[A short account of Pedro de Acuña's for_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 16 of 55 1609 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century

in the West Indies, is given, and the consequent withdrawal, without

attack, of the Hawkins and Drake fleet despatched in 1595 by Queen

Elizabeth. Acuña shows in every way the ability of a good commander.]

But let us return to Assia. The Cambodians still hoped to receive

aid from the Filipinas by their usual promise of conversion and

vassalage. Don Luis de las Mariñas accepted the expedition, to make

it in person and at his own cost. He left Manila with Don Diego Jordan

(an Italian), Don Pedro de Figueroa, Pedro Villeatil, and Hernando de

los Rios Coronel, Spanish captains--the last named at present a priest,

and who had also been in the first war of Camboxa. A furious tempest

struck them in the open sea, which lasted three days, with the usual

horrors. The shipwreck was pitiful. Two vessels were knocked to pieces,

and the sea swallowed up all the men, provisions, and war materials. Of

all the soldiers and sailors who shipped aboard the almiranta, only

five escaped, by swimming to the Chinese shore. Some soldiers also

escaped from the flagship, which was broken by the waves, among whom

was Captain Hernando de los Rios. The other vessel reached Camboxa

almost destroyed, after heavy storms. It found in the Camboxa River

eight Malay junks. The Spaniards, seeing that the junks were carrying

certain slaves stolen from the king of Camboxa, whom they were coming

to help, inconsiderately grappled with the Malays. The latter, who

were carrying many and unusual fire devices, having recourse to these

rather than to force and arms, burnt our ship, and then in the fire and

smoke killed the majority of the Spaniards. Blas Ruiz and Diego Veloso

were not there at that time; but soon afterward they were besieged

in their quarters by the popular fury, and barbarously murdered in

the country where they were negotiating with the king. Those few

Spaniards who could escape went to the kingdom of Sian, and thence

to Manila. Heaven permitted that this should be the end of all that

preparation made to recover Ternate and the other Malucas. The tyrant

there exulted over the news, and attributed the events to his good

fortune, interpreting them as an approbation of his cause. Then he

confederated anew with our enemies.

Don Francisco Tello, an Andalusian knight, succeeded Gomez Perez

in the government of Filipinas. He reached Manila in the year one

thousand five hundred and ninety-six. He immediately set himself to

learn the condition in which his predecessors had left matters, and

to provide aid for the garrisons. For, since the emperor of Japon had

caused those glorious martyrdoms among the religious of the Order of

St. Francis, in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five,

of which news had so lately been received, it was feared that he was

going to menace Filipinas.

The inhabitants of the islands [_sic_] of Mindanao hate our nation as

deeply as do the Ternatans, and take arms against us in each and every

disturbance, as they did in that last one of Ternate. Consequently

Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa made certain agreements with Don

