{712} This is said to have been remarkably the case in a certain

excursion which her majesty made to _Coventry_. The mayor, recorder, and

corporation met her on the road at some distance from the city, with what

they deemed an appropriate or suitable address. _Versifying_ being then

much in vogue, and the queen herself rather fond of such compositions,

they had their address drawn up in that way, which the recorder read

before it was presented to her majesty. It was but short, and said to

run thus,

“We men of Coventry, are very glad to see,

Your gracious majesty. Good Lord, how fair you be!”

Which drew from her immediately the following, not very gracious answer.

“My gracious majesty, is very glad to see,

You men of Coventry: Good Lord! what fools ye be!”

Loyalty abounded then, it seems, at Coventry, not only among the members

of the corporation, but also among those of the cathedral.

Accordingly, on the following Sunday, _Mr. Thomas Boyce_, the clerk of

the cathedral, had a hymn composed on purpose to celebrate this royal

visit, and do honour to his sovereign, which he thus gave out, just as

the queen was entering the church—“Let us sing to the praise and glory of

God, a hymn of my own composing—

Re—joice Tom Boyce, re—joice,

And echo Coven—try,

For that our gracious queen is come

To see poor we, we, we!”

One would fain hope that wisdom is not at quite so low an ebb at this

time, in any of our corporations or cathedrals as it seems to have been

then at Coventry.

{715} Each of our Convents is supposed to have been furnished with a

library. But what became of those libraries after the dissolution does

not appear. They were probably destroyed: for we learn that although

_Leland_ was employed to survey the libraries throughout the kingdom, and

preserve the choicest books, yet _Bale_ says that those who got

possession of the religious houses at the dissolution of them, generally

took possession also of the libraries, reserving the books, some to serve

their jakes, some to scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their

boots with: some they sold to the grocers and soap boilers, and some they

sent over sea to the bookbinders, not in small quantities, but at times

whole shipfulls, to the great wondering of foreign nations.—“A merchant

(he says) bought the contents of two noble libraries for 40_s._ a-piece.

This stuff he used for more than ten years instead of grey paper to wrap

up his goods with, and yet he hath enough remaining for many years to

come.” (See Seward’s An. vol. 1. 49.) All this discovers some strange

mismanagement on the part of the government.

{717} This Fort is a platform battery, mounted with ten eighteen

pounders, planted here in 1627; but having no defensive cover, could be

of little use if the town were attacked from the river side. Of such an

attack, however, Lynn could never be in much danger; the difficulty of

approach that way by men of war, forming its best security.

{720} We are told that there is a copy of Paramo’s book now in Dr.

Williams’s library in Red-Cross Street, London, and a most extraordinary

production it appears to be. It was undertaken under the patronage of

_Don Gaspar de Quiroga_, then abp. of Toledo, and Inquitor general, and

first printed at Madrid in 1614.—It begins by proving _God_ himself to

have been the _first_ inquisitor—He convicts Adam and Eve of pertinacious

heresy, infidelity, apostacy, and blasphemy. God cited Adam, otherwise

the process would have been null. On Adam’s appearance, He enquired,

that is, made _inquisition_ into the crime. The man accused his _wife_,

then the judge questioned her: He did not examine the _Serpent_, because

of his obstinacy.—The examinations were secret and separate, that there

might be no collusive lying. He calls no witness; the inquisitor

overlooks the reason, that there were none to call, and affirms that

conscience and confession are a thousand witnesses, and save the judge

all the trouble, except that of condemning. The whole was done secretly,

that it might be a precedent for the holy office; and so closely does

this holy office observe the precedent, that they make the dress of

penitent offenders after the very pattern of the clothes which God made

for Adam and Eve, and confiscate all the property of a heretic, because

Adam and Eve were turned out of paradise.—The author further maintains,

that _Abraham_ was an inquisitor, and _Sarah_ likewise; for she turned

_Ishmael_ out of doors for _idolatry_. In this manner he goes on through

the Pentateuch, and the books of Joshua and Judges, finding inquisitors

all the way through.—_David_ was a staunch inquisitor. _Zimri_, who slew

his master, was of the holy office: so was _Elijah_. _Elisha_ and _Jehu_

also are among the heroes of persecution; and _Nebuchadnezzar_ most

unexpectedly proves to be an inquisitor also.—Under the Gospel, _Christ_

was the first inquisitor: the lice, which devoured Herod, and the rulers

who spoiled the Jews, only executed the sentences of death and

confiscation which he had pronounced. _James_ and _John_, who proposed

to have the Samaritan heretics destroyed by fire, were inquisitors, of

course. Then follow the _apostles_, and after them the _popes_. &c.

Thus the divine origin and authority of the horrid inquisition is proved

from scripture—and proved as plainly and conclusively too, as many

venerated religious tenets and usages are now every day proved by some of

our most renowned protestant writers:—for instance the precious contents

of the athanasian creed, the popular rite of infant sprinkling, and the

whole ceremony of what is called christening. The scriptures seem no

less violated or abused, in being brought to support these, than they are

in being brought to support the inquisition. Let us therefore not be too

severe on Luiz de Paramo for writing such book as that here noticed.

{723a} Mackerel says that she was _hanged_; but the above account is

supposed to be the most correct. See Mackerel 233. and Tour of Norfolk,

last edit. 253.

{723b} That notable book the present writer has never happened to meet

with, or he might, perhaps, have been able to throw some further light

upon this dark and doleful transaction.

{727} See Granger’s Biographical History, 2. 409.—Hopkins appears to

have wrote and published an account of his own exploits in the way of his

vacation; but the present writer has not met with it.

{732} The distinction between some of those, as pointed out sometimes by

our law writers and others, is not a little curious: _conjurers_ are said

to differ from _witches_ and _wizards_, in that the former endeavour by

prayers and invocations to compel the devil to say or do what they

command him; whereas the latter deal rather by friendly and voluntary

conference with the devil, or familiar, to have their wishes obtained in

lieu of _blood_, or other gift offered. Both conjuration and witchcraft

differ from enchantment or sorcery. The sorcerer is supposed to have

personal conferences with the devil, and by the use of certain

superstitious words and incantations, or by means of images, is said to

produce strange and preternatural effects.—All these false and wild

notions must have originated from knavery and imposture, on the one hand,

and credulity and superstition on the other. _Juggling_, or notable

skill in the arts of dexterity might promote the imposture; but as to

infernal agency, it will not be very wise and safe to give any credit to

that part of the story.

{734a} Andrews 2. 46.

{734b} He was probably superior to the generality of his brethren, and

therefore became suspected of being in league with Satan and the infernal

powers, according to the curious and absurd notions which then prevailed.

{736a} The author did not advert to the date of this law, when the last

sheet was printed, or he would have said _seventy or eighty_, instead of

_sixty or seventy years_, in page 725.

{736b} Blackstone, iv. 61.—It is somewhat remarkable that _France_ set

us the example of prohibiting those bloody prosecutions for witchcraft,

even in the reign of Lewis xiv. who thought proper by an edict, to

restrain the tribunals of justice from receiving informations of

witchcraft. It was right certainly to follow Lewis xiv, and the French

in this instance; but one could have wished we had set the example to

them, and not they to us.

{737} And if such was not always the case, they must, in those

exceptions, have proceeded from extreme ignorance, or self delusion, as

is the case also with many religious visionaries, who pretend to

extraordinary gifts and divine revelations. In either case, therefore,

it must have been extremely hard and cruel to take their confessions as

any evidence of their reputed or supposed guilt, or proof that they had

actually made a contract with the devil, and had been endued by him with

extraordinary knowledge and miraculous powers.

{739} See Encyl. Brit. vol. 18. under _Witchcraft_.—The above sketch may

suffice to give the uninformed reader an idea of what is called

witchcraft; of the existence of which the present writer has expressed

his disbelief. He is aware, however, that the word is used in our

translation of the scriptures, but thinks it there _misused_, and applied

to a different matter from what our language meant by that term.

{740} Even such men as _Henry More_ and _Dr. Cudworth_ could brand as

_atheists_ those who denied or doubted the reality of witchcraft.

{742} See Encycl. Brit. as before; where other matters relating to this

vile subject, and equally disgusting, are related. The above statement

reflects no honour on the memory of our ancestors. But that we are

better, or less brutal and savage than they cannot be proved from our

Indian history, our American War, our blowing up the Spanish frigates,

our sacking and burning Copenhagen, or the recent cruelties exercised in

Ireland.

{744} The circumstances which led, as it is said, to this trial, being

not a little remarkable, may be here related for the reader’s

edification.

“Lord chief justice Holt, who had been wild in his youth, was once

out with some of his raking companions on a journey into the country.

Having spent all their money it was resolved that they should part

company and try their fortune separately. Holt got to an inn at the

end of a straggling village, and putting a good face on the matter,

ordered his horse to be well taken care of, called for a room,

bespoke a supper, and looked after his bed. He then strolled into

the kitchen, where he saw a lass about thirteen years old shivering

with an ague; he inquired of his landlady, a widow, who the girl was,

and how long she had been ill. The good woman told him that she was

her daughter, an only child, and had been ill near a year,

notwithstanding all the assistance she could procure from physic, at

an expence which almost ruined her. He shook his head at the

doctors, and bade the landlady be under no further concern, for that

her daughter should never have another fit. He then wrote a few

unintelligible words in court hand on a scrap of parchment which had

been the directions to a hamper, and rolling it up, ordered that it

should be bound upon the girl’s wrist, and remain there till she was

well. As it happened the ague returned no more; and Holt, having

continued there a week, now called for his bill, with as much courage

as if his pockets had been filled with gold. ‘Ah! God bless you,’

said the landlady, ‘you are nothing in my debt, I’m sure; I wish I

was able to pay you for the cure you have performed upon my daughter;

and if I had had the happiness to see you ten months ago, it would

have saved me forty pounds in my pocket.’ Holt, after some

altercation, accepted of his week’s accommodation as a gratuity, and

rode away. It happened that many year’s afterwards, when he was lord

chief justice of the king’s bench, he went a circuit into the same

county; and among other criminals whom he had to try, there was an

old woman who was charged with witchcraft: to support this charge

several witnesses swore that she had a spell with which she could

either cure such cattle as were sick, or destroy those that were

well: in the use of this spell they said she had been lately

detected, and it having been seized upon her, was ready to be

produced in court: the judge then desired it might be handed up to

him: it appeared to be a dirty ball, covered with rags and bound many

times round with pack-thread: these coverings he removed with great

deliberation, one after another, and at last found a piece of

parchment, which he knew to be the same that he had used as an

expedient to supply his want of money. At the recollection of this

incident he changed colour, and sat silent: at length, recollecting

himself, he addressed the jury to this effect: ‘Gentlemen, I must now

relate a particular of my life, which very ill suits my present

character, and the station in which I now sit: but to conceal it

would be to aggravate the folly for which I ought to atone, to

endanger innocence, and countenance superstition: this bauble, which

you suppose to have the power of life and death, is a senseless

scrawl which I wrote with my own hand and gave the woman, whom, for

no other cause, you accuse for a witch.’ He then related the

particular circumstances of the transaction, and expatiated on the

evil of such prosecutions: and it had such an effect upon the minds

of the people, who now blushed at the folly and the cruelty of their

zeal, that the poor woman was acquitted, and was the last that ever

was tried for witchcraft in that county, and, as some say, in this

kingdom.”

This anecdote is related in the Brit. Biogr. vol. 7. and more at large in

some other biographical works.

