CHAPTER VIII.

SENECA'S PHILOSOPHY GIVES WAY.

There are some misfortunes of which the very essence consists in their

continuance. They are tolerable so long as they are illuminated by a ray

of hope. Seclusion and hardship might even come at first with some charm

of novelty to a philosopher who, as was not unfrequent among the amateur

thinkers of his time, occasionally practised them in the very midst of

wealth and friends. But as the hopeless years rolled on, as the efforts

of friends proved unavailing, as the loving son, and husband, and father

felt himself cut off from the society of those whom he cherished in such

tender affection, as the dreary island seemed to him ever more barbarous

and more barren, while season after season added to its horrors without

revealing a single compensation, Seneca grew more and more disconsolate

and depressed. It seemed to be his miserable destiny to rust away,

useless, unbefriended, and forgotten. Formed to fascinate society, here

there were none for him to fascinate; gifted with an eloquence which

could keep listening senates hushed, here he found neither subject nor

audience; and his life began to resemble a river which, long before it

has reached the sea, is lost in dreary marshes and choking sands.

Like the brilliant Ovid, when he was banished to the frozen wilds of

Tomi, Seneca vented his anguish in plaintive wailing and bitter verse.

In his handful of epigrams he finds nothing too severe for the place of

his exile. He cries--

"Spare thou thine exiles, lightly o'er thy dead,

Alive, yet buried, be thy dust bespread."

And addressing some malignant enemy--

"Whoe'er thou art,--thy name shall I repeat?--

Who o'er mine ashes dar'st to press thy feet,

And, uncontented with a fall so dread,

Draw'st bloodstained weapons on my darkened head,

Beware! for nature, pitying, guards the tomb,

And ghosts avenge th' invaders of their gloom,

Hear, Envy, hear the gods proclaim a truth,

Which my shrill ghost repeats to move thy ruth,

WRETCHES ARE SACRED THINGS,--thy hands refrain:

E'en sacrilegious hands from TOMBS abstain."

The one fact that seems to have haunted him most was that his abode in

Corsica was a living death.

But the most complete picture of his state of mind, and the most

melancholy memorial of his inconsistency as a philosopher, is to be

found in his "Consolation to Polybius." Polybius was one of those

freedmen of the Emperor whose bloated wealth and servile insolence were

one of the darkest and strangest phenomena of the time. Claudius, more

than any of his class, from the peculiar imbecility of his character,

was under the powerful influence of this class of men; and so dangerous

was their power that Messalina herself was forced to win her ascendency

over her husband's mind by making these men her supporters, and

cultivating their favour. Such were "the most excellent Felix," the

judge of St. Paul, and the slave who became a husband to three

queens,--Narcissus, in whose household (which moved the envy of the

Emperor) were some of those Christians to whom St. Paul sends greetings

from the Christians of Corinth,[31]--Pallas, who never deigned to speak

to his own slaves, but gave all his commands by signs, and who actually

condescended to receive the thanks of the Senate, because he, the

descendant of Etruscan kings, yet condescended to serve the Emperor and

the Commonwealth; a preposterous and outrageous compliment, which

appears to have been solely due to the fact of his name being identical

with that of Virgil's young hero, the son of the mythic Evander!

[Footnote 31: Rom. xvi. 11.]

Among this unworthy crew a certain Polybius was not the least

conspicuous. He was the director of the Emperor's studies,--a worthy

Alcuin to such a Charlemagne. All that we know about him is that he was

once the favourite of Messalina, and afterwards her victim, and that in

the day of his eminence the favour of the Emperor placed him so high

that he was often seen walking between the two consuls. Such was the man

to whom, on the occasion of his brother's death, Seneca addressed this

treatise of consolation. It has come down to us as a fragment, and it

would have been well for Seneca's fame if it had not come down to us at

all. Those who are enthusiastic for his reputation would gladly prove it

spurious, but we believe that no candid reader can study it without

perceiving its genuineness. It is very improbable that he ever intended

it to be published, and whoever suffered it to see the light was the

successful enemy of its illustrious author.

