their wants and sorrows may appear to require.”

But how the _exception_, in regard to _Methodists_, could _exclude all

suspicion of sectarian partiality_, we cannot clearly understand.

{1140} This appears from the following passage in an old MS. extracted

from the Hall Books—

“1580. Sept. 26. Mr. Iverye recd. 4_l._ to buy books necessarye to

be in the school for his scholars. This day he accounted for the

bookes, and also repaid ye sd. moneye: 5_l._ allowed him for

reparations and other necessarie charges by him bestowed about his

house.”

Decr. 15. 1587, it was agreed in the Hall to provide an _usher_, with a

salary of 8_l._ a year. The first usher was _John Gybson_, clerk, but

after a few months he had 5_l._ _given him_, _for the town to be

discharged of him and family_. His successor was _Rich. Emott_, B.A.

whose salary was advanced to 10_l._ a year. He was succeeded in the

spring of 1593, (or rather 1594) by _John Man_, B.A. of Bennet Col.

Cambridge, with the same salary. It does not appear who, if any,

immediately succeeded him; but 18 Decr. 1612, the Hall agreed to choose

an _usher_, whose salary, (he boarding himself,) should be 16_l._ a year.

The person chosen was probably Edwd. Labourne, who held that situation in

1617, and had 5 marks gives him towards his commencing M.A.—He appeared

to be much approved and held his place in 1626, and perhaps much later.

Of his successors we have no regular account.

{1142a} Our school, in Knox’s time was rendered very remarkable by

having _Eugene Aram_ for its usher; a man of uncommon acquirements and

learning, but still more distinguished by his unhappy and miserable exit,

and the horrid flagitiousness of at least one part of his life. He was

apprehended here in 1759, under a charge of _murder_, committed in

Yorkshire, 14 years before, and tried and convicted at York the ensuing

assizes, and soon after executed. His defence at his trial was plausible

and masterly; but it could avail against the preponderating evidence of

his guilt. The extent of the learning in which he had made eminent

proficiency was wonderful, considering the disadvantages under which he

acquired it; and he died a melancholy proof that a very learned man may

yet be desperately wicked, and commit the most heinous crimes.

{1142b} It is remarkable that this seminary, founded about 232 years

ago, has had but _three masters_ for the greatest part of that time—viz.

_Edw. Bell_, _John Horne_, and _David Lloyd_: who presided here in the

whole 125 years—and all the rest but 107.

{1146a} It ought to have been for a much larger number.

{1146b} The amount of the expenditure for the last year was 73_l._

19_s._ 3_d._ ½ which seems a large sum for a mere Sunday school. Half

the sum, it is presumed, would go much further, and do far more good, if

the Lancasterian plan were adopted.—Some such measure is understood to be

now in the contemplation of some of our good townsmen.

{1147} _Mr. Keed_, senior, and Mr. _S. Newham_, were two of the most

active promoters of this institution, and the late _Dr. Bagge_, much to

his credit, was one of its very zealous patrons, and used to subscribe

for the support of it _Five Guineas_ a year.

{1150} At some former periods, and especially before the reformation,

our corporation members or officers appear to have been more numerous

than at present, and some of them differently denominated. Hence in some

records of the time of Henry V. we read of _aldermen of the Gilds_,

twenty four _Jurats_, twenty seven _Common-council-men_, TWELVE

_burgesses_ annually elected, whose business it was to choose the new

mayor, and nominate divers other officers, including even the

_town-clerk_ and _chamberlain_. These twelve were chosen as follows: The

Alderman of the gild of merchants chose _four_ burgesses: those four

chose _eight_ more, making their whole number then _twelve_.—These twelve

chose the mayor, &c. for the ensuing year, after taking an oath which was

tendered to them thus—

“Serres [i.e. Sirs,] ye shall well and truiye, upon your

discressions, without affection, favour, fraude, or male engyn, chese

our mayster the Mayre for the yeear coming from Mighelmass forth, a

burgess of the 24, abyll, sufficient, and profitable, for the worship

and profitt of the commons; and also ye shall chese 4 sufficient

burgesses to occupye the office of Chamberlein for the same yeear, a

comon Clerke and two Sergeants, thereof one shall be clerke of the

Markett and keeper of the East Yates, a porter for the South Yates,

and anoder for Doucehille’s Yates: which officers chosen, theyr names

with my mayster the Mayre that shall be, ye shall present; so God ye

help at the holy dome.”