{747a} See Beauties of Engl. Vol. 7.

{747b} The above trial before lord chief justice Holt, is said to have

been the last, but its date we cannot discover.

{749} The cart was overturned on the 5th of May, 1808. On the following

Sunday Evening, the 8th of the same month, as the minister of the parish

informs us, “a considerable number of people assembled together, as it

grew dark, and taking with them the young women ridiculously supposed to

be bewitched, about ten o’clock proceeded to the house of _Wright

Izzard_, which stands alone at some distance from the body of the

village. When they arrived at this solitary spot, so favourable for the

execution of their villanous designs, they broke into the poor man’s

house, dragged his wife out of bed, and threw her naked into the yard;

where her arms were torn with pins, her head was dabbed against the large

stones of the causeway—and her face, stomach, and breast were severely

bruised with a thick stick that served as a bar to the door. Having thus

satisfied themselves, the mob dispersed. The woman then crawled into her

house, put on her clothes and went to the constable, who said, he could

not protect her, because he was not sworn.” The humanity, protection,

and assistance which she could not find at the constable’s very happily

for herself she found under the roof of a poor widow; who unlocked her

door at the first call, wrapped up her neighbour’s bleeding arms with the

nicest linen rags she had, affectionately sympathized with and comforted

her, and gave her a bed. But, horrible to relate! the compassion and

kindness of this poor woman, were the means of shortening her days. “The

protectors of a witch are just as bad as the witch, and deserve the same

treatment!” cried the infatuated and savage populace, the next morning.

This so affected and terrified the poor companionate widow that she

actually died soon after.—The next evening, that of Monday the 9th of

May, Ann Izzard was a second time dragged out of her house, when her arms

were again torn with pins till they streamed afresh with blood. Alive

the next morning, and apparently likely to survive this attack also, her

enemies resolved to have her _ducked_, as soon as the labour of the day

was over. On hearing this, she hastily quitted her home, and took refuge

in the house of the minister of the parish; where the vile wretches durst

not follow her.—The worthy clergyman, for taking her part, and becoming

her protector, lost the good opinion, and incurred the detestation of a

great part of his parishioners; and if he and his friends had not had

recourse to the strong arm of the law it is impossible to say where the

madness would have ended.—See Preface to a sermon against Witchcraft,

preached in the parish church of Great Paxton, July 17. 1808. By the

rev. J. _Nicholson_, curate of that parish.

{751} Of these occurrences, one relates to a certain farmer, not far

off, with his neighbours, and a _cunning man_ whom he went to consult on

an interesting occasion.—It was intended to relate it somewhat

circumstantially, as it proves the general belief in Witchcraft which

still prevails among our country people: but for certain reasons,

needless here to mention, we refrain for the present.—Another of those

occurrences appertains to the _town_, and to such of its inhabitants who

profess to think most freely for themselves, and to search most

diligently after truth.—How little these good people have yet got beyond

their blind and boorish country neighbours in some important points of

doctrine, and how unlikely they are at present ever to make much progress

in scriptural or religious knowledge, will appear from the mighty offence

or alarm which many of them are said to have taken at a late attempt of

one of their ministers to correct some of their absurd and stupid notions

relating to the _devil_. Among these devout alarmists, or rather at

their head, are said to be the revd. S. N. and the revd. I. A. two

gentlemen of about equal respectability, as well as equal profoundness of

understanding. But why need we to wonder at any thing of the kind at

Lynn?—it is not very long ago since some of these very people took upon

them to pronounce a certain case of _insanity_ to be verily a case of

_diabolical possession_: and as they thought the demon to be of that kind

that would not go out but by _prayer_ and _fasting_, they actually kept

praying and fasting meetings for the express purpose of dislodging the

foul fiend!—But these follies may, perhaps, be more properly castigated

when we come to exhibit the _present state_ of the town. We will

therefore defer, till then, the final execution of the business. But it

is really most disgusting to think, after the millions this nation pays

annually to its moral and religious instructors, how ignorant the

greatest part of the people still are. Most of these instructors must

either be ignorant themselves, or desirous that the people should

continue so. In either case, it is a shameful consideration.—With _ten_

or _twelve thousand_ pastors of our national church, and two rich and

famous universities, nurseries of new pastors, all maintained at an

annual expense, perhaps, of no less than _ten millions sterling_: (not to

mention the numerous pastors and teachers belonging to all our other

sects, maintained also at _no small_ expense,)—with all these, we will

venture to say, our country ought to be much better taught, and in a far

more enlightened state than it now is. But while our pastors and

teachers are either too ignorant to enlighten the people, or influenced

by hypocrisy, fear, or worldly policy, so as to be loth to disturb the

minds or offend their bigoted hearers, by attacking their favourite

errors and endeavouring to undeceive them, there seems but little chance

of our ever getting much further informed or enlightened.

{759a} It was a perfect Helter Skelter, no doubt; but it was well it

passed so harmlessly.

{759b} In the same MS. it is added, that “a night or two before the

surrender, most of the powder and shott were conveyed away by some of the

town”—It was well, the commissioners of the besieging army, at the

ensuing treaty, did not know of this, or they would probably have imposed

upon the town much harder terms.

{760a} Rushworth.

{760b} Page 182.

{762a} Those sufferings, as to _loss of lives_, seem to have been

inconsiderable: even during the siege we hear of but _four_ of the

townsmen _killed_, and a _few wounded_. They made not many _sallies_,

nor did they wait till the town was _stormed_, or the case might have

been very different. We have seen no account of the loss of the

_besiegers_.

{762b} We do not presume that our list is yet complete: many more

murders for what was called _witchcraft_, were probably committed here

than we know of.

{764} Near two years after the above visit from Cromwell, _Sir Thomas

Fairfax_ appears to have visited this town: accordingly the following

memorial of it stands in the town books—“Feb. 17, (1644,5.) ordered that

Mr. Basset, chamberlain, shall pay for the Sack and Sugar at the

entertainment of Sir Tho. Fairfax to this Towne.”

{765a} His name is differently spelt.

{765b} This plainly shews it had been previously customary to allow the

members so much per diem, or appoint them daily wages while they attended

their duty in parliament: and it was no doubt very right and proper,

though it has been long ago discontinued.

{765c} The mayor and corporation had before, it seems, taken upon

themselves to send whom they pleased to parliament, without allowing the

freemen at large to have any voice on the occasion. But the members sent

to that parliament appear to have been chosen by the freemen at large:

and they were _the first ever so chosen here_; as we learn from one of

the old MSS.

{766} It seems by this, that the members had been used to receive their

pay at the _close_ of each session, and not before.

{767} They had also, about two months before, lent the parliament

100_l._ out of the _town-stock_, as appears from the town records.

{768} The celebrated and patriotic _Andrew Marvell_, member for _Hull_,

who died in 1678, is said to have been the last who received an allowance

from his constituents for his parliamentary services.

{769} Presuming that a view of some of the principal documents on which

the above statement is founded may prove acceptable and satisfactory to

the reader, the author takes the liberty of introducing them here from a

MS. Volume of extracts from the town-books, in the handwriting of one of

the former aldermen, whence some of the preceding quotations have also

been drawn.—With regard to the _short_ parliament of 1640 we meet in this

MS. the following Note—

“March 13. (1639, 40.) This day Mr Mayor, (Thomas Toll Esq) brought

in and caused to be openly read in the House a Warrant or precept

directed to him from Thomas Windham Esq. High Sheriffe of this county

of Norfolk, to elect and choose according to Law two Burgesses for

this Burgh to serve in the parliament summon’d to be holden at

Westminster on the 13th April next coming: and Mr. _Mayor_, the

_Aldermen_ and _Common Councell_ have now accordingly chosen Mr.

Doughty and Mr. Gurlyn, two Aldermen of the said burgh, to be

burgesses to serve in the said parliament for this borough; and have

agreed that Indentures shall be presently made and sealed according

to law between the High Sherife and the said Electors: and yt is

farther ordered and agreed, that the said two Burgesses, during their

service in the said parliament, shall have payd and allowed them, by

the town, for their wages, five shillings a day apiece. (Wm. Doughty

and Th. Gurlyn were the eldest Aldermen.”)

Of the election for the ensuing, or long parliament the following notice

occurs—

“1640, October, 12th. This day two Letters were by Mr. Mayor (Wm.

Doughty Esq.) offered and read in the House, the one sent to the

mayor, Aldermen, and burgesses, by the Earle of Arundell, Lord

Gridall, the other to Mr. Mayor himselfe, the effect of both Lrs.

being to elect a burgess to serve in the next insuing parliament,

Contain[ing] whom his lordship hath nominated in his said Letter, and

that it is unanimously agreed by this House, that they will choose no

other burgesses to serve in parliament but only such as are resident

and inhabitants within the Corporation.”

In this instance the Corporation discovered what may be called a

dignified and independent spirit; and what was no less to their credit,

they also discovered a regard for rectitude and equity, in allowing the

freemen at large, as was before hinted, to have a voice now, for the very

_first time_, in the election of their representatives. Of the

parliaments of 1653, 1654, and 1656 we have spoken already: Of that of

1658, or rather 1659, we have the following notice in the same book—

“December 31. (1658.) This day Mr. Mayor (Henry Bell) brought into

this house a precept to him directed, from John Hedley Esq. Sherife

of Norfolk for election of two burgesses to serve in the next

parliament, to be holden upon the 27th. January next, for this

burrough of King’s Lynn, which was read in this House, and it is

thereupon ordered that the election of the said burgesses to sitt in

parliament be made _in this House by the members of this House

according to the antient custome_, on the 3rd January next, and that

publication and warning thereof be made, to the end all persons

concerned in the same election may take notice thereof.”

Four days after, the following note occurs, relating to the same

election—

“January 3rd. Whereas severall burgesses of this burrough, _of the

commons at large_, have made their requests to this House, that they

might be admitted to join with this House in the election of

burgesses to sitt in the next parliament, it is ordered that the

resolves of the Committee of Priviledges of the last parliament, and

the Parliament’s orders thereon concerning elections be first read to

them.”

Then it is added—

“This day upon further debate, it being adjudged by this House that

the right of election of the burgesses is at present in this House,

according to the aforesaid order, it is therefore ordered that this

House doe proceed to an election accordingly: and that in case the

Commons at large shall after such election persist in their desires

to have the Precept for the elections of burgesses to be read unto

them, that the same be read unto them accordingly, for their

satisfaction.”

Then it is added in another paragraph, as before—

“This day the Mayor, Aldermen, and common Councel have elected and

chosen Mr. Th. Toll, one of the aldermen of this burrough and Capt.

Griffith Loyd to be burgesses for this burrough in the next

parliament to be holden the 27th instant.”

Next after this we read as follows—

“January 5th. This day by order of this House the Common Seal is

taken out of the Treasury and affixed unto ane Indenture for the

election of Mr. Alderman Toll and Capt. Griffith Loyd to be burgesses

in the next parliament for this Burrough of King’s Lynn.”

Thus the affair then ended, and the freemen at large were excluded from

any share or concern in the election.