Francisco Tello, by virtue of which he made war on the Mindanaos and

Ternatans at his own expense. [288] Estevan Rodriguez was so rich that

he could undertake that exploit with safety. He lived in Arevalo,

a town of the island of Panàz [_sic_], one of the Filipinas. He set

out with some galleys, fragatas, and champans, and one ship, with

Spanish soldiers; and more than one thousand five hundred natives from

Pintados, as pioneers. He reached the river of Mindanao April twenty,

one thousand five hundred and ninety-six, whereupon the natives of

the place (who are especially called Mindanaos) on seeing so brave a

people, fled along up the river, and abandoned their settlement to

the fury of war. The majority of them arrived at the town Buyahen,

where Raxamura, king of the Mindanaos, was then living. The latter,

because of his youthful age, did not have the government in charge, and

everything depended on Silonga, an esteemed soldier and captain. Our

men, proceeding up the river, reached Tampacan, five leguas from the

above village. Prince Dinguilibót, uncle of Monao, its legitimate

lord (also a youth), was governing it. These rulers were, of their

own accord, friends to the Spaniards and consequently, on seeing

their arms, went out peacefully to meet them, and offered them their

help. They told the Spaniards that the enemy--and they were also

hostile to the men of Buyahèn--had taken refuge in their fort at that

place. Estevan Rodriguez, having heard the news and having complimented

those princes, ordered the fleet to weigh anchor and to continue the

pursuit for four leguas, always up stream, to Buyahèn. Having arrived,

he landed his men on St. Mark's day. Master-of-camp Juan de la Xara

led the men, although they landed with but little order, for they had

not fought with the Mindanaos, and thought that it would be easy to

rout them--as if for that reason, or for any other consideration, one

should permit a lack of military discipline. Estevan Rodriguez tried

to correct the confusion by his presence, by landing in person. He went

clad in armor so strong, that a charge from an esmeril [289] would not

pass through it. Only his head was unarmed, but covered with a cap and

plumes, while a negro carried his helmet. He was accompanied by five

well-armed soldiers. He had not taken more than fifty steps, when an

Indian named Ubal suddenly ran out of some dense tufted thickets, and,

attacking him with his campilan, cleft open his head. Ubal was the

brother of Silonga, and owner of the only cow in all that country. He

killed it three days previous to this misfortune, and, inviting his

friends to the feast, promised to kill the most distinguished person

of the Spaniards in that war. He fulfilled his word, for Estevan

Rodriguez fell, from his wound, and died three days afterward,

without having answered a single word to the questions asked him,

although he declared his answers by signs. The five Spaniards, on

seeing their captain wounded--so suddenly that the murderer appeared

and the blow was heard at the same moment--fell upon Ubal and cut him

to pieces. They informed Master-of-camp Xara of the general's death,

who, stifling his resentment, withdrew his men, and built a fort in

the most suitable place, near the river. He founded there his colony,

with suitable arrangements, so that our people could settle it. He

appointed regidors and ministers of justice, and called it Nueva

Murcia in honor of the Murcia of España, his native region. Then

he left affairs incomplete, intending to marry the widow of Estevan

Rodriguez, Doña Ana de Oseguera; and reached Filipinas in the first

part of June. Governor Don Francisco Tello, hearing of the event

at El Embocadero, [290] one hundred leguas from Manila, and having

been warned of Xara's design in coming, arrested him at his arrival,

and sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to take charge of the war in

Mindanao. The latter found the troops withdrawn to the port of La

Caldera, which is on the same island, but distant thirty-six leguas

from the mouth of the river. There they remained until August, when

Don Francisco Tello appointed Don Juan Ronquillo in Manila as captain;

he was also captain of the galleys. He also appointed as captains, to

accompany him, Pedro Arceo, Covarrubias and others; as master-of-camp,

Diego Chaves Cañizares; as sargento-mayor, Garcia Guerrero; and as

captains of infantry, Christoval Villagra and Cervan Gutierrez. Don

Juan arrived with this reënforcement to attack the enemy, and fell

upon them so suddenly that, seeing themselves exhausted, they begged

help from the king of Ternate--whom the Mindanaos recognize by certain

payments which are the same, or almost the same, as tributes. Buizàn,

a brother of Silonga, went on that embassy to Ternate, and negotiated

so efficaciously that the Ternate king sent seven caracoas with him,

six pieces of artillery, two medium-sized pieces, and some falcons,

together with six hundred men. These, sailing to the river of Mindanao,

tried to ascend as far as Buyahèn by it. But they found at its mouths

great obstructions to pass, because in one branch the largest Spanish

fort threatened them, and the galleys and other boats; and in the

other was a narrow pass, which ran to a point, on which was built a

rampart guarded by forty men. From that place to the other side of

the river, our men had themselves built a very strong wooden bridge,

close to which a galliot plied. The Ternatans, seeing so strong a

defense on both sides, resolved to fortify themselves on the chief

mouth of the river. They built a small fort, and, together with an

equal number of Mindanao soldiers, shut themselves up in it. This

news aroused General Ronquillo to dislodge them. He went down to

accomplish it with the galleys and other vessels, and one hundred

and forty well-armed men. He landed with one hundred and sixteen

men, together with Captains Ruy Gomez Arellano, Garcia Guerrero,

Christoval Villagra, and Alonso de Palma. He met the enemy at a

distance of eighty paces on the bank of the river. The Ternatans

and Mindanaos had carefully cleared the front of their fort, but

had designedly left a thicket at one side of it, where three hundred

Ternatans were ambushed, while the rest were inside the fortress. As

both parties saw how few of our men were attacking them, they grew

ashamed of their fortress and ambush. Threatening our men insolently,

they showed themselves and advanced upon the Spaniards. They found

so great opposition from our men that without using any stratagem,

or for no other reason beyond natural strength, at the first shock of

battle nearly all the Ternatans were killed, and the rest fled. Our

men pursued them until they killed them all. The men of Tampaca,

who had been neutral until then, in consideration of the dealings of

Fortune, and seeing that she had declared in our favor, took up arms

for us. Only seventy-seven Ternatans, badly wounded, escaped; and

fifty of these were drowned in the river, into which they had thrown

themselves in desperation. Only three of the twenty-seven survived,

and they informed their king of it. The Spaniards seized the boats,

artillery and spoils of she conquered, and became encouraged to

continue the war against infidels.

Don Francisco Tello was not neglectful of other similar occurrences. He

learned by his spies, and rumor had it, that the emperor of Japon

was collecting a large army and preparing many boats for it, and

large supplies of arms and food. It was also learned that he was

securing himself, by treaty, from the Chinese, of whom the Japanese,

because of their natural enmity, live in fear. Hence they inferred

that he was equipping himself to make war outside his kingdoms. He

had negotiated and concluded alliances with the king of Ternate,

and with other neighbors who were hostile to the Spanish crown. From

all of those actions there resulted eager conjectures that all that

tempest was threatening the Filipinas, and particularly their capital,

Manila. The governor prepared his forces, and under pretext of saluting

that barbaric emperor with a present, sent Captain Alderete to find

out the truth. The ambassador left for Japon in July. At the same time,

Don Francisco sent the galleon "San Felipe" to Nueva España with advice

of those rumors. Those two vessels, that of Alderete and the "San

Felipe," met in Japon, and the natives did not conceive well-disposed

intents concerning them. Alderete learned thoroughly the forces and

designs of the Japanese, and his efforts were of use in clearing up

the apprehensions prevalent in Manila, and preventing unreasonable

fears. He brought another splendid present to the governor, and both

sides made provision for any possible outcome.