The oath tendered to the said _four_ burgesses was worded thus.—

“Serres—ye shall well and trulye, upon your discressions, chese and

call to you _eight_ abyll burgeys, without any affection, fraude, or

male engyne, of the most indifferent, and not suspect persones, for

the election of my mayster the Mayre that is to come; so God you help

at the holy dome.”

The oath tendered to the Gild _alderman_ (or rather, as it would seem,

_aldermen_) empowered to choose the above four burgesses, was thus

expressed—

“Serres;—ye shall well and trulye upon your discressions, without any

affection, favour, fraude, or male-engine, chese and call up _four_

burges, abyll, of the most indifferent, and not suspect persons, for

the election of my mayster the Mayre: so God you help at the holy

dome.”

The oath tendered to each of the 24 _Jurats_ was as follows—

“Serre;—ye shall be ready and buxom to my mayster the Mayre at all

tymes when ye be called by him, or warned by the Sergeante, for the

nedes and worship of this towne and the commonaltie thereof, and well

and trulye councill him, for the proffitte and worshipe of this towne

after your discression, and the counsell of this towne trulye kepe;

so God you help at the holy dome.”

As to the 27 Common-councilmen, their oath ran in much the same strain,

only referring to their particular designation, as overseers or

superintendents of all _taxes_, _tallages_, _dymes_, _fiftenes_,

_loones_, _reparacions_, _amending of houses_, _walles_, _brigges_,

_fletes_, and _dyches_, _&c._

That tendered to the _Sergeant_ began thus—

“Ser; ye shall swere that ye shall be redy and buxom to my mayster

the Mayre at all tymes, and truelye warne the 24 and 27 to come to

the gild halle, or into any other place.” &c. &c.—

That tendered to the _Keeper of the East Gate_ was expressed thus—

“Ser; ye shall well, duelye, and truelye kepe the East Yates, and the

Gannock Yate, and lete out and in the pepyll in dewe tyme, and lete

the Couses shake in dewe tyme, to scoure the fletes of this towne,

and oversee the markett, that the vitalls that come to the towne by

land or by water be not ferestalled, nor hydde in no prive place, and

every day be attendant on your mayster the Mayre, and all other

things truelye to do and use that belongeth or perteyneth to the

office of the portership, and keper of the markett; so God you help

at holy dome.”

The oath tendered to the _keeper of the South Gate_ was in this form.—

“Ser, ye shall well and trewlye kepe the South Yates, and lete the

pepyll in and oute in lawful tyme, and buxom be to my mayster the

Mayre, and to his commandments, for the proffitte and worshipe of

this towne; so God you help at holy dome.”

The oaths tendered to the rest of our officers and functionaries of those

times are in a similar strain, and they are very curious, but are too

long to be all inserted here. All the other officers being sworn by the

_town-clerk_, the oaths are so expressed as to denote that circumstance;

but the case in respect to _his own oath_ being different, it is varied

in its form accordingly, and thus worded—

“Ser, I shall be obedient to you as my mayster Mayre, and truelye

write and trewe recorde make and trewe councell gyffe after my

discression, when I am cleped thereto or boden, and all other things

truelye do and use that perteyneth to the office of common clerk of

this towne, and the councell of the towne truelye kepe: so God me

help at holy dome.”

Such were our forms of swearing before the reformation.—As to a _Lord

High Steward_, it does not appear that there was here then any such

officer or functionary; which appears to have sprung up about the time of

the _first_ or _second_ CHARLES: and it seems an empty insignificant

office.—Quere, if its origin was not suggested or occasioned by the

_bishop’s_ HIGH STEWARD of former times?

{1154a} A like refusal to serve the office of _alderman_ is liable to a

fine not exceeding 40_l._ and that of a common-council-man 20_l._

{1154b} The mayor, recorder, aldermen, common-council-men and all other

officers and their deputies, take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy

when they enter into office, and thereby have all the laws, liberties,

usages, & customs, granted and confirmed to them, without lett or

molestation.—See Charles 2nds _first_ Charter; also Mackerell, 213.

{1155} _Lovecop_, or _Lovecoup_ is what some now _improperly call

Lastage_ two a-penny per quarter on corn carried out by _unfreemen_.