{774a} We accordingly find the following items in one of the Church

books within the first year after the siege—

_Received by virtue of severall

warrants from Mr. John May

maior_.—1644,

July 13 Of I. Hinderson, 00_l._ 01_s._ 00_d._

ostler, for an oath

sweareing in Mr.

mayor’s hearing

Dec. 23. Of Mihill Turner, 00. 10. 00.

alehousekeeper, for

suffering tippling in

his house

Dec. 24. Of John Say, 00. 10. 00.

alehousekeeper, levied

for the same offence

Mar. 6. Of John Pratt, dier, 00. 03. 04.

for tippleing in the

said John Saves house

Mar. 7. Of Margarett Freeman, 00. 10. 00.

alehousekeeper, for

suffering tipling in

her house

Mar. 15. Of Phillip Murrell for 00. 05. 00.

loytring in time of

church service on a

Lords Day

Mar. 16. Of Richard Porter, 00. 01. 00.

pinner, for an

apprentice boy of his

offending in the like

This is the first account we meet with of these proceedings here; but a

great deal in the same way occurs in the memoranda of succeeding years.

{774b} See Abstract of Town-books under 1650.

{775} Under that year the following articles occur in the

church-warden’s accounts, May 6. (received) from Hillar Browne, by the

hands of Capt. Wm. Mann, levied upon the said Hillar Browne by him, for

profanely swearing seven oathes, 7_s._

July 9. Levied by vertue of a warrant from Mr. John May maior, by

distraining and selling twelve puter platters of the goods of Wm.

Churston, for that the said Wm. and Jone his wife were convicted for

profanely swearing each ten oathes, 1_l._

{776} Under 1646 we find as follows—

April 18. Levied upon Roger Gaunt by virtue of a warrant from Mr

Edward Robinson, maior, for neglecting and refusing to serve overseer

being chosen, 1_l._

Nov. 4. Levied upon Peter Dixon, a baker, by warrant from Tho. Toll,

maior, for travelling on the Lord’s day 10_s._ whereof 12_d._ to John

Gray informer.

Nov. 22. Levied upon one Smith, a smith, of Wisbeach, for the like

offence 10_s._ whereof to a soldier that informed 12_d._ and to the

Court of Guard 12_d._

Nov. 23. Levied upon William Tabbott and Francis Pollard for the

like offence 20_s._ whereof to John Rainer and William Disborough

informers 2_s._ 6_d._

Nov. 24. Levied upon Mr. William Edwards of Swinstead, for the like

offence 10_s._ whereof to Thomas Lyny, a soldier, informer, was given

12_d._

Feb. 9. Levied upon Daniell Rose for drunkeness 5_s._ and for 3

oathes sworne before Mr. maior 3_s._ but because he was poor he had

4_s._ given him, as to the poor.

Feb. 24. Levied upon a servant of William Marches, innkeeper, for

convicted drunkenness 5_s._

March 10. Levied upon James Yates for 2 oathes 2_s._ whereof to

Miles Lawes, poor lame and blind, 12_d._

March 12. Levied upon a stranger at Peeter Lawes, innkeeper, for

travilling on a fast day, 5_s._

March 26. Levied upon another stranger, for the same offence, 5_s._

to Brian Middleton, informer, 12_d._

Aprill 15. Levied more upon Richard Paule, alehousekeeper, for

suffering tipling in his house, 10_s._

May 22. Levied more upon the said Richard Paule, alehousekeeper, for

breaking of the assize of beere for six quarts 6_l._ convicted by

oath of John Gibson, woolcomber.—More upon Katherine the wife of the

said Rich: Paule, for swearing ten oathes, 10_s._

May 24. Levied upon Thomas Forster, Christopher Pert, and Dorothy

Goreing widdow, three alehousekeepers, for drawing beere without

licence, each of them 20_s._—3_l._

June 22, Levied upon a stranger, for profanely sweareing one oath,

1_s._

July 21 Levied upon Edward Arther, alias Logstone, and John Mason,

alehousekeepers, for drawing beere without licence, each of them

20_s._

July 26. Levied more upon William Medcalfe, alehousekeeper, for the

same offence 1_l._

Oct. 15. Levied upon William Greene, alehousekeeper, for the same

offence 1_l._

{779} “_Mony collected in St. Margaret’s Church for charitable uses by

breifes_, _since the feast of Easter_ 1653, _to the feast of Easter_

1654, _by the then present Churchwardens_, _for the said yeare_, _Thomas

Grinnell and Robart Greene_.

Imprimis—Collected for the poore inhabitants of _Drayton_ in

Shropsheire, for a loss sustained by fyre, and paid the 13th. of

October 1653, to Robt. Blessed of King’s Lynn 1_l._ 17_s._ 4_d._

Collected for the poore inhabitants of _Newmarkett_, in Southfolk,

for a losse sustained by fyre, and paid the 9th. of February, 1653,

to George Howard of the same towne, 1_l._ 9_s._ 3_d._

Collected for the poore inhabitants of _Long Sutton_, in the county

of Lincolnsheire, for a losse sustained by fyre, and paid the 28th.

of Febr. 1653: to Elizabeth Plunkett of the same towne 1_l._ 13_s._

Collected for the poore inhabitants of the towne of _Bungaye_, in

Southfolke, for a losse sustained by fyre, 1_l._ 15_s._—[N.B. This

is said not to have been paid; but no reason is assigned for that.]

Collected for the poore inhabitants of _Malborowe_, in Wiltsheire,

for a losse sustained by fyre: 224 houses and a church being consumed

by the said fyre, which losse did amount to 70,000_l._ and was

collected in the church, and paid 11th. of March 1653, to John Basset

Esq. then maior, appointed to receive the same, the sum of 6_l._

13_s._ 10_d._

Collected for the natives and distressed people of _Newe England_,

and that from house to house, within this parish, and paid unto Mr.

Joshua Greene the 20th. of November 1653, 25_l._ 13_s._

“_Moneys collected in St. Margaret’s Church for charitable uses_, _in the

year_ 1654.

Collected for the inhabitants of _Glosco_, (Glasgow) in Scotland, for

a losse sustained by fyre to the vallew of 1,000000_l._ the 23d. of

Aprill 1654, which was paid unto Mr. John Basset, then maior, the

sume of 3_l._ 10_s._ 10_d._

Collected for a Greation, (grecian) towards the redemption of those

that were prisoners in _Argeare_ (Algier): their ransome amounting to

12,000 dollers; and paid unto him 13th. Sept. 1654. 5_l._ 4_s._

6_d._

Collected (again) for the towne of _Drayton_, county of Salop, for a

losse by fyre, and paid unto Pollicarpus Tooke, the 4th. of February

1654, 2_l._ 3_s._ 1_d._

Collected by the ministers and church-wardens, from house to house,

for the poore Prodestance (protestants) in _Savoy_, the 17th. of June

1655, and paid to Mr. Tho. Greene, then maior, 47_l._ 15_s._ 9_d._

Among subsequent collections we find 10_l._ 1_s._ for the relief of the

distressed protestants in _Poland_.

{783} The number, if we mistake not, is _eight_; the _recorder_, _three_

aldermen, and _four_ common-council-men. What blame is imputable to

them, may not be easy to say. We are willing to suppose it may not be

very much; at least, not so much as what belongs to their resident

brethren, who have it in their power to strike off their names from the

list of members: and though it may not be of any material consequence to

the community at large if they be still continued on the list of members,

or if _eight_, or even _eighteen_ more were to become absentees and

retain their respective memberships; yet in point of good policy it may

not be quite the thing, lest the _unprivileged_ part of the townsmen

should by decrees take it into their heads, that it would be no very

serious cause of alarm if the whole corporation, except the mayor,

recorder, and town clerk, were to set out in a body to make the _tour of

Europe_, or to perform a _voyage round the world_.

{787} We also learn that the _expense_ at this period _of taking up

one’s freedom_ in this town (according to ancient custom) amounted to

only 7_s._ 3_d._ which was divided as follows, viz. To the prisoners

4_d._—to the poor 1_s._—to the officers 1_s._—to Mrs. Mayoress 1_s._—to

the town-clerk 1_s._—for the Seal and Burgess-Letter 3_s._ 4_d._—(whereof

1_s._ 8_d._ to Mr. Mayor, and 1_s._ 8_d._ to the town-clerk,) total 7_s._

8_d._—The expense is a good deal more now; but to those who obtain their

freedom by inheritance, or servitude, it is far from being exorbitant.

{790} See Laing’s excellent History of Scotland, where the fact here

alluded to is clearly stated and established.

{792a} Kimber.

{792b} Ibid.

{796a} Hist. Purit. IV. 270.

{796b} In 1657 and 1658 our reforming magistrates carried on their

rigorous measures with so high a hand that not a few of the drawers, or

publicans, were heavily fined, and 30 of them, as was said before,

actually imprisoned. No less than 300 _tickets_ were also, in the mean

time, issued or given out against different defaulters, as we learn from

one of the MS. accounts of that period.

{797} They were not all, it seems, the daughters of respectable or

opulent families: 200 of them, if we rightly understand one of our MSS.

were poor girls, clothed at the expense of Captain Wharton and Mr. Kirby,

two newly restored aldermen, and both flaming royalists. It was very

natural for the young girls to be then brisk and joyful, if it were only

to find themselves unexpectedly, and all of a sudden, so well and gayly

clad. The other hundred lasses may be supposed to have been clothed at

their own expense, or that of their parents and friends.

{800} The following hints from Kimber may serve to throw some further

light on the above Address and the circumstances that led to it.

“Such was the animosity between the court and country parties at this

time (1679) that it looked as if the year _Forty-One_ was going to be

acted over again; which probably had been the case, if the king’s

necessities had occasioned him to make the parliament perpetual, as

his father had done—if Scotland had not been so effectually enslaved,

by a standing army which the court kept there, that they had not

power to stir—and if the bishops and clergy had been as disagreeable

to most of the people as they were at that time. Besides, all the

staunch episcopalians, fearing the presbyterians might again subvert

the established church, forgetting the dangers of popery, joined

themselves so firmly with the court, as to make it at last formidable

to the other party. During the repeated prorogations of the present

parliament abundance of addresses were presented from all parts to

petition for its speedy sitting; which being highly distasteful to

the court, means were found to have a number of _counter-addresses_,

expressing the greatest _abhorrence_ of such petitions, as an

infringement upon the prerogative, which they took care in their

expressions to advance as high as possible. And so the nation became

divided into two parties, _Petitioners_ and _Abhorrers_, soon known

by the names of _Whigs_ and _Tories_, which the parties, by way of

reproach, gave each other: _Tory_ being the name of an _Irish_

robber, and _Whig_ signifying sour-milk, an appellation first given

to the _Scotch_ presbyterians.”

Thus it appears that the Lynn corporation were then rank _tories_, or

_Abhorrers_—that is, they abhorred liberty and loved slavery. How much

things have changed among us for the better since, is a question that we

will not now attempt to resolve.

{803} See Mackerell 253, 254.

{805} This prince afterwards, in 1715, made an unsuccessful effort to

recover the throne of his ancestors, to which he and many others thought

he had so undoubted right.

{806} This was perhaps the expulsion from the Hall of the mayor,

town-clerk, five aldermen, and eight common-councilmen, by order of

Council, and appointing others who were thought better of (and who were

among the present addressers) in their room, by royal mandate. Among the

latter was _Henry Framingham_. This happened in June.

{812} It is somewhat remarkable that our present members are descended

from those two gentlemen who represented the town so long ago. One of

the Walpoles has represented it almost ever since, and a moiety of the

representation of Lynn is now considered as almost hereditary in that

family. One of our present members is generally on the _right_ and the

other on the _wrong_ side in the House: for they are mostly on opposite

sides.

{820} A late friend of the present writer assured him that he was once

servant to her grandfather, who, if he rightly recollects, was a _baker_

at Downham. His enormous vanity, after he grew rich, caused people often

to advert to the meanness of his origin.