The Audiencia was again established in Manila in the year one thousand

five hundred and ninety-eight, for King Filipo was prudently conferring

authority on that province. The auditors--Licentiates Zambrano, Mezcoa,

[291] and Tellez de Almaçan--and Fiscal Geronymo Salazar y Salcedo,

formed it.

[The same year when the Audiencia was reëstablished, Felipe II dies at

the Escorial (September 13, 1598) and is succeeded by his son Felipe

III. Neglect falls upon Molucca affairs:]

... Now at this time Heaven was hastening the reduction of the Malucas,

and the punishment of the persecution of the faithful, although the

tyrants acted more insolently. But since the enterprise had to be

prepared and executed in the Filipinas Islands, and determined and

encouraged in the supreme Council of the Indias, it was advisable for

the president and counselors to display some warmth in the cause--which

by unhappy circumstances, as one despaired of, no one enlivened; and

the papers of discussion and notices belonging to it were forgotten

and heaped together....

[Meanwhile the alliance of Ternate with the English continues. Book

vi ends with a tale of occurrences in the household of the king

of Ternate.]

[The greater part of the seventh book is taken up with the translation

or condensation from the Dutch relation of the first voyage of van

Nek to the East Indies. A critical resume of Erasmus's description

of Holland and its people is given, which allows Argensola, as a

churchman and good Catholic, to inveigh against the heresies and many

religions of the Dutch. As a consequence of the Dutch expedition,

the Ternatans gain new life in their opposition to the Portuguese and

Spaniards. Frequent embassies are sent to Manila from the Portuguese

and natives at Tidore, requesting aid for the Moluccas--which Francisco

Tello was neglecting, as other matters appeared more important. One

embassy, in charge of the brother of the king of Tidore, is followed

by another in charge of a Portuguese, Marcos Diaz de Febra, who

presents a letter from the Tidore ruler to Dr. Morga. The embassy is

successful, and in 1602 Diaz returns to Tidore with reënforcements and

a promise of an expedition from Manila. In the Philippines themselves,

the Chinese are continually congregating in greater numbers, and are

rapidly becoming a menace, although the governor is blind to that fact,

and claims that they are necessary to the well-being of the community.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands

Book Eighth

[Molucca affairs are given considerable attention in the administration

of Governor Pedro de Acuña. The petitions for aid, sent to the

Philippines from those islands, continue. Tello is removed from

the governorship, and Acuña sent to take his place. The latter is

received in Manila (May, 1602) with great rejoicing, as his merits

and reputation are well known. Tello's death occurs in Manila while

waiting to give his residencia. Acuña enters into affairs with great

energy. The narrative continues (p. 270):]

... The new governor was pained at beholding the poverty of the royal

chest and treasury, and himself under the obligation of preserving

the king's and his own credit. The Malucas formed part of this

consideration, for their reduction was a considerable part of his

duty. But he reassured himself, believing that he might supply the

lack of money by energy. He attended to matters personally, as was

his custom, both those in Manila and those in its vicinity. He built

galleys and other boats, which were greatly needed for the defense

of the sea, which was then infested by pirates and near-by enemies,

especially the Mindanaos. He visited then the provinces of Pintados,

and attended to the needs of those regions. In one of these visits,

besides the storms suffered by his little vessel (which carried only

three soldiers), another signal danger overtook him. Twenty-two English

vessels, enriched with the booty that they had seized from the islands

of that government, tried to attack and capture him. But for lack of

a tide they remained stranded, and could not row. Don Pedro saw that

they threw overboard more than two thousand of their many Spanish

and islander captives in order to lighten themselves. They also

threw overboard a beautiful Spanish girl seventeen years old. Later,

the Manila fleet went in pursuit of them, and it was able to capture

some of the pirates, and they were punished. But that punishment was

much less than their cruelty. [292] Don Pedro tried to remove the

hindrances to the enterprise that he was meditating; but had to delay

for some months what he most wished to hasten, in order to despatch

Joloan and Japanese matters.

Chiquiro, the Japanese ambassador, had recently arrived in Manila,

bearing a present of the products and industries of those kingdoms,

and letters; he also had orders to negotiate for friendship with the

governor, and commerce between the Japanese emperor (by name Daifusama)

and the Filipinas and Nueva España. The proximity of those provinces,

the power of the Japanese kings, their natural dispositions, and

other circumstances which experience showed to be worthy of serious

consideration, demanded that that commerce be not refused--although,

for the same reasons, the opinion was expressed that it was not

advisable. But since that barbarian had once espoused that desire,

it was not easy to find a means to settle the matter without causing

jealousy or anger. Dayfusama requested then that the Spaniards trade

in Quanto, a port of one of his own provinces; that they establish

friendship, so that the Japanese could go to Nueva España; that

the governor send him masters and workmen to build ships for him in

Japon, in order to continue that navigation. Dayfusama insisted upon

this, having been persuaded by one of our religious of the Order

of St. Francis, one Fray Geronymo de Jesus, whom the Japanese king

esteemed greatly. This was a serious matter, and in many ways most

damaging to the Filipinas. In those islands, the greatest security

against those provinces has consisted for many years in the lack of

ships and pilots among the Japanese, together with their ignorance

of the art of navigation. It has been observed by experts that,

whenever that insolent barbarian has shown any intention to arm against

Manila, he has been prevented by this obstacle. Consequently to send

him workmen and masters to build Spanish vessels for him, would be

equivalent to providing him weapons against the Spaniards themselves;