{1157} The _mart_ is said to have been formerly kept in _Damgate_; but

latterly, for a great length of time, it has been kept in the _Tuesday

market place_. Thither, at the opening of it, the mayor and his brethren

set out from the Hall in solemn procession, when the following

_proclamation_, according to _Mackerell_, is made by the crier—

“Whereas by a charter granted unto this corporation by king Henry

viii. in the 27th. year of his reign, that the mayor and burgesses of

the burgh of _King’s Lynn_, and their successors, might from

thenceforth for ever, have, hold, and keep, within the said burgh,

_one mart_, _or fair_, to begin upon the day next after the feast of

the purification of the blessed virgin _Mary_ yearly, and to continue

six days then next following, with all the liberties, jurisdiction,

and privileges, there contained in the Letters patents, granted by

the said king unto the said mayor and burgesses; any act of

parliament before that time made to the contrary notwithstanding; as

by the transcript of the said patent under the great seal of England,

more at large appeareth:—Now Mr. Mayor, the Aldermen and

Common-council-men of this burgh _Do Publish and make Known_, That

the said _Fair or Mart_ to be holden this year, doth _Begin_ this

present _Day_, and shall continue for the space of _Six Days_ from

hence next following, with the ancient liberties, jurisdictions, and

privileges thereof, and of holding the court of _Pie-Powder_ for the

hearing, trying, and determining, of all accidents and suits incident

thereunto.—Also the mayor commandeth all common victuallers, that

they utter and put to sale no other victuals but such as shall be

sweet and wholesome for man’s body, and that they do afford the same

at reasonable prices; and keep all assizes according to law.—And that

all weights and measures which shall be used, be lawful and sealed

according to the laws and statutes in that behalf made.—And also that

all persons do forbear to put to sale, or shew forth wares on the

Lord’s day.—And further, that all such persons as may be justly

suspected of evil behaviour, do avoid this burgh and the liberties

thereof; and that all others do keep within their several lodgings

from _nine_ of the clock every evening until six of the clock next

morning. GOD SAVE THE KING.”

Afterwards in the _Common Stath-yard_—

“All persons that have any Lastage, Wares, or Linen Cloth, to sell by

wholesale, shall lay the same in the Common-stath-yard, or in

Warehouses, Booths, or Chambers there, as heretofore hath been used,

or as they or any of them shall be thereunto appointed. GOD SAVE THE

KING.”

Lastly in the _Custom House Porch_ [or rather at the _Cross_]—

“All manner of persons that have any Action, Suit, or Plaint, to

enter or prosecute for any matter, cause, or thing, arising within

the jurisdiction of the court of _Pie-Powder_, here to be holden for

and during the time of this _open Mart_, _or Fair_, let them repair

to this place, and the same shall be retorted. GOD SAVE THE KING.”

{1160} ☞ But here again, before he proceeds further, or begins the next

section, the author begs leave to acknowledge that be was mistaken at

page 1140 in supposing the Lynn Grammar School to have been established

in 1580, or about the middle of the reign of Elizabeth. He has since

discovered that this seminary existed in 1570, in which year, on Monday

next after the feast of St. Michael, or Michaelmas-day, at the

commencement of the mayoralty of _Edward Waters_, _Ralph Johnson_ was

chosen master, in the room of Mr. _Bacster_. How long the latter held

the mastership does not appear. If we suppose ten or a dozen years, and

that this _Bacster_, or _Baxter_, was the first master, it would fix the

origin of this school about the commencement of that queen’s reign, which

seems not an unnatural supposition. The reader therefore is requested to

correct what may appear contrary to this statement in the page above

referred to; and also in the last line of that page instead of 1570 to

read 1590.—The author also apprehends that he was not quite correct at

page 1133 in supposing the South Lynn Almshouse not originally endowed

with any land of money.

{1161} Exclusive of _fishing smacks_.

{1162a} Comparative view of the imports and exports to and from Lynn

from 1761 to 1811, with the revenue thence arising.

In the year Tons of Chaldrons Quarters of Amount of

_Wine_ of _Coals_ _Corn_ Revenue.

imported. imported. exported.

1761 810 64,100 207,700 £37,600

{1162b}

1771 1030 103,900 151,900 58,800

1781 350 69,400 118,800 36,900

1791 1030 90,600 183,200 56,600

1801 1280 79,100 195,600 74,800

1806 560 103,700 147,600 84,200

1811 450 115,500 212,500 75,300

The correctness of the above may be relied upon; and so it is supposed

may also that of the following table, which has appeared in the _Norfolk

Tour_, and is there said to have been extracted from the Lynn

Custom-house books, and is to be considered as the _yearly average_ which

has been exported to foreign markets and coastways, for the years 1791,

1792, and 1793.