{826} The author has a Norwich farthing of 1667, which it a year earlier

than any of those of Lynn that have fallen in his way. Very few of these

tokens appeared before the restoration. They became then very common for

ten years or more.

{832a} 1673 according to our reckoning.

{832b} What follows is somewhat abridged occasionally.

{834} The above trial cost the people of South Lynn 42_l._ 1_s._

1_d._—The following are some of the items of their bill of costs—“For six

horses hire to Thetford 1_l._ 16_s._—Expences in our way out and home

6_s._ 6_d._—Six men’s diet and horse meat at Thetford, 1_l._ 11_s._

5_d._”—A bill of costs or expences on a similar occasion at present,

would make a very different appearance.—We cannot dismiss this subject

without suggesting a wish, that this had been the very last foolish and

disgraceful lawsuit that our corporation have been engaged in.

{837} Of this affair _Burnet_ speaks as follows—

“A bill of indictment was presented to the Grand Jury against Lord

Shaftsbury. The Jury was composed of many of the chief citizens of

London. The Witnesses were examined in open Court, contrary to the

usual custom: they swore many incredible things against him, mixed

with other things that looked very like his extravagant way of

talking. The draught of the Association was also brought as a proof

of his treason, though it was not laid in the indictment, and was

proved only by one witness. The Jury returned Ignoramus upon the

bill. Upon this the Court did declaim with open mouth against these

juries; in which they said the spirit of the party did appear, since

men even upon oath shewed they were resolved to find bills true or

ignoramus as they pleased, without regarding the evidence. And upon

this a new set of _addresses_ went round the kingdom, in which they

expressed their abhorrence of that association found in Lord

Shaftsbury’s cabinet; and complained that justice was denied the

king: which were set off with all the fulsome rhetoric that the

penners could varnish them with.” H. O. T. 2. 153

{838} See Burnet H. O. T. 2. 535.

{840} From the preceding extracts it appears that the corporation

affected or pretended to have surrendered their old charters

_voluntarily_, or as their own free and spontaneous act and deed: hence

they speak of having done it _with one assent and content_—_freely

surrendering_—as the _act and deed of the mayor and burgesses_, _&c._

Whereas it was all the effect of constraint, or imperious and unavoidable

necessity. The same was the case with the monks and friers at the

reformation, previously to the dissolution of the monasteries: they all

solemnly declared, in their instruments of surrender, that they acted

_freely_ and _without compulsion_, though the contrary was well known to

have been invariably the fact. Thus it is very clear that the

surrendering of the charters as well as of the convents was a scene of

hypocrisy and falshood.

{841} The Charter here alluded to, (being the 2nd. and last of those

obtained from Charles II,) contains the following clause—

“PROVIDED always, and full power and authority to Us our Heirs and

Successors by these Presents we resume, and from time to time and at

all times hereafter the Steward, Mayor, Recorder, Town-clerk, and all

or any of the Justices of the Peace, or of the Aldermen, or of the

Common-Councell, or of the Coroners of the Burgh aforesaid, or of

other officers, members, or ministers of the same Burgh for the time

being, at the will and pleasure of Us, or of our Heirs and

Successors, by any of our order or any order of our Heirs and

Successors in Privy Councell made and under the Seal of them

signified respectively to remove, or to declare to be removed, and as

often as We and our Heirs and Successors by any such our order made

in Privy Councell declare the same Steward, Mayor, Recorder,

Town-clerk, and all or any of the Justices of the Peace, of the

Aldermen, and of the Common-Councell, or of the Coroners of the said

Burgh for the time being, or of the other Officers, members,

ministers, to be removed from their respective offices aforesaid,

That then from thenceforth the Steward, Mayor, &c. &c. of the same

Burgh for the time being so removed or declared to be removed from

their several and respective offices, Ipso Facto and without any

further process, really and to all intents and purposes whatsoever,

are and shall be removed, and this as often as the case shall so

happen, any thing to the contrary thereof in any wise

notwithstanding.”

This sufficiently shews how completely in the king’s power this memorable

Charter placed our corporation, so as to be no longer any better than

mere and miserable tools and vassals of the court.

{843} The _oaths_ being _dispensed with_ seems to imply that some of

them were _catholics_, or that way inclined. Their places and new

honours, however, they did not long retain; for about a fortnight before

the arrival of the prince of Orange they were all in their turn

displaced, and the old ones were restored: only _Mr. Cyprian Anderson_

was readmitted and chosen mayor. Of this event one of our old MS.

histories gives the following account—

“On the 20th of October John Davy was displaced and Cyprian Anderson

was chosen mayor, by reason of the king’s proclamation for restoring

Corporations to their ancient rights and priviledges; at which time

all those members that came in with the New Charter, or by Mandamus,

were displaced, and the old ones put in again: at which sudden

alterations all expressed great satisfaction, appearing by the people

ringing of bells and firing of guns: and on the 22nd. Mr mayor

bringing home the mayoress out of the country was met with near a

hundred horsemen and received with firing of guns and ringing of

bells, and all sorts of people striving to exceed in their

acclamations of joy.”

Thus it appears that even Lynn, at last, came to partake in some degree

of the then prevailing national aversion to the system or measures of the

court.

{845a} They were again brought back and restored to their former places

at the end of about eleven months; for it is noted in the Town Books,

under the date of Sept. 27 1689. “The Gunns, &c. were returned from

Hull.”

{845b} That nobleman, if the author is not mistaken, was the last

_protestant_ duke of Norfolk before the present. He was very active

after the arrival of the prince of Orange in promoting the cause of the

revolution in this county, and nowhere perhaps more so than he was in

this town. For we find that he came here himself on that occasion,

assembled the inhabitants and harangued them, in the market-place and

elsewhere, so successfully, that he seemed to have brought them over

altogether to his own way of thinking before he left the town. It is

therefore probable that the change which then took place in the politicks

of Lynn was in no small measure owing to his exertions. A remarkable

anecdote concerning him used to be related by some ancient people at

Norwich 30 or 40 years ago, the substance of which was to the following

purport.—

“The duke, in the summer and autumn of 1688 was suspected by James

and his ministers to be inimical to their proceedings, and was

therefore narrowly watched by their emissaries, of which he himself

was not unconscious. He resided then chiefly at his palace in

Norwich, where his evenings were generally spent with large parties

of the principal inhabitants of the city and its vicinity, which

consisted not merely of protestants, but also of catholics, who would

not be likely to connive at, or conceal any symptoms of dissaffection

or disloyalty which they might discover in his conduct. Some

correspondence was said to have been carried on between him and the

prince of Orange; but on some very particular occasion, not specified

by the narrators of the anecdote, he wished for a personal interview

with the prince. This would be a hazardous undertaking, as he was

then circumstanced; yet he resolved to make the attempt. It was now

about Michaelmas, or later, when the prince had collected his forces,

had arranged the plan of his expedition to this country, and was

preparing to embark. The Duke procured a small fast sailing vessel

with all possible secrecy, which was to wait for him, at a given

time, somewhere on the Norfolk coast. The very day previous to his

intended embarkation, he invited a large party of his accustomed

guests to spend the evening with him at Norwich, and they staid there

till a late hour. As soon as they were gone, he and a trusty servant

mounted their horses and rode towards the sea-coast. Not far from

the spot where the vessel lay, there was a farm-house occupied by one

of his tenants. When they came nigh to that house he alighted, bid

his servant take the horses to the farm house and stay there till he

should come to him, as he had some business to transact in the

neighbourhood, and would join him as soon as possible. He then

walked towards the vessel and got aboard. The wind then proving

fair, he was in a few hours conveyed to the Dutch coast, nigh to the

place where the prince lay encamped. He went ashore without loss of

time, walked towards the tent or head quarters of the prince. But as

he was going along he overheard an English soldier say to his

comrade, ‘There goes the Duke of Norfolk.’ Alarmed at finding he was

discovered, he walked on, apparently unconcerned; but before he got

to the Head Quarters he turned aside, returned another way to the

vessel, went aboard again, and immediately set sail for England. The

wind now proving fair, as before, he actually reached the Norfolk

coast before night, near the selfsame spot where he had before

embarked. He then walked to the farm-house, remounted his horse and

arrived at Norwich early in the evening. He then sent for the same

party that had been the preceding evening with him, who spent that

evening there as they had done the former, no one having the least

idea of his extraordinary adventure. This proved a wise precaution;

for the soldier’s report having reached the ears of James’s

emissaries in Holland, intelligence of it was immediately conveyed to

the English court, when a messenger was forthwith dispatched to

Norwich to arrest the Duke. His Grace, in order to discredit, or

refute the report, appealed to the parties or guests above mentioned,

many of whom were catholicks, who affirmed that he was at home at his

own house in Norwich the evening immediately preceding and that

immediately succeeding the day in which he was said to have been seen

in Holland. This attestation was deemed a sufficient proof of an

alibi, and it delivered the Duke from the danger which threatened

him.”

This anecdote was related to the present writer above 30 years ago, at

Norwich, by a Mr. _Cubitt_, a very intelligent and respectable old

gentleman, who appeared to give it full credit, which he was not likely

to have done on any slight ground, or without very good reason.

{851a} “The right divine of kings to govern wrong.”

{851b} Laing.

{856} That is, of the populace, who on the first discovery of his flight

proceeded to plunder the popish chapels and houses, but were soon

restrained and obliged to desist.

{857} “A voluntary desertion and a virtual renunciation, both of the

government and realm, were meant to be implied in that ambiguous

expression, in order to open the succession to the next protestant heir.

But the abdication of government was irreconcileable with the premises,

as it was neither applicable to his abuse of power, nor to his departure

from the kingdom, which was more from constraint than choice.”—Laing, as

before.

{859} For a more circumstantial account see _Rapin_, and especially

_Laing_, from whose excellent History of Scotland much of the preceding

account if taken.

{861} The chief of whom, we presume, was the famous _Framingham_, who

was then mayor. There was another great man that was also deeply

concerned in this vile business, perhaps the first _Turner_, but we are

not sure, for a blank is left for the name in the printed account.—Of

Framingham there can be little doubt, and Turner seems the most likely to

be the other, as he was mayor the next year, when the persecution was

still going on. They were, no doubt, very competent to judge, what sort

of _religion_ was fit to be allowed in the town: one educated at a

_bakehouse_, and the other at a _pot-house_, or _tavern_.

{862} About this same time, if we are not mistaken, the informers

affected to be very sorry for what they had done, and pretended great

trouble of conscience and contrition, whereby they so wrought upon

Marham, that they got from him a discharge from their false information,

upon their giving bonds for their future good behaviour. But it was all

a villanous contrivance, in order to escape out of their present danger,

and be able more easily to effect his ruin; for, about a fortnight after,

they came (says our account) “and actually seized his goods according to

the former levy; which plainly discovered their design of agreement was

but to have a safer advantage against him; and by seizing, to ruin him;

and therefore it was that he was advised to _sue the Bonds_.”—See a small

tract entitled _The Lynn Persecution_, printed in London in the early

part of 1693.

{864} That affair appears to have been in agitation as early as 1685;

whence the following note has been inserted in the town-books—“Nov. 23.

1665, Recommended a petition which was presented to this house,

concerning the decay of the stocking trade in this towne, by _weaving_ of

the same, to the care of Sir Simon Taylor and Sir John Turner, our

members of parliament.”—It would seem by this, that the case was, even

then, laid before the legislature, or meant so to be; but we know not the

result.