and the navigation of the Japanese would be the prelude to the

destruction of Filipinas and Nueva España, while long voyages by the

Japanese were inadvisable, and moreover contrary to safety. Considering

all these reasons, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña ordered the ambassador

Chiquiro to be entertained splendidly. He gave him some presents

for his king and for himself, and despatched a vessel with another

present--a moderate one, so that it might not argue fear, as it would

if he took too much. It sailed together with the ship of Dayfusama and

his ambassador, both being filled with articles of barter. The letters

of Don Pedro contained long compliments at his pleasure in procuring

the establishment of greater friendship. But he said that, although he

had received full power from King Filipe for things pertaining to the

government of Filipinas, that part of the king's embassy touching his

request for sailors and the building of Spanish ships he was unable to

decide, until he should inform the viceroy of Nueva España; nor could

the viceroy decide it without special orders from his Majesty. He

promised the Japanese king to write about it for him, and to aid the

accomplishment of so just a desire. But he warned him that it would

be necessary to wait more than three years for the furtherance and

resolution of the matter, because of the distance and accidents of

so long voyages. It was ordered that the same Fray Geronymo himself

should deliver all this message to Dayfusama. Geronymo de Jesus was

written to in secret, instructing and reproving him. He was ordered

to tell the Japanese monarch that the governor esteemed his good will

exhibited toward the commerce and friendship of the Spaniards, and his

own great desire for them. He was to encourage him to keep the peace,

which the governor himself would keep without any infringement. But

he was ordered subtly to divert the king's mind from similar desires

and propositions, and not to facilitate any of them; for although

perhaps there were no hidden deceit in the then reigning monarch,

or any interest greater than that of friendship, it might cause great

harm in times of a less well-intentioned successor, who might abuse

the navigation, and turn it against those who taught it to them. The

governor promised to send another ship soon to trade. Fray Geronymo

was to give the king hopes that some Spanish masters of Spanish boats

would sail in it. Dayfusama was to be patient, and should consider

how offended he would be, if his servants were to open up any new

commerce without consulting him, or without his order.

With this despatch Chiquiro returned to Japon in his ship....

[A storm however overtakes him near Formosa, and his ship is wrecked

and he and his men drowned, the event being learned only long

after. "Daifusama, being persuaded by Fray Geronymo, had granted

leave for our religion to be preached in his kingdoms, to build

our churches, and for all who wished to profess our religion with

public authority." Accordingly the orders send various missionaries

to different districts of Japan. "Many persuaded Don Pedro not to

send away these religious, but, although those persuasions were well

founded, and obstacles put in the way of their departure, it was

determined to allow them to go.... These religious did not find in

the provinces proof of the desires that had been told them. Very few

Japanese were converted, and fewer were disposed toward it, for the

king and tonos [chiefs] ... did not love our religion." Don Pedro

sends the promised ship to Japan laden with "dye-wood, deerskins,

raw silk, and various other articles." Thus Japanese demands are met,

and the emperor is satisfied with the diplomatic answer returned

to him. Meanwhile "Don Pedro's thought bore on the recovery of the

Malucas." Letters pass between him and the Portuguese commander Andrea

Furtado de Mendoza in regard to the expedition, and aid from the

Philippines, and the hostilities of the Dutch. (The Jesuit brother

Gaspar Gomez had been sent by Acuña from Mexico to Spain, to show

the necessity and advantages of the expedition; after various delays

it was set on foot, and Furtado obtained many successes in Amboina,

where he had some encounters with the Dutch. The king of Ternate

asked help from Java and Mindanao.)]