Quarters Per Quarter Amount

_£._ _s._ _d._ _£._ _s._ _d._

Wheat 30,016 2 4 0 66,035 4 0

Wheat flour 3,138 2 16 0 8,786 8 0

Barley 112,944 1 4 0 135,532 16 0

Malt 10,703 2 0 0 21,406 0 0

Rye 12,298 1 5 0 15,372 10 0

Peas 3,855 1 8 0 5,397 0 0

Beans 4,708 1 4 0 5,649 12 0

Vetches 73 1 10 0 109 10 0

Rape Seed 2,423 1 16 0 4,361 8 0

262,650 8 0

{1162b} _Of which_ 125,000 _were exported to foreign parts_.

{1168} Here we must own that the service in our churches, defective as

it is in many respects, has yet greatly the advantage over that of our

meeting houses in regard to the _reading_ of the scriptures; for large

portions of them are there read every time: and even in the cathedral

service we may find a nearer resemblance of the primitive practice than

in most dissenting chapels, in the _frequency_ of the administration of

the _Lord’s supper_, which is there administered weekly, as it was in the

first age, and a good while after. There is something very queer and

whimsical in the _lunatic_ administration of that ordinance in most

dissenting congregations as well as parish churches.

{1169} The knowledge and mental culture of these assuming beings have

been said to be chiefly derived from _Cocker_ and the _venal newspapers_;

but the present writer looks upon that as an incorrect and hyperbolic

representation; though he suspects that but few of them possess very

expanded minds. In time, it is to be hoped, they will become more wise,

liberal, public-spirited, and patriotic.

{1170} Seventy two baskets per week, upon an average, each of 40 pounds

weight, have been, we are told, sent from hence by the coaches to London,

which in the whole year amounts to 65 tons 12 hundred and eight pounds.

It is supposed that no other port or place beside has ever supplied the

metropolis with so large a quantity of the said article, and that Boston,

though it is known to deal largely in the same line, yet falls much short

of the quantity here specified.

{1173} We are told that by the report of the commissioners for auditing

the public accounts in 1784, the annual duties of Lynn exceeded those of

all the other English ports, except _London_, _Bristol_, _Liverpool_, and

_Hull_.—They might then amount to about 40,000_l._ But they have since

more than doubted that sum.—See Britton’s account if Lynn, p. 299, and

the table here at page 1162.

{1174} It may be however not altogether improper just to observe here

that the _Gaol_ or prison, and _Bridewell_ or House of Correction, stand

contiguous to the town-hall. This building makes a respectable

appearance on the outside, and probably no less so within; but that it is

really so, the present writer cannot positively say, having never had the

curiosity to visit the inside of it.—Here he begs leave to observe in

addition to what he has before said of our _Grammar-school_, that that

seminary now appears to have existed before the reformation, as may be

concluded from the following note extracted from the Hall-books, and

transmitted to the author by the present worthy town-clerk.—

“Friday next after the Feast of holy Gregory the pope, anno 25 Hen.

8. [i.e. 1534.] Lynn Bishop: the Mayor, Aldermen, and Com. Council

have elected in to their Charnel priest William Leyton, Chaplain; he

to have it from Lady Day next coming, during his life natural, except

cause reasonable, and he to perform the testament of old _Mr.

Thorsby_, and _maintain a grammar school_; and further to keep the

house, and tenements, in sufficient repairations in all things as he

can, as it has been used.”

{1176} The first of them runs thus—

“Every subscriber to this Library shall pay _one guinea_ annually in

advance, or in proportion to the time of the year when his

subscription commences. And after the general meeting in 1798, each

subscriber shall pay _half a guinea_ on his admission, and the same

annual subscription as above. The sum to be paid upon admission to

be afterwards increased by _five shillings_ and _three pence_ every

year, until it shall amount to _two guineas_. But the property which

each subscriber has in the Library may be transferred to any other

person, who shall subscribe and conform to these rules; in which case

such new subscriber shall pay nothing upon admission.”

The 17th is as follows:—

“No book or pamphlet, except it be a duplicate, shall on any account

be alienated from the Library, without the consent of every

subscriber. But if ever the number of subscribers should be reduced

to _Five_, and continue at or below that number for _three_ years

together, the whole Library shall be transferred to the Mayor and

Burgesses, to be added to that of St. Margaret’s church.”

Thus the want of liberality in the Mayor and Burgesses, who neglect to

contribute towards any augmentation of their own Library, will eventually

be made up, probably, by this institution, most of whose members, it is

presumed, are unconnected with the corporation. Had the latter shewed

some liberality in furnishing this society with a convenient place for a

library, there would have been certainly a more colourable pretence for

this article, or proviso.

{1177} Old Lynn is said to contain 345 souls, and Gaywood about 500.