{865} Kimber.

{869} So it is in the Extracts, but it should, no doubt, be 1627_l._

{874} This appears from a Letter sent by _Dr. Little_, then minister of

this town, to the author of an Account of that storm, published soon

after in a 12mo. volume: of which Letter the following is a copy—

“Sir, I had answered yours sooner, but that I was willing to get the

best information I could of the effect of the late dismal storm

amongst us. I have advised with our merchants and ship-masters, and

find that we have lost from this port seven ships, the damage

whereof, at a modest computation, amount to 3000_l._ The men that

perished in them are reckoned about twenty in number. There is

another ship missing, tho’ we are not without hopes that she is gone

northward: the value of ship and cargo about 1500_l._ The damage

sustained in the buildings of the town is computed at a 1000_l._ at

least.

I am your faithful Friend and Servant,

_Thomas Little_.”

Lyn, January 17. 1703–4.

{875} So confident was he of the firmness of the structure, that he is

said to have declared, when doubts were suggested of the danger it might

be exposed to from a great storm, that he should have no fear to be there

in the greatest storm that could blow.

{876} Of the general tenor of that proclamation the reader may form some

judgment from the following extract—

“Whereas by the late most terrible and dreadful storms of wind; with

which it has pleased almighty God to afflict the greatest part of

this our kingdom on Friday and Saturday, the 26th. and 27th. days of

November last; some of our ships of war, and many ships of our loving

subjects, have been destroyed and lost at sea, and great numbers of

our subjects serving on board the same have perished, and many houses

and other buildings of our good subjects have been either wholly

thrown down and demolished, or very much damnified and defaced, and

thereby several persons have been killed, and many stacks of corn and

hay thrown down and scattered abroad, to the great damage and

impoverishment of many others, especially the poorer sort; and great

number of timber and other trees have by the said storm been torn up

by the roots, in many parts of this our kingdom. A calamity of this

sort so dreadful and astonishing, that the like hath not been or felt

in the memory of any person living in this, our kingdom, and which

loudly calls for the deepest and most solemn humiliation of us and

our people. Therefore, out of a deep and pious sense of what we, and

our people have suffered, by the said dreadful winds and storms,

which we most humbly acknowledge to be a token of the divine

displeasure, and that it was the infinite mercy of God that we and

our people were not thereby wholly destroyed—we have resolved, and do

hereby command, that a general and public fast be observed, &c.”

{878} Of that address the following notice and copy are to be found in

the Hall-books—

“Sept. 25. 1704. It is ordered that the common Seale be affixed to

the following address To the Queen’s most Excellent Majestie. May it

please your Majestie, To admitt us (amongst the great number of your

loyall subjects) with unfeigned hearts to congratulate the glorious

success of your arms in the victory obtained by your successfull

Generall John Duke of Marleborow over the French and Bavarians near

Hochstet; a defeat so entire, that hardly foreign or English history

can paralell, so seasonable that the safety of the whole empire was

the consequence of it; and upon the distant Danube, where the English

arms never triumphed before: and whilst reverence makes us approach

leisurely to your Majesties Throne, every day still produces new

trophies; the Sea as well as the Land, Affrica as well as Europe must

loudly proclaime Your Majestie is every where, invincible.—These are

blessings justly due to your Majesties Piety and Courage, who so

steddily have pursued the example of your glorious Predecessor, that

from his early years, and almost a private station was always the

chiefe opposer of the torrent of France, Popery, and Slavery, and

whose memory will always be valuable in all true English hearts; were

it for nothing else, yet for paving us the establishment of a

Protestant succession in the person of your sacred Majestie,

Notwithstanding which by the treachery of your faithless Ennemys your

Majestie upon your accession found the dreadful powers of France and

Spain united, who singly have in their turns push’d fair for the

western monarchy. This would have shaken any courage less firm than

your own, who whilst all Europe lay gasping waiting for the result of

your councell, you stretched out your powerful arme to support the

then tottering frame of its liberty, and was alone able to preserve

it, and in that ourselves. And whilst your Majestie so carefully

nurses our established church, your charity extends to the whole

Protestant interest of Europe, which must certainly appear very

naturall to your Majestie whilst your capital Enemy prides himselfe

in being the Head of the Roman Catholicks and they in him.—May Your

Majesties Subjects unite in their acknowledgements to your Majestie

that the last subterfuge of our conquered Ennemys (our Divisions) may

not prevail amongst us; but that whilst our Armys are so bravely

commanded, our Treasury so frugally expended, our Laws so equally

administered—and above all, The whole by your Majesties providentiall

care so wisely superintended, Our Religion and Liberty may under your

most auspicious government be immovably secured to us and to our

Posterity.”

Such was this notable specimen of the wisdom and loyalty, the genius and

eloquence of our honoured ancestors.

{880a} This teems to bespeak a consciousness that all was not right, and

that some of their exactions were unjust and oppressive.

{880b} It appears that they were now ready to relinquish, if hard

pressed, all the exactions complained of, except the two particulars last

specified; which certainly does not look well.

{883} Of this memorable address we have found the following copy

extracted from the Hall-books; which will give the reader an opportunity

to form his own opinion of its merits or character.

“June 9. 1706—The Humble Address of the mayor, recorder, aldermen,

and common-councell of your Majesties ancient Burgh of King’s

Lynn.—May it please your Majestie—Having ever since our happy

revolution (which restored our English Constitution) undergone the

various events of a long war with the utmost cheerfullness and

alacrity, our zeal can never slacken (but increase) under your

Majesties reign of wonders, who is raised by Providence to extricate

us out of the greatest difficulties, and to putt a hooke into the

nostrills of that great Leviathan who hath so long sported himself

upon our waters.—It is your Majesties genius that inspires, ’tis your

choice that enables your brave generall the Duke of Marleborow to

make our streets thus often resound with the joyfull noise of

victorys. These strokes are master-pieces not to be found in the

Louvre at Versailles. Whilst with one blow he reduces the

treacherous Bavarian and makes him fly his own country; with the

other he drives him out of his French government too, effectually

confirming the just Ban of the Empire, (where your generall hath so

well deserved the prime dignity) and restores the flourishing

Provinces of Brabant and Spanish Flanders to its rightfull Prince.

The haughty Spaniard will hereby see if they would preserve their

unwieldy monarchy entire, it is your majesties protection they must

have recourse to. But no lest wonderfull are all the rest of the

steps of your Majesties government upon the main continent (even the

farthest parts of Spain nearest France) wee see the large provinces

of Catalonia and Valentia (with ane amasing success reduc’d to their

lawful sovereigne), where our brave Englis’h Peterborough’s zeale,

for the honour of his Prince and Country hath rivalled even the

longest experience. And as it is as difficult to preserve as gaine,

how have wee seen half a hundred capitall ships reach the length of

the distant Barcelona before the time they almost used to put to sea.

At their approach Lewis’s blood chills in the veins of Anjou and

Tholouse. They fly from before us. Wee hope (the former) to

increase the numbers of the French king’s pretended and abdicated

Princes, who crye to him for succour (tho’ in vain) which might

convince Lewis (as Alexander’s wound did him) that notwithstanding

the statues and Panegyricks,) he is not yet arrived at

immortality.—But our prospects are still more comfortable att home,

wee find an universal calme amongst us, and as one effect of it the

nationall credit advanced to a degree even beyond what the most

peaceable times could boast off, which is the best evidence in the

Body Politick as the face is of health in the body naturall. Wee are

thankfully convinced your Majestie is the best Protector, as well as

the greatest Ornament and Benefactor of our established Church, and

are best Judge of what is for its advantage: and if any party

ffaction (out of a private ambition) should endeavour to insinuate

any groundless ffears, or erect as any other guarautees (that your

Majesties daily actions) as wee are satisfied it is, endeavouring to

allieniate and transfer from your Majestie the affection of your

subjects and their just depending on your Person, so it is to robb us

of our peace and quiett.—That your Majestie may be always fear’d and

honor’d abroad and reverenc’d at home, as it shall be always (in our

low sphere) our utmost wishes and endeavours, so may he be deemed

unworthy of the name of ane Englishman that doth not heartily say

Amen.”

{885} What occasioned the decay and demolition of our water-mills seems

to have been the want of a sufficient supply of water to work them,

owing, perhaps, partly, if not chiefly to the neglect of keeping the

different water-courses in due repair, and especially those connected

with the Middleton river. The following articles from the Hall-books

will throw some light on this subject—“August 29. 1706; ordered the

cutting and opening a trench in the common ditch from Kettlewell to a

sluce at Gannock gate in order to carry the water from thence to the same

water-mills.” Again—“Nov. 8. It is ordered that it be referred to a

Committee to state the case touching the flow and reflow of the salt

waters in Middleton river for the service of the corn water-mills, and

the benefite of continuing or deserting those priviledges to this

corporation, and to inform themselves now far this corporation will be

obliged, in case of deserting that river to the ditching or scouring the

same or any or what part thereof.”—Again—Dec. 20. The committees report

is,—

1. We find that the flow and reflow of the salt-waters for the

service of the corn-water-mills is an antient right and priviledge

enjoyed time out of mind by this corporation, under a fee farme rent

of 20_s._ payable to the lords of the manor of Gaywood, heretofore

the bishop, prior, and convent of Norwich—2. That whilst the said

corn-mills did bear a considerable rent the charges of ditching and

scouring the rivers and drains in which these waters had their

course, were easy and supportable, and the said mills were of great

service and benefits to this corporation—3. That the rents and

profits of the same mills of late years are much reduced and

lessened, and the rivers and drains so silted and grown up that the

charges of ditching and scouring those rivers, will be greater than

the future rents and profits thereof will compensate. We are

therefore of opinion that it will be of less disadvantage to this

town to disanul the said flow and reflow of the salt waters than to

continue the same under the present great and unavoidable charges of

opening the said rivers; and that the use of the fresh waters

constantly descending in these rivers not being obstructed by the

salts, will be of great advantage to the country adjacent draining by

these rivers, and will also in a great measure be serviceable to the

working the said mills and preserving the said drains and

outfalls.—4. That in case the said flow and reflow be deserted, wee

are of opinion that the said rivers and drains ought to be ditched

and scoured at the equal charge of all the lands draining thereby

according to the ancient laws and customs of sewers.—Signed by Ch.

Turner Esq. mayor, Hen. Framingham, &c. &c.

{887} It is not said who presented this address. Perhaps it might be

the noted Framingham, who was then high sheriff of the county, as well as

one of our leading aldermen. Perhaps too, it might be on this occasion

that her majesty called him her _cousin_, which compliment is said to

have so highly gratified his vanity, that he used to boast of it ever

after, in his ostentatious way, to the no small divertisement of his

companions and acquaintance.

{888a} The circumstance is thus stated in the MS.—“1708—Michael Hamond

and his Sister, both children—one seven and the other eleven, were hanged

for felony on the gallows out of South Gates.” What the particular crime

was does not appear.

{888b} This affair is thus stated in our book of extracts—

“June 27. 1709. We having taken several views of the condition of

this Harbor and the banks, walls, and defences thereof, the dolphins

and stakes antiently erected for the security and safe mooring of

ships, and of the dangers of undermining the foundations of the

houses and buildings next the Haven there: It appears to us that in

the space of a few years last past, by the rapid and violent descents

of the waters in the Ebb Tides, the course of the chanell is much

altered and diverted and the deep run brought under the said Dolphins

and stakes, and so near the said banks, walls, and defences, and the

danger of undermining the said foundation daily more increasing, that

the charges of preserving the said Harbour are become insupportable.