The season and necessity compelled General Furtado to request

urgently the help that was being prepared in Filipinas. Amboino

is eighty leguas from those islands. Accordingly he sent Father

Andres Pereyra, a Jesuit, and Captain Antonio Brito Fogaço, in May

of the year one thousand six hundred and two. They reached Cebù July

twenty-five. They sailed thence for Manila, August six, and entered

that city September five. Don Pedro de Acuña rejoiced greatly over

their arrival. He asked them--so great was his desire and interest,

or rather, his noble rivalry--minutely concerning the expeditions of

General Furtado. Since the latter had referred to them in his letters,

they gave an extended relation of them, and executed his embassy,

each one fulfilling the office that he professed. Don Pedro did not

delay the sending [of reënforcements.] He assembled the council of

war, where it was resolved to send Furtado the help that he requested,

without delay, although they felt obliged to accommodate themselves to

the necessities of the country. Following this decision the governor

sent a message to the provinces of Pintados ordering captain Juan

Xuarez Gallinato, chief of them, to provide all necessaries for the

expedition, and himself to sail with his best disciplined infantry

from Cebù to the city of Arevalo, the place assigned for assembling

the fleet. Gallinato did this, and also sent a vessel to Otón to

lade as much as possible of the supplies. It reached Otón October

twenty-eight, and the same day Don Pedro left Manila for Pintados,

in order, by his presence, to inspire greater haste in the despatch

of the fleet, which was already almost ready in Otón. He arrived

there November thirteen. So fiery was his spirit that he assembled

the reënforcement and entrusted it to Juan Xuarez Gallinato--without

allowing the expeditions from Xolo and Mindanao to embarrass him, even

though he saw the natives of those islands, divided into different

bodies among the Pintados, pillaging and murdering his Majesty's

vassals--and appointed him general and commander of that expedition.

[Furtado, after asking the reënforcement from Acuña, goes to the

Moluccas. Some of his men are defeated in a naval engagement with

the natives, whereupon Furtado builds a fort at the friendly island

of Machian.]

After the fleet, military stores and food had been collected,

they were delivered to Gallinato by the auditors and fiscal of the

Audiencia. The supplies consisted of one thousand fanegas of cleaned

rice, three hundred head of cattle, two hundred jars of wine, eighty

quintals of nails and bolts, forty quintals of powder, three hundred

Ylocos blankets, seven hundred varas of Castilian wool, one hundred

sail-needles, and thirty jugs of oil. The men amounted to two hundred

soldiers--one hundred and sixty-five arquebusiers and thirty-five

musketeers--twenty-two sailors, several pilots, one master, three

artillerymen in the "Santa Potenciana," and twenty common seamen. The

monthly expense of all that equipment amounted to twenty-two thousand

two hundred and sixty pesos. This having been done on the part of

the governor and Audiencia, they required Father Andres Pereyra

and Captain Brito to go with the reënforcement--which Gallinato had

ready, with its colors, and with Captains Christoval Villagrà and

Juan Fernandez de Torres. The company of Captain Don Tomas Bravo, the

governor's nephew, son of Don Garcia his brother, was left behind; but

the captain went, and served bravely on the expedition. The infantry

was taken on the ship "Sancta Potenciana," and on the fragatas "Santo

Anton," "San Sebastian," "San Buenaventura," and "San Francisco." The

fleet left the port of Yloilo January twenty, one thousand six hundred

and three, and reached La Caldera in Mindanao the twenty-fifth. They

remained there until the twenty-eighth, as they had some information

concerning those enemies. Then they sailed toward Maluco, and sighted

the island of Siao February seven, and at dawn of the next day that

of Taolân, four leguas from Siao. There the fragata "Sant Anton" was

wrecked on a shoal of the island, which gave greater anxiety to the

fleet. Gallinato made efforts so that the men should not perish. He

sent Captain Villagrà, who saved them, as well as the weapons and

the pieces of artillery; the rest was left in the sea. They continued

their voyage and sighted the island of Ternate February thirteen. On

the fourteenth they entered that of Tydore, where they heard of

Andres Furtado's arrival. There they rested but little, in order

to join him sooner. Sailing thence with a good breeze they reached

Ternate, and made harbor at Talangame, one legua from the fortress,

on the sixteenth of the same month. The fleets saluted one another

with tokens of friendly regard, and the generals did the same....

[The active campaign soon begins, and notwithstanding some

few successes in the siege of Ternate by Furtado and Gallinato,

sickness, and want of ammunition and provisions, compel the Portuguese

commander to withdraw before the superior forces and equipment of the

Ternatans. Thereupon Gallinato and his men return to the Philippines

via Tidore, while Furtado intends going to Amboina and perhaps to

Malaca. About April of this same year the Jesuit brother, Gaspar

Gomez, reaches Spain, to argue before the Council of the Indias the

necessity of an effective expedition from the Philippines. There it is

agreed that Acuña shall undertake one in person. The following year a

letter received from Acuña by the council describes the ill-success of

Furtado's expedition and the necessity for an effective expedition from

the Philippines, a synopsis of the letter being given by our author.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands

Book Ninth

[The action of the council finally secured the king's assent to the

Molucca expedition, and the following decree was sent to Acuña:]