Its sad and abject tone confirms the inference, drawn from an allusion

which it contains, that it was written towards the close of the third

year of Seneca's exile. He apologises for its style by saying that if it

betrayed any weakness of thought or inelegance of expression this was

only what might be expected from a man who had so long been surrounded

by the coarse and offensive _patois_ of barbarians. We need hardly

follow him into the ordinary topics of moral philosophy with which it

abounds, or expose the inconsistency of its tone with that of Seneca's

other writings. He consoles the freedman with the "common commonplaces"

that death is inevitable; that grief is useless; that we are all born to

sorrow; that the dead would not wish us to be miserable for their sakes.

He reminds him that, owing to his illustrious position, all eyes are

upon him. He bids him find consolation in the studies in which he has

always shown himself so pre-eminent, and lastly he refers him to those

shining examples of magnanimous fortitude, for the climax of which, no

doubt, the whole piece of interested flattery was composed. For this

passage, written in a _crescendo_ style, culminates, as might have been

expected, in the sublime spectacle of Claudius Caesar. So far from

resenting his exile, he crawls in the dust to kiss Caesar's beneficent

feet for saving him from death; so far from asserting his

innocence--which, perhaps, was impossible, since to do so might have

involved him in a fresh charge of treason--he talks with all the

abjectness of guilt. He belauds the clemency of a man, who, he tells us

elsewhere, used to kill men with as much _sang froid_ as a dog eats

offal; the prodigious powers of memory of a divine creature who used to

ask people to dice and to dinner whom he had executed the day before,

and who even inquired as to the cause of his wife's absence a few days

after having given the order for her execution; the extraordinary

eloquence of an indistinct stutterer, whose head shook and whose broad

lips seemed to be in contortions whenever he spoke.[32] If Polybius

feels sorrowful, let him turn his eyes to Caesar; the splendour of that

most great and radiant deity will so dazzle his eyes that all their

tears will be dried up in the admiring gaze. Oh that the bright

occidental star which has beamed on a world which, before its rising,

was plunged in darkness and deluge, would only shed one little beam

upon him!

[Footnote 32: These slight discrepancies of description are taken from

counter passages of _Consol, ad Polyb._. and the _Ludus de Morte

Caesaris._]

No doubt these grotesque and gorgeous flatteries, contrasting strangely

with the bitter language of intense hatred and scathing contempt which

Seneca poured out on the memory of Claudius after his death, were penned

with the sole purpose of being repeated in those divine and benignant

ears. No doubt the superb freedman, who had been allowed so rich a share

of the flatteries lavished on his master, would take the opportunity--if

not out of good nature, at least out of vanity,--to retail them in the

imperial ear. If the moment were but favourable, who knows but what at

some oblivious and crapulous moment the Emperor might be induced to sign

an order for our philosopher's recall?

Let us not be hard on him. Exile and wretchedness are stern trials, and

it is difficult for him to brave a martyr's misery who has no conception

of a martyr's crown. To a man who, like Seneca, aimed at being not only

a philosopher, but also a man of the world--who in this very treatise

criticises the Stoics for their ignorance of life--there would not have

seemed to be even the shadow of disgrace in a private effusion of

insincere flattery intended to win the remission of a deplorable

banishment. Or, if we condemn Seneca, let us remember that Christians,

no less than philosophers, have attained a higher eminence only to

exemplify a more disastrous fall. The flatteries of Seneca to Claudius

are not more fulsome, and are infinitely less disgraceful, than those

which fawning bishops exuded on his counterpart, King James. And if the

Roman Stoic can gain nothing from a comparison with the yet more

egregious moral failure of the greatest of Christian thinkers---Francis

Bacon, Viscount St. Alban's--let us not forget that a Savonarola and a

Cranmer recanted under torment, and that the anguish of exile drew even

from the starry and imperial spirit of Dante Alighieri words and

sentiments for which in his noblest moments he might have blushed.

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