Wee are [therefore] of opinion that it is absolutely necessary that

some speedy care be taken for erecting one or more large Jettys of

timber and stone in fitt places for reducing the chanell to its

usuall course, and that Engineers experienced to such works, be

consulted, and endeavours considered for obtaining ane act of

parliament for some reasonable tax or assessment upon tunnage for the

enabling the performance of such works, and that the vast charges and

expences already laid out on this behalf be inspected and

computed.—Signed _Hon. Chennery_ mayor, _Robt. Auborne_, _Ed. Rolfe_,

_John Berney_, _Dan: Scarlett_, _Saml. Browne_.”

Afterwards, under the date of Aug. 29, the same year, it is added, “Capt.

Hawley is desired to come down to view the Harbor.” Then it immediately

follows—“Referr’d to a Comittee Lord Townshend’s Letter respecting the

employing of poor _Paletines_ come over, and to consider how many.”—It

would seem by this, that they were to be employed in improving the

harbour, erecting jetties, repairing the sea-banks, &c.

{891} Of that benefaction Mackerell says nothing; but there is some

account of it in the Town-books, under April 1. 1713, and in the Monthly

Magazine for July 1810, page 568.

{894} See Coxe’s mem. of Walpole, vol. I.

{897} On the 26th. of the preceding January, it was decreed in the Hall,

that no person under 60 years old should be elected, or admitted into

Gaywood Hospital. The same rule, we presume, has been ever since

strictly observed.

{901a} Here it may be proper just to observe, that the author rather

thinks he was mistaken at page 889, in supposing that Browne had been

_complimented_ with the _freedom_ of this town. He has since examined

the book which contains a list of the names of all our freemen, and

cannot find the doctor’s name there. This is not to be wondered at,

considering the bad terms on which he lived with the corporation.

{901b} About the same time that the pens of _Armstrong_ and _Badslade_

were thus engaged, that of the elder _Kinderley_ also was employed in the

same cause, as appears by the dedication and preface to his son’s volume

on the _ancient and present state of the navigation of Lynn_, &c. About

these times, the names of Messrs. _Steph. Allen_, _John Cary_, and _Geo.

Hogg_, became enrolled among our freemen, whose descendants have ever

since figured among the first families of this town.—They are thus

noticed in our volume of Extracts—“Augt. 29th. 1724. Mr. St. Allen to

have his ffreedom, paying 20 nobles.—Sept. 27. 1727. John Cary elected

free upon paying 20 nobles.—Febr. 3. 1728–9. Granted the ffreedom to

Geo. Hogg, marriner, at the request of alderman John Kidd, as his mayor’s

ffreeman.”

{902} Two Irishmen, as the story goes, served in the German or imperial

army during a war with the Turks. One of them, in a skirmish with some

Tartars, was by one of them overpowered and taken prisoner. Upon which

he called out to his comrade, “By Jasus, I _have caught a Tartar_!”

“Very well,” said the other, “bring him away then;’” “_he wont come_,”

answered paddy; “then come yourself,” replied his comrade; “arrah now, my

dear honey,” cried he, “_but he wont let me_.” Hence the origin of the

proverbial saying, when a sharper has been overmatched, that he has

_catched a tartar_.

{912} The gentlemen of this town, with all their superabundant zeal for

the church, ought to consider how much they owe, for what morality and

religion exist here, to the exertions of those who dissent from that

church. Every candid and discerning person in the town must see and

acknowledge that the labours of these dissenters have very largely

contributed to the reformation of the inhabitants. But for our

dissenting chapels, far more than one half, perhaps three fourths of our

population would have been effectually precluded from the possibility of

being benefited by the public ministry of the clergy, for want of room or

proper accommodation in the churches. This is a known fact. Must not

the labours of the dissenters therefore be evidently and unquestionably

entitled to the gratitude and encouragement of our rulers, even if their

mode of instruction had _not_ been better calculated to enlighten the

common people than that of the church ministers?

{913} The _Harwicks_ seem to have been peculiarly unfortunate in being

treated unhandsomely and rudely by some of their townsmen, during their

mayoralty. _Richard_ Harwick was said to be so treated, by _Browne_, in

1723, and _Charles_ Harwick now by this _Rudkin_. How to account for

this, we are unable to say. The Harwicks might carry themselves with too

much haughtiness, or, on the other hand, with too much condescension; for

the one as well as the other kind of conduct has sometimes exposed people

to rude and unbecoming treatment. However that was, the fact itself, as

above stated, appears no less clear than remarkable.

{914} Rudkin’s successor in the common-council was the late Thomas

Sommersby, the elder. Hence the following note occurs in the Hall

books—“Nov. 26. 1731, Mr. Th. Sommersby chosen into the common councel,

in the room of John Rudkin amoved.”—Sometime previously to the expulsion

of Rudkin, Edw. Bradfield, the Town clerk, was also expelled, or

discharged from his office, as appears by the following notes in the same

books—“August 29. 1729, Ed. Bradfield, Town-Clerk suspended.”—again . . .

“Sept. 29. 1729; Ed. Bradfield, Town-Clerk discharged.”—His offence, or

the cause and reason of his discharge is not mentioned: but by the

_Epitaph_ drawn up for him by his friend Dr. _Browne_, it would seem not

to have been any thing very honourable or creditable to the corporation.

This Epitaph, as it is of an unusual cast, and in the doctor’s best

manner, may be worth preserving, and reads as follows.—

“_Behold a rare Monument of Friendship_,

_Dedicated to the Remains of_

EDWARD BRADFIELD, ATTORNEY AT LAW.

_Happy while he was Master of himself_;

_Unfortunate when he became the Servant of others_.

_His fine Patrimony_,

_And a Profession wherein he excell’d_,

_Gave him Independency_,

_And every Enjoyment_

_That could make Life agreeable_:

_But alas_!

_His accepting the office of Town-Clerk_

_Subjected him to Servility_,

_And to every Disappointment_

_That could make Death desirable_.

_His Experience of both Fortunes was remarkable_:

_In the Prosperous_, _he was follow’d_

_As if he never had an Enemy_;

_In the Adverse_, _he was deserted_

_As if he never had a Friend_.

_He died September_ 6_th_. 1736, _aged_ 47.

_Leaving a Widow_, _and an only Daughter_.

_He was Defended while living_;

_He is Covered now Dead_,

_By one who commenced_,

_Almost from the Cradle_,

_And continues his Friend_,

_Even beyond the Grave_.

William Browne, M.D. in both Universities,

And Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians.”

This Epitaph is certainly creditable to the feelings and memory of Sir

William Browne.—Having this occasion to mention him again, the author

begs leave here to correct what he said above at page 901 relating to the

question, whether or not he had been complimented with the freedom of

this borough? He has since ascertained that that honour was actually

conferred on him _gratis_, Febr 3 1717–18; which must have been previous

to his having incurred the displeasure of the Hall. Nor can this writer

discover that the same honour was withheld from any _physician_, who had

settled here for any length of time, before our two present ones: (only

Dr. Hamilton _purchased_ his freedom, but that was, it seems, before he

had received his Doctor’s degree.) Nor yet does this same honour appear

to have been withheld from any of the _clergy_ who were _Lecturers_ here,

except the present Lecturer and his predecessor _Eyre_. We know not how

to account for this omission on the part of our corporation, (at a time

when the honour itself is daily decreasing in value,) but from a mere

_want_ of _urbanity_; and we hope, in what we may have occasion to say of

them hereafter, we shall never have any reason to lay any thing worse to

their charge.

{917} This _Edmund Keene_ was the late bishop of Ely.

{920} The spire or steeple of South Lynn Church was not then blown down,

but stood twenty years longer, and its fall was among the memorable

events which distinguished the commencement of this reign. It is

somewhat remarkable that the Grey Friars Steeple, the slightest of all

our buildings of that kind, has hitherto withstood the severest blasts.

{927} It is said that when they had nearly completed one part of their

work, and were ready to congratulate themselves on its impervious,

impassable, and impregnable aspect, a _greyhound_ that followed one of

the gentlemen, making a sudden spring, flew over it in an instant, which

so cooled their ardour, damped their spirits, and discouraged them, that

they had no longer any heart at all to proceed: for they concluded, that

if that greyhound could do so, the _Highlanders_, if they came, would not

fail to storm every thing of that kind that might happen to stand in

their way.—So apprehensive and confident were they for some time that the

rebels would come this way, that they readily gave heed to every flying

and idle report that coincided with that notion. It was at one time

believed, that their vanguard had nearly reached _Wisbeach_, and even

that some of their scouts or spies were actually in _Marshland_. The

last belief arose from the circumstance of two travelling Scotchmen

happening then to pass through Marshland, whom every body took to be no

other than rebel spies. A strong party was sent from Lynn to take them

up, who, among other things, questioned them, if they had _arms_? To

which they answered, “Yes, they had _twa_,” lifting up both their arms at

the same time.

{932} The present writer is earnestly desirous to do ample justice, and

give all due commendation to the persevering and unwearied exertions of

the different descriptions of our Lynn dissenters. They have certainly

done much good, here as well as elsewhere. After all, it must be allowed

and confessed that the miserable _bigotry_, _illiberality_ and

_intolerance_, which they have often discovered, and particularly _on a

recent occasion_, constitute a vast and sad drawback from the merit of

their exertions, and the praise to which their labours are entitled. But

on this head we shall be more explicit, when we come to the _present

state_ of the town.

{935} That the _evangelical clergy_ and their _patrons_ should be at all

alarmed, at the growth, or progress of methodism, seems not a little

singular and strange, considering that they themselves are looked upon as

one sort of methodists, and have certainly and evidently contributed, in

a very large measure, to the increase and prosperity of that sect. They,

sorely, did not mean or wish to make their hearers dissenters, but the

spirit of their system and the drift of their ministry appear to have a

strong tendency that way.

{936} At Lynn, and some other places, the _Wesleyans_ alone bear the

name of _Methodists_: whereas the _Whitefieldians_ are here denominated

_Independents_, which name they have likewise assumed in many other

places. In some of the western parts the name of Methodists is given

only to them, and the others are called _Wesleyans_, and sometimes

_Wesleys_: but on this subject we will say more hereafter.

{937} Whether it will so happen or not, it is certain that the

_methodist Constitution_ is well worth the attention of the statesman and

philosopher, as well as the historian. It is admirably calculated for

making numerous proselytes, and becoming the predominant religion of a

country—especially that of the _Wesleyan_ community; whose whole plan and

organization discover exquisite skill and judgment, with a most deep and

accurate knowledge of human nature. In all which respects John Wesley

appears no way inferior to any of the heads of our modern orders or

sects, from Francis and Dominic down to Emanuel Swedenburg and Joanna

Southcote; not excepting Ignatius Loyola, Martin Luther, John Calvin, or

even Fox and Penu and count Zinzendorff.

{941} See Belsham v. 414, &c.

{942} Belsham v. 86.