... Don Pedro de Acuña, my governor and captain-general of the

Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia therein. On

September twenty of the past year, six hundred and three, I wrote you

by an advice-boat on which Gaspar Gomez, of the Society of Jesus, took

passage for Nueva España, my resolution in regard to what you wrote

me from Nueva España, when you went to take charge of that office,

about the Ternate expedition. In accordance with that resolution,

I have ordered a contingent of five hundred men to be collected in

these kingdoms, which are to be conveyed in the trading fleet that

sails to Nueva España this year. I wrote to the viceroy to have

another five hundred men enlisted so that, at the very least, eight

hundred men could be sent you for this enterprise. I have appointed

four captains for the contingent from these kingdoms. One of them,

namely, Admiral Juan de Esquivel, is to be commander and governor of

the said soldiers. I have also appointed six substitutes, practiced and

experienced soldiers, so that, in case any of the said captains die,

these may take command of the men, and that they may be in charge

of the companies to be raised in Nueva España, as I am writing to

the viceroy. I have assigned forty ducados per month as pay to the

said captains; to Admiral Juan de Esquivel the sum of sixty; and to

the substitutes, twenty-five escudos apiece until ahey reach Nueva

España. Thenceforward the said Juan de Esquivel, in case I order

him to be given the title of master-of-camp, shall enjoy the sum of

one hundred and twenty ducados per month; but if he serves with the

title of commander and governor of the said soldiers, he shall have

sixty. The substitutes shall receive forty; and the soldiers--both

those levied in España and those to be raised in Nueva España--shall

have the sum of eight ducados per month. I have ordered the viceroy,

in accordance with the above, to send to those islands the necessary

money to meet the pay of the soldiers for one year. If they are

detained longer in other affairs of my service, he shall also furnish

what may be necessary after advice from you. I have thought it best

to advise you of the above, in order to charge and order you that,

if the pay of the soldiers can be moderated, in respect to what is

there paid men of that rank, you may reform the schedule justifiably,

advising me thereof, and the viceroy of Nueva España. However, you

shall make no alteration in the pay of Admiral Juan de Esquivel,

or of the captains, alférezes, or substitutes. I have also ordered

the viceroy to provide you with whatever may be necessary, up to

the amount of the one hundred and twenty thousand ducados that you

have asked for this undertaking; also six pieces of artillery for

bombardment, and five hundred quintals of arquebus powder. The men

sent from here are armed with muskets and arquebuses. You shall be

careful in the distribution of this money, and in all the rest you

shall exercise the advisable care, system, and caution. You shall

endeavor to attain the end sought, as I confidently expect from you,

with the men sent from España, and those from Nueva España, together

with those whom you shall have collected in those islands for the

expedition to Ternate. If possible, you shall make the expedition

in person, as you have offered to do, and shall leave those islands

provided as it fitting. In case conditions are such that you cannot

go in person, on this expedition, then you shall appoint another man

of the experience and qualities requisite for it, who may take entire

charge of it; and for this I grant you authority. It is my will that,

in case of your death while on the expedition, or through any other

cause, or the death of the person whom you may appoint for it, Admiral

Juan de Esquivel succeed in it and continue it. All the sea and land

forces who shall take part in the said expedition, shall obey him as

they would yourself. I declare that, in this event, and in case of

your death, and the succession of the said Juan de Esquivel to the

charge of the expedition, he shall be subject and subordinate to my

royal Audiencia in those islands. The captains in whose charge is the

infantry raised in these kingdoms, I have selected as worthy men who

have served. Accordingly I charge and order you chat you honor and

favor them as far as possible, for in that I shall consider myself

served. You shall not dismiss them or deprive them of their companies

to give these to others, without just cause, unless it be to appoint

them to better offices. However, if they should commit crimes you

may punish them, as their superior. It is supposed that by the time

of the arrival of these soldiers at those islands--and they shall

leave Nueva España in the first vessels, after the arrival of the

trading fleet there--you will have matters so well in hand that you

may begin the expedition immediately. I charge you straitly to do

with circumspectness, consideration, and caution what I expect from so

gallant a soldier. These men are to be well disciplined and drilled,

and everything so ordered that the desired and so important effect

may be gained, for you see the risk in this and its expense. You shall

endeavor, as I charge you, to have the advisable care and order taken

in the efficient distribution and collection of my revenues, and the

avoidance of superfluous expense. Of the course of events you shall

keep me advised on all occasions. After recovering the fort of Ternate,

you shall place there and on the island the garrison necessary for

its safety. I have ordered the viceroy of Nueva España, if he has

any opportunity for it, to advise you as soon as the men raised here

arrive there [_i.e._, in Nueva España], and that he report clearly to

you the contingent enlisted in that country, and that will be raised

in any other way, as well as the time that they will leave there, so

that you may take the necessary precautions concerning them from those

islands. If you consider it advisable for these men to stop anywhere

and not to go to Manila, you shall so order it, or give any other

orders that you deem most advisable, in anything. Valladolid. June

twenty, one thousand six hundred and four.

After the above decree was sent, its dispositions began to be carried

out in España. Before this, in the preceding year one thousand six

hundred and three, while governor Don Pedro was occupied in the

preparations necessary for this purpose [_i.e._, of the expedition],

an accident occurred in Filipinas which threatened their loss and

other greater misfortunes. In the month of April a fire broke out

in Manila and burnt the richest part and more than half of the city,

and it was impossible to keep the goods from burning which had been

discharged from the ships recently arrived from Nueva España which

were being kept in the most secure of the houses. Two hundred and

seventy houses, wood and stone, were burned, and even the monastery

of St. Dominic (both house and church), the royal Spanish hospital,

and the magazines; and not a single edifice was left standing in

the burned area. Fourteen Spaniards were burned, among whom was

Licentiate Sanz, canon of the cathedral, together with some Indians

and negroes. The loss was estimated at one million....