{1184} Here it may be expected that some notice should be taken, and

some use made of Mr. _Zachary Clark’s_ lately published _Account of the

Norfolk Charities_, which makes some mention of those of this town and

suburbs. That account indeed, as it relates to this place, is very

incomplete; but we shall here insert such of the articles as are not

included in the preceding statement.—He mentions a house given by deed,

by _William Cleave_, in 1616, and vested in the Minister and

Church-wardens of St. Margaret’s; the rent, 4_l._ 4_s._ per annum, to be

distributed by them among the poor of that parish:—also that in 1689, the

mayor and burgesses granted a duty of 4_d._ per chalder on all coals

imported here, by owners of ships, or part of ships, not paying to the

poor’s rates, towards the maintenance of the poor in St. James’s

Workhouse, and which is vested in the governor and guardians thereof.

The average amount of the last three years was 214_l._ 8_s._ 3_d._—Also

6_l._ payable annually out of Grey Friars, given by the mayor and

burgesses in 1705, towards the support of the aforesaid

workhouse.—Likewise for the same purpose, the annual sum of 10_l._ being

a gift, during pleasure, of the _High Steward_ of the town, and

commencing in 1724.—Also that _John Kidd_ esq. in 1715, bequeathed 36_l._

vested in the mayor and burgesses, the interest 36_s._ to provide 6_s._

worth of bread, in two-penny loaves, to 36 poor people, the six Sundays

in Lent. The principal vested in the mayor and burgesses.—Also 100_l._

vested as the last, a legacy by _Peter Ward_ in 1720; 50_s._ of the

interest to be given in bread to the poor, viz. 25 two-penny loaves the

first Sunday in every Calendar month; and 50_s._ for teaching two poor

boys writing and arithmetic.—Also a legacy of 150_l._ vested in the mayor

and burgesses, left by _Sarah Dexter_, in 1753, the interest to be paid

to the poor men in Framingham Hospital, (_Broad Street Almshouse_) and to

the poor women in St. James’s Hospital, (_the Bedehouse_.)—Also a legacy

of 36_l._ vested as before, and left by _James Stapleton_, in 1778, the

interest to be distributed to the poor by the Chapel wardens.—Also of the

South Lynn Almshouses he says, that the founder left 20_l._ to be secured

on a freehold, and the income therefrom to be applied, one half for the

repairing of the said almshouses, and the other half to provide coals for

the inhabitants of them. This legacy was put out to interest till 1641,

by which time it had accumulated to 55_l._ 5_s._ This latter sum

purchased 5 acres of land, in Wiggenhall St. Germans, the rent whereof,

nearly 4_l._ 10_s._ per annum, is applied as above directed.—As to _West

Lynn_, (or_ Old Lynn_,) he mentions there 4 acres of land at Islington,

vested in the minister and parish officers, for the benefit of the poor;

left for that purpose by _John Swaine_, in 1678. The rent is supposed to

be regularly distributed according to the will.—He also mentions a legacy

of 5_l._ 5_s._ for the use of the poor there, left by the late _Henry

Whall_, Deacon.—Also in _Gaywood_, (which may be deemed another suburb of

Lynn,) he mentions the following charities—_Tho. Thurston_ D.D. in 1714,

by his will, left 40_s._ yearly for ever, toward cloathing three of the

poorest inhabitants; which money is payable by the mayor of Lynn.—Also 2

roods of land there, annually let to the highest bidder, and the rent

applied for the benefit of the poor.—Also a _house_ in Lynn, the rent of

which (8_l._) is received by the officers of Gaywood, and applied as

above: but when, or by whom these donations were made he gives no

account.—So much for the Lynn Charities; of which this is the best

account we have been able to procure. As to such as belong to the

respective almshouses, that are not here particularized, the reader is

referred for information respecting them to the account that has been

already given of those houses.

{1190} _She was possessed of many virtues_, _and was universally

respected_: _to her we owe the introduction of side-saddles_: _our women

before used always to ride astride like the men_.

{1191} _However this affair was finally settled between the bishop and

mayor_, _these articles seem clearly to shew that a_ sword _then really

formed a part of the Lynn regalia_, _which has been by some thought very

doubtful_.

{1200} _The author begs leave to acknowledge a mistake of his at page_

763, _in placing Cromwell’s visit to Lynn before the siege_, _whereas it

was in fact about half a year after that event_. _This correction

invalidates several of the remarks and conclusions in that section_.

{1215} See _vol._ I. _page_ 572, &c.

{1216} The errata has been applied in this transcription.—DP.