{950} The writer of the above extract further says, that during the said

electioneering tumult,

“the insults on the T—rs family, the ladies not excepted, were

prodigious, especially from young *—*, who exceeded every thing that

was heard of, to my old lady and the margeries. The poor madams

zealously espousing S. J—n’s cause were most grievously abused by him

and others, with their s—rs drunkenness, their own fat a—s, and even

much worse upon their spitting in young *’s face, in the heat of

their passion out of a window, on the Election day. So that they

have had fevers.—Dr. B— has declared eternal war, in those very

words, against every branch of the T—s family, and supported Mr. F’s

interest with the rage of a madman: his W. and D. did the same, and

are yet the most billingsgate beasts imaginable.—A. T. purely for the

sake of mischief reconciled himself to his Bro. and supported his

cause with all the might of his tongue and purse.—S—*— after going

about the town with the gentlemen to promote L—d O. and S. J’s

interest, upon Mr. F’s breaking his promise he had made not to

meddle, turned to him, and was as violent as any body.—T * voted for

S. J. but did him privately all the mischief he could, and went out

of town one day, that his W. might entertain F at Supper. J. * was a

fury, and his W. the queen of furies, and to this hour is fit only

for Bedlam. All others stood tight to S. J. But he and his * have

had all their faults ript up and laid open.—At length Monday came;

and after an expense of near 2000_l._ on each side, the dear bought

poll stood thus W. 199. T. 184 F. 131.—There were players in town at

the time; so the triumphant party gave their friends an entertainment

of that sort. To ridicule D—r B— the _Busy Body_ was the play, and a

farce was added called the _Mock D—r_, which _mock Dr._ was dressed

as like Dr. B— as could be. F—’s people on their part tho’ beaten,

would shew they had good hearts; so they bespoke _Pasquin_, which is,

you know, written to ridicule corporation Elections; there is a m—r

and m—r—ss &c. They took care to dress the m—r and cripple him, so

as to resemble poor P—, and Madam m—r—ss was most specially drunk.

The shouting and insolence were prodigious, calling out, F— for ever!

between the acts, and drinking his health throughout the house, and

ending with an Epilogue made by Dr. B— comparing Sr. J—n to _Tom

Thumb_. They keep up a most indecent rage yet, and swear they’ll

never have done, till they’ve thrown out Sr. J—n. F. is coming again

in a few days, and here’s to be dainty-doings. Upon the whole, they

say, Sr. J—n was brought in upon L—d O’s shoulders, which, tho’

better than not brought in at all, sits not pleasantly upon his

stomach, any more than the expense of 2000_l._ suits his temper and

pocket.—I have been guilty of an unpardonable omission in saying

nothing of your friend madam M—x—n, who espoused Sr. J—n’s cause with

mighty warmth, and did him great service. She kept open house for

all freemen, and waited on ’em herself, and look’d exactly like a

woman that keeps a booth in a Fair, with, roast pork, bottled ale,

cider, &c. When her husband was at home, she went abroad to

outlyers, with presents, to keep them tight: and several of ’em she

had at bed and board in her house, for fear of the enemy. Dr. B—

came to her, and demanded the release of the men: she withstood him,

and defended her castle, as bravely as _Joan of Arc_ could have done,

had she been raised from the dead, against the D—r, parson M—y, and

other hussars, who were scouring every hole and corner of the town.

The close of her gallant conduct was in free conference, or rather a

pitched battle with Dr—B—’s W. upon what had passed, which was of

some hours continuance, and better worth all the money you have in

your pocket, to have seen and heard, than _Pasquin_, or the _Busy

Body_ was worth 6_d._—Next to this Heroine deserves to be mentioned

_Harvey_ the ’Pothecary, who because Sr. J— gave a relation of his a

place lately, turned against him, and against his own express

promise; drank himself into a fever, and is dead and buried. He has

left all he had to his wife, who seems very glad of her loss, as well

as her gain. _Nic. Elstobb_ was wild on the same side, and raved

till he spit blood, and was at death’s door, and is not far from it

at this time. _Martin Sand—r_ on the other side lost his senses

without a joke, and was given over for a week, but is now as well as

ever.—There never was such a funeral at Lynn as Harvey’s. The number

of persons invited was very great, but the volunteers made the chief

figure. All F’s party met at the Dog, and joined the procession,

going 2 and 2, and returned to the same place, in the same manner,

where they spent the night in drinking F for ever, and to Harvey’s

pious memory.—The next night after the _Busy Body_ was played, my L—d

and S. J. gave a Ball to all the freemen’s wives and daughters—After

a few dances by the better sort of Ladies they sat down, and L—d *’s

Son, (who rode for his cousin,) S. J, the C—r, Mr. B— and Sr. Wm.

H—b—d and the rest took shopkeepers wives and daughters, and twirl’d

’em about all the rest of the night. This gave great content.—In

return for Mr. M—x—n’s seal in S. J—’s service, the other party have

played him a trick, by getting Johnson R—s D—r, who has a right in

what remains above the mortgage in M—x—n’s House, to set it to sale;

and so, by underhand management, they forced him to buy it at a dear

rate, or he must have gone out of it.”

This long and striking extract gives a curious, but very unfavourable

idea of the state of society here, or of the character and manners of our

townsmen 64 years ago. The reader will hardly suppose the picture to be

overcharged, when he is informed that the writer was no other than the

_revd. Edm. Pyle D.D._ then _Lecturer_ of this town, who would not be

likely to represent his own flock as more unruly, mischievous, and

graceless than what they really were.

{955} It is hardly necessary to observe here, that all the wars, and

calamities, and revolutions, that have within the last twenty years

agitated and devastated the European world, are pretty generally thought

to have sprung from the American war, or those wrongheaded principle

which occasioned it.

{957} Small as the above number may appear, yet, if the whole of what is

now called _the united kingdom_ had armed in equal proportion, it would

have produced a very large force, consisting, if we are not mistaken, of

no less than 200,000 men.

{959} Proverbs. 30. 20.

{960a} It is said to be already between 8 and 900 millions—a continuance

of the war for a very few years more will probably complete the sum.

{960b} In the autumn or winter of 1782, the north mail was robbed one

evening soon after 11 o’clock, a little beyond the long Bridge, by a

lawless youth of the name of _Beeton_. A few days after he was

apprehended and committed to prison, whence he made his escape on the

7th. of November, but was again taken on the 11th. at Rising. He was

executed Febr. 17. 1783.

{962} The ancient usage seems to have been for the mayor to name and

authorize _twelve_ of his brethren of the Hall to elect two burgesses to

represent the town in parliament. Hence we read in an old record, that

in the year 1487 _Robert Pillye_, then mayor, called and empowered the

following twelve men to elect two persons to represent this borough in

the parliament which was to meet that year: viz. John Massingham, John

Bilney, Tho. Carter, Wm. Yates, Robt. Powdich, Andr. Woley, John

Thorisby, Hen. Gardyner, Robt. Umfrey, Tho. Symkenson, John Trunche, and

Tho. Archer: who accordingly chose _Robert Thorisbye_ and _John

Tygo_.—Two years before (1485,) _Robert Braybroke_ and _William Munke_

had been chosen in like manner:—and the year following, (1488,) in the

mayoralty of _John Tyge_, twelve men, called and authorised by him, chose

_John Gryndell_ and _Thomas Carter_ to sit in the parliament called that

year.—It seems by this that elections were then very frequent; annual

perhaps, or nearly so: and each parliament continuing but one

session.—The same old record mentions several other subsequent elections,

always made by 12 persons called thereto by the mayor—only once, but it

does not appear in what year, he seems to have nominated but _eight_,

which eight are said to have called unto them four more, so making up the

number of 12; which 12 chose for burgesses of parliament _Robt.

Braybroke_ and _John Beels_. This might be in 1486—If so, we have here

an account of four annual parliaments at that period.—Let us not,

however, blame our ancestors for leaving the election of their members in

the hands of 12 persons; for we do not appear to have at all mended the

matter yet: our efficient or real electors are even now less than 12.

{964} Unless we should choose so to denominate the following

occurrence.—“At our quarter Sessions held Nov. 15. 1785, the recorder

being absent by reason of illness, sentence of transportation was passed

upon one Bradley and another convict by the then mayor, the late Mr. Wm.

Bagge.”

{965} See _New Annual Register_ for 1788, page (32.)

{966} “His majesty (says one of the journals of that time) is constantly

at the Spa a little before six in the morning, where he drinks a glass of

water, then walks half an hour with the queen and princesses, who

likewise drink the water. The king takes a second glass, and about half

after seven the royal party return to Fauconberg house: his majesty hands

the queen and princesses to their carriages, and then sets out himself on

foot. About eleven o’clock he is constancy on horseback, paying no

regard to the state of the weather. The queen and princesses follow him

in their carriages. They generally take the road to the hills, on the

east of Cheltenham, return about two, and at seven appear again in the

walks.—The great object (says the same journal) of the kings journey to

Cheltenham is to keep off the gout. His complaint for some time past has

been the flying gout, which his physicians could readily fix by the use

of proper regimen; but his majesty dreads such a lodgment, as it would of

course prevent him from using that exercise which has been so much his

habit as well as inclination. Cheltenham waters are reckoned the best in

the kingdom for this purpose.”—see _N. A. Register_ vol. 9. p. (26) and

(28.)

{967} This is said not to have been the first time when such symptoms

had made their appearance.

{968a} See New Annual Register, vol. 10. page 92.

{968b} Pitt declared that the prince had no more right to assume the

regency than he had; which was deemed by many a very extraordinary and

extravagant assertion.

{972} See _New Annual Register_ for 1791, page (7.)

{974} When some had written violent pamphlets against the elder Pitt,

and he was urged to have them prosecuted, he smilingly answered, “No: the

press, like the air, is a chartered-libertine.” The son, with all his

reputed and boasted greatness, had not a mind capable of imitating such

an example. (See Belsham, vol. v.) No real magnanimity, or true dignity

of character was to be expected from one who could seek the ruin of his

own original friends and coadjutors, the active supporters of his early

politics and youthful fame, and that, forsooth, because they would not

support his apostacy, but chose still to adhere to those principles which

he himself used to tell them were inseparably connected with the welfare

and salvation of the country.

{976} Should the work ever commence and go on, the commissioners will

have to borrow money to a vast amount, which they will probably, not find

a very easy matter, as other fen projects, such as those of the _river

Nene_ and _Feltwell District_ especially, have turned out so miserably

unpropitious to the respective creditors; that the interest of their

money is now many years in arrears, with but little prospect of its being

ever again liquidated. The _Nene_ commissioners are so much above their

business, and so regardless of the rights of their creditors, that they

sometimes will not deign to meet, so much as once a year, to examine the

state of their finances and see if any thing can be spared towards the

payment of their debts.—As to the gentlemen, or commissioners of the

“_Feltwell_ new fen district,” they, some years ago, thought proper to

represent themselves in a state of insolvency, and proposed that their

creditors should advance at the rate of ten per centum of the money in

their hands towards obtaining a new act of parliament to increase the

drainage taxes, and so enable them thenceforth to pay interest regularly.

The money was advanced, and the new act obtained, but not a shilling of

interest has been yet advanced, under pretence that all the money is

wanted for repairs and drainage improvements, &c. How far all this is

honest or honourable we need not say; but that it will not fail to make

some people in future more cautious in adventuring their money on such

occasions, may be reasonably supposed and expected.

{977} That paragraph reads thus—

“Lynn, May 11. 1802. Thursday last being the day appointed for the

public reading of his majesty’s proclamation of peace in this town,

the morning was ushered in by the ringing of bells and other

demonstrations of joy. At noon the Lynn Loyal Volunteers, commanded

by major Everard, paraded in the Tuesday market place. Soon after,

the mayor, accompanied by the recorder, aldermen, common-council-men,

and most of the inhabitants, proceeded in front of the line to the

market cross, when the town-crier read the proclamation of peace.