[The incident of the coming of the three Chinese mandarins and their

pretense of looking for an island of gold is described. This with

certain rumors, readily believed, leads to the outbreak of feeling

against the Chinese or Sangleys resident in Manila and other parts of

the island. That same year (1603), the insurrection by them takes

active shape. Argensola's account is substantially the same as

that of other writers. He traces the insurrection during its rise,

and progress, and the retreat of the Sangicys, with the consequent

slaughters of those people. The following extracts and synopses are

made from his account:]

At the time when Covernor Don Pedro was attending most closely to

the war with Maluco, there occurred in Manila a circumstance such

that it might not only have suspended the war, but extinguished the

entire province. A man was residing in Manila who had remained there

when the great pirate Limaon (of whose history popular accounts are

current) came against the city. He was formerly an idolater, and, as

was reported, served the pirate for a lewd purpose. His name was Encàn,

and he was a native of Semygua in the province of Chincheo. He was

baptized during Santiago de Vera's term, and took the latter's surname,

being called Baptista de Vera. He proved sagacious, industrious, and

of efficacious energy, by means of which, exercising his trading, he

came to possess great wealth and to have influence with the governors

of Filipinas. Through his arrangements the Sangleys negotiated with

Don Pedro, asking his consent to finish a parapet of the wall that

he was completing, at their own cost; for they, as a portion of the

commonwealth, wished to do this service for his Majesty. Each of them

offered four reals for the work. This service and the thanks of the

citizens, whom Encàn or Baptista had bought by benefits, destroyed

or decreased the suspicions conceived against their conspiracy. He

was respected by the Spaniards and loved by the Sangleys. He had twice

been their governor, and had many adopted sons and dependents.... Near

the Parián was another district inhabited by Japanese, a race hostile

to the Sangleys, with whom they are at constant war in their own

country. The governor summoned their headmen, and sounded them by kind

methods, as he wished to know how to depend on them on any occasion,

and if they would help against the Chinese if war came. The Japanese,

puffed up by the confidence that he placed in them, and elated that

time would give them an opportunity to fight against their enemy,

answered that they were ready to die with the Spaniards. Some trouble

arose from this wise effort, and as the Japanese kept the secret

badly, or referred to it with exaggeration, it became public that

Don Pedro was going to kill the Sangleys with their help. Some of

the Japanese told them that, so that the Sangleys could flee and pay

them for the warning. Many Sangleys tried to take to the mountains,

while all were in fear. Those who wished to revolt were able to

persuade the others to do the same, and to quiet the anxious by

promises. In fact, the greater portion of them determined to rebel,

and assigned St. Francis' day for the beginning of the insurrection,

at the hour when the Christians would be busied in their churches,

in the holy feast. Some said that the time assigned for it was during

the night, when twenty-five thousand of them would enter the city and

behead our men. Some indications of it escaped, notwithstanding their

secrecy. Juan de Talavera, parish priest of the hamlet of Quiapo,

informed the archbishop that an Indian woman, with whom a Sangley was

in love, had revealed to him the plot for St. Francis's day.... All

these advices and some others were learned immediately by the governor

and the royal Audiencia. It would be sufficient to see the haste with

which the Chinese sold everything, even to their shoes, and adjusted

their debts--although this was interpreted rather as a design to go

away than one of treason. In order to relieve them from fear of the

Spaniards and Japanese, the governor talked to them himself, and

had the pledge of safety and the royal faith published anew in all

districts. But no effort could quiet them. Three days before that

of St. Francis, more than four hundred Anhay merchants remained in

the city, because they had been unable to sell their goods. These,

upon seeing the others in confusion because of the report that the

Spaniards and Japanese were about to kill them, sent their embassy

to Don Pedro by one Chicàn, also an Anhay or Chincheo.... He came at

night, being in fear of the other Chinese. He communicated their fears

to the governor and their present uncertainty; and stated that they

did not know what resolution to take, and consequently came to him

for advice and protection. The governor, after hearing him and having

completely assured him with his answer, went next day personally to

talk to Chicàn's companions, and satisfied them with affectionate

words, saying that the Spanish nation is not accustomed to execute

or to consent to such deceits. After this talk they were quieted,

but those who had evil intentions were not satisfied....

[At the first outbreak of the insurrection, Encàn is sent to reassure

and quiet the Sangleys. He returns very late "telling Don Pedro that

he had been in danger of being elected their chief, and that they

wished to force him to accept it." In the slaughter of Don Luis

Dasmariñas and his men which soon follows, over thirty Spaniards

manage to escape. The Japanese aid the Spaniards, while the Sangleys

try to induce all their countrymen of the Parian to join them.]

The few Sangleys in the Parián caused the Spaniards no less anxiety

than the many in the fort, both because they had them for so near

neighbors and as they supposed that if these saw our cause declining,

they would join their countrymen. Besides, it was known that the

insurgents had sent to ask those in the Parián to join them, and had

advised them of the Spaniards whom they had killed. This was declared

by a Sangley, who was caught while crossing the river by swimming,

by the sentinel of the river-boats. He, confessing, when put to the

torture, that he was a spy, and that he gave and carried messages,

was beheaded. On the other side, it was considered that although it

would lessen the anxiety to kill all the Sangleys or to attempt it,

it did not appear a just punishment toward people of whose crime

they were uncertain--much more so, since they had come to Filipinas

to conduct their trading in good faith, and the governor had given

them his word for their safety if they were quiet and did not mix in

the rebellion....