The Volunteers then fired a _feu de joie_, which was succeeded by

reiterated shouts of applause from every person present, the band

striking up ‘Rule Britannia.’ Major Everard then addressed the

corps, and after thanking them for their zeal in defence of their

country, read to them the thanks of both houses of parliament for

their meritorious past services, and informed them they were now to

be disbanded, conformably to the regulation of government, with a

reward the most gratifying, their sovereign’s approbation of their

conduct. The noncommissioned officers and privates were then

severally presented with a pecuniary donation, in lieu of a public

entertainment.”

Thus it appears that the conduct of these volunteers gained the

approbation and applause not only of their fellow citizens or townsmen,

but even of the higher orders of the nation, up to the very throne.

{979} The year 1797 was also distinguished in Norfolk for two great

political meetings held there in the spring of that year, of which the

Norfolk Remembrancer gives the following account.—

“April 25th. a county meeting was held on the Castle Hill (Norwich,)

in the open air, and a petition, praying his majesty to dismiss his

present ministers, as the most effectual means of reviving the

national credit and restoring peace, was moved by Mr. Fellowes,

seconded by Mr. Rolfe, supported by Lord Albemarle, Mr. Coke, Mr.

Mingay, Mr. Plumptre, and Mr. Trafford, and almost unanimously

adopted.”

Had the whole nation done the same it might have proved of incalculable

benefit. But three days after another meeting was convened by the

opposite party, to counteract the effect of the former. At this meeting,

(according to the work just referred to,)

“a dutiful and loyal address to the king was moved by Sir T. Beevor,

and seconded by R. Milles Esq. and afterwards numerously signed by

the nobility, gentry, and freeholders, expressive of their reliance

on the measures adopted by the ministers for obtaining a safe and

honourable peace, and of their readiness to defend with their lives

and fortunes, the religion, laws, and constitution of their country.”

These swaggering and blustering life-and-fortune men have had their day,

and a pretty long one it has proved. If the nation be not yet quite

tired of their swaggering, and sick at heart of their system of war,

bloodshed, violence, and endless expenditure, it seems high time it

should. We surely, ought, to be fully convinced, by this time, that the

politics of their opponents, so long decried among us, are infinitely

better calculated than theirs for the welfare of this country.

{982} During the whole continuance of this Paper scarce any thing more

remarkable appeared among its contents than the memorable controversy

about the termination of the century, which caused a sad division among

our wise men of that period. Some affirmed that the century actually

ended with that year, 1799; while others insisted that it could not end

till the conclusion of the following year, for this plain reason, that

_ninety nine_ could not possibly make one _hundred_. In short, this

controversy seems to have exhibited our wise men as somewhat akin to the

wise men of Gotham.

{984} Of these two addresses the former, according to the _Lynn Packet_,

was worded as follows—

“_To the King’s most excellent majesty_: The humble Address of the

Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-council of the borough of KING’S LYNN, in

the county of Norfolk, in Council assembled. MOST GRACIOUS

SOVEREIGN: We your Majesty’s Loyal Subjects, the Mayor, aldermen, and

common-council of the borough of King’s Lynn, in the county of

Norfolk, humbly beg leave to bear this public testimony of our horror

and indignation at the late nefarious attempt upon a life so highly

important to the welfare of these realms. We most cordially

congratulate, not only your majesty, but all friends to our country,

on your providential escape from danger so imminent; and beg leave to

express our earnest wishes and prayers, that your majesty may long

continue to reign over a free and happy people.—Given _under our

Common-Seal_, _at our Guildhall_, _the_ 21_st._ _day of May_, _in the

year of our Lord_ 1800.”

The Address from the _inhabitants_ was somewhat longer, but to the same

effect, though differently worded. The former mentioned the horrid act

as having excited the _indignation_, and the latter the _detestation_ of

the addressers, neither of which could be very proper as applied to the

conduct of a madman. The outrageous conduct of a maniac, may excite

horror; but it is not easy to conceive how it can excite either

indignation or detestation. Before we dismiss this subject we may just

observe that _Hadfield_, _Brothers_, and _Margaret Nicholson_, were not

the only personages who, in the course of this reign, were moved and

impelled by the spirit of insanity to pay very extraordinary attention to

the sovereign.

{985} Unless we should except the great accession of honour to our town

in 1807, by the addition of the names of his royal highness _William

Henry duke of Clarence_, and the right honourable _George James_, _earl

of Cholmondeley_, to its list of _freemen_.

{990a} The following appeared as officiating clergy or ministers in the

two churches of this parish within the time of Dr. Arrowsmith’s residence

here—Messrs _Caston_, _Stalham_, _Hares_, _Swallowe_, _Emmotte_, _Nic.

Toll_, _Caston_ junr. _Rawlinson_, _Purchas_, _Gatford_, _Leech_,

_Almond_, _Bell_: but they were not all here at the same time; several of

then being successors to such as had removed or died. There seem,

however, to have been more stated and officiating ministers here then,

than there are at present; and the same probably was the case afterwards

during the common-wealth and protectorate.

{990b} The chief document alluded to is an old quarto MS. or record,

evidently extracted from an older one, or from the Hall-books, for the

use, it seems, of the clergy, and probably by some of that body, as it

has passed through that channel, and is written by different hands. In

this record the following notices of Mr. Arrowsmith occur—

“1630, Sept. 29. Mr. John Arrowsmith M.A. Fell. Kath. Hall, made

choice of from the university of Cambridge to be one of the Lecturers

of this town; and he is to have a ffee of 50_l._ per annum, and a

convenient dwelling house, or 5_l._ in lieu thereof—to preach twice

every Sunday, except 1st. Sunday in every month, and then but once,

and with the other Lecturer, or to preach by several turns, viz. Days

K’s entrance into ys kingdom 1st. Augt. 29th. Augt. 29th. Sept. 5th.

Nov. 25th. Dec. and to help the curate in the mynistring Sacrament

Ld’s supper, and if hereafter he shall take any benefice then this

election shall be void.”

—again—

“Dec. 10th. Mr. Arrowsmith chosen one o’Lecturers, 29th. Sept. &c.

now ordered to preach at St. N. every Sunday morning, and be respited

of’s aft. S. also to preach Wednesday every forenoon St. M. and Mr.

Caston to preach afternoons St. N. and forenoons at St. M. as

usual.—Mr. Arrowsmith and Mr Caston, Lecturers, had ffee either of ym

50_l._ a piece, and either of ym Dwelling house, or 5_l._ a piece in

lieu yereof, thr. ffees to be made up 100 marks (66_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._)

apiece, and their houses continued, or 5_l._ a piece yearly as

formerly, and yt the xii Sermons they were respited, shall in respect

of ys increase be preached by each of ym: ye increase of this ffee to

begin from Xtmas next.”

—again—

“1631, July 1st. Mr. Arrowsmith’s ffee made up the whole to 100_l._

per ann. Qterly beg. 29th. Sept. next.”

—again—

“Dec. 7th. a patent under com. seal M. and burg. at request of Mr.

Arrowsmith M.A. for his ffee of 100_l._ a year to be paid Qterly,

with such covenants and agreements as shall be thought fit to be

inserted.”

—again—

“1632, Sept. 28th. 10_l._ allowed Mr. Arrowsmith towards payment of

house rent.”

—again—

“Mar. 11th. Mr. John Arrowsmith commended to Ld. Bp. of Norwich and

Dean and Chapter to be minr. St. Nic. Chapel, K’s L. on conditions

and agreements hereafter following, viz. Yt Mr. A. still continue his

place o’pching, and to admr. Sacr. Ld’s Supper, but not to be further

tyed or charged with the duties o’ ye minister’s place, nor to

receive any part of the benefits thereof, only to have his ffee as

formerly granted him; but ye same to be performed by a man to be

appointed by ye town, and that ye town shall also dispose of all the

benefits of the place. Also agreed yt. Mr. A. shall suffer ye

parishioners from time to time to make choice of the churchwardens

and of the parish dark, as they shall think fit.”

—again—

“1633. Augt. 26th. (loco 25.) Mr. A’s. patent sealed with com. seal

for’s stipend of 100_l._ per ann. and 10_l._ for’s dwelling, but it

is directed to be deposited in Town Clerk’s hand, till Mr. A. shall

covenant in writinge with ye Major and Burgesses to perform ye order

of this house in March last, touching ye minister’s place.”

—again—

“1635, Apr. 10th. 100_l._ lent by ye House one yr to Mr. Arrowsmith,

minister St. Nicholas parish gratis, &c.”

—again—

“Sept. 14th. Mr. A’s patent delivered out to Mr. A. himself.”

—again—

“Dec. 4th. Mr. _Matts. Swallowe_ chosen Lecturer in this town, loco

Mr. Edm. Caston decd. by M. A. C. C. as far as in ym lieth, _viz._ to

preach 2ce every Ld’s day, in forenoon St. Margt. and afteroon at St

Nic. and to help to admyn. sact. Ld’s Sup. every common. day, and to

preach on ffestival days by turns with Mr. A. as Mr. Caston did, for

100 marks in money, and house, and a letter o’commendation to ye Bp.

in his behalf. And this day M A. C. C as far as in ym lies chose Mr.

Edm. Caston, son of Mr. E. C. late decd. to be curate St. Margaret’s

Church, loco Mr. Matts. Swallowe this day chose into place of Mr. E.

C. deed, he to preach every Ld’s day in ye afternoon at St.

Margaret’s Church, and to read divine service, and perform other

duties of the church as Mr. S. did for 40_l._ a yr. in money, and

such ffees and church duties as Mr. S. had, and on such conditions as

Mr. S. had the same.”

—again—

“1637, May 12th at request of Mr. John Arrowsmith, B. D, min. and

prcher of Word of God St. Nics. chap. K’s Lyn, on account of

indisposition of body, and for his convenience, ordrd. ye Wednesday

Lector in St. Margt’s shall be translated to St. Nic. chap. till

Michs. next”

—again—

“1641, Oct. 8th. Mr. Mayor to treat with Mr. Arrowsmith concerng. a

minr. for St. Margt’s church, [in the room of Mr. Gatford] and Mr.

Mayor to get some other minr. to preach on Sundays till we can be

provided with a min. and they yt preach shall have for every S.

10_s._”

[It appears that the place of minister of St. Nicholas’ was then

preferable to that of St. Margaret’s; otherwise Mr. Arrowsmith, no doubt,

would have had the offer of the latter]—again—

“1644, Sept 29th. Mr. John A. minister St. Nic. chap, elected to ye

Synod, and elected Mr. St. John’s Coll. Cambridge, by ye pliamt:

discharged.”

He was succeeded about a fortnight after, by _Mr. Thomas Hoogan_. But Mr

Arrowsmith continued long after to be highly respected here, as appears

by their applying to him when in want of ministers, and accepting those

whom he recommended. Mr. W. Falkner, Fellow of Peter House, came here as

late as 1658, upon his recommendation, and that of Dr. _Tuckney_.

{993} We are assured that Dr. Tho. Goodwin, afterwards the memorable

president of Magdalen College, Oxford, was at this time lecturer of

Trinity Church, and fellow of Catherine Hall, in Cambridge, of which

Arrowsmith, who was afterwards successfully invited to Lynn, was then

likewise a fellow: there can therefore be no doubt of his being the very

person who was now applied to from this town. (See Aikin’s Biography.)

{994} Granger speaks of him as follows—