[It is finally resolved to induce the peaceful Sangleys to take refuge

in the Augustinian convent. However, they refuse to take advantage

of the offer, although some put their goods in safety. Meanwhile

the hostile Sangleys attempt to incite them to join their ranks,

and on their refusal, turn upon them "and kill more than two

hundred." Encàn is found concealed in a house for fear of capture,

whereupon he confesses his part in the rebellion. The religious

take up arms against the insurgents, notable among them being Fray

Antonio Flores, an Augustinian lay-brother, and formerly a soldier:

he is credited with having slain six hundred Sangleys in the final

slaughter. The Chinese, after driving in an attacking party of five

hundred men under Gallinato, assault the walls of the city, but are

finally driven back with great slaughter. Their Parián is burned,

and they begin their retreat, going to San Pablo and other districts,

pursued by the Spaniards and natives, who kill immense crowds of them

and disperse the rest. Spaniards, Japanese, and Pampangos are sent

out under Sargento-mayor Azcueta, and the insurrection is crushed with

terrible slaughter; "for the Japanese and natives are so ferocious that

nothing can restrain them." The final result of the last campaign shows

that only "slightly more than one hundred [of the Sangleys] survived,

who were kept alive for the galleys. Eight natives and six Japanese

died on our side in these two battles [_i.e._, the slaughters of the

pursuit]. No Spaniard was killed, although many were wounded." Encàn

is "hanged and quartered, his head exposed on the site of the Parián,

and his goods confiscated; and in the days following, justice gave the

same punishment to other guilty Chinese." The insurrection costs the

lives of more than twenty-three thousand Chinese and only five hundred

are left for the galleys. "Some say that the number of Sangleys killed

was greater, but in order that the illegality in admitting so many

into the country contrary to royal prohibitions might not be seen, the

officials concealed or diminished the numbers of those that perished."]

Don Pedro had had some advices of how well affected his Majesty was

to the enterprise of Maluco. Awaiting the effects of that decision,

he wrote by all the ways possible; and by India, to solicit those who

had charge of the matter. Relieved from the hindrance caused by the

Sangleys, he turned his mind to the preparation and equipment of the

fleet, for the time when he should be ordered to set out. But the end

of this war was the beginning of other needs for Manila. Mechanical

trades were stopped, and there was no work or provisions. Prices

of food increased with their lack. All supplies had been formerly

in great abundance, and were obtained through the Sangleys, for the

Indian natives lack the willingness and the energy for such work. The

cultivation of the land, the care of raising fowls, the weaving

of cloth, all of which industries they had exercised in their old

days of infidelity, they had forgotten. Especially was the Pariàn or

Alcayceria wasted by fire and sword. It was once so full of gain and

abundance that Don Pedro wrote to one of his relatives in España, a

short time after his arrival at Manila, these following words of it:

"This city is remarkable for the size of its buildings, which have

surprised me. I shall mention only one, which is the chief one. It has

an Alcayceria that contains all kinds of silks and gold, and mechanical

trades; and for these things there are more than four hundred shops,

and generally more than eight thousand men who trade therein. When

the trading fleets come from China with their merchandise, which is

the present time of the year, there are always more than thirteen

or fourteen thousand men. They bring wonderful things, that are not

found in Europa." Besides this, Don Pedro feared that the chastisement

inflicted in the slaughter would discourage the intercourse of the

Sangleys with us, and that the vessels that were wont to come from

China with food would not come. Greater and universal was the fear

that in place of trading ships, armed vessels would come to avenge the

Sangleys. Don Pedro sent the prior of Manila, Fray Diego de Guevara, to

España by way of India, with advices of the deed and of his fears. The

incidents that befell him on his voyage in India itself, and in Persia,

Turquia, and Italia, forced him to delay three years before he could

reach the court, where he found other despatches already arrived.

At the same time Don Pedro sent Captain Marcos de la Cueva, together

with Fray Luis Gandullo, a Dominican, to Macao--a city of China, where

Portuguese reside--with letters for the commandant and council of

that city, advising them of the rebellion of the Sangleys, and of its

result, so that they might advise him by all ways, at any rumor of an

armed fleet in China. They took letters also for the tutons, haytaos,

and inspectors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, giving account

of the transgression of the Chinese, and how it obliged the Spaniards

to inflict so severe a punishment. The ambassadors found the country

quiet upon their arrival, although some fugitive Sangleys, fleeing

from Manila in champans, had related the disturbances among them. The

arrival of those Spanish at Macao was learned in Chincheo. Immediately

some of the most wealthy captains who ordinarily go to Manila, whose

names were Guansàn, Sinú, and Guachuan, went to see them. Having

understood the truth of the matter, they took upon themselves [the

delivery of] the message sent to the mandarins by Don Pedro, and the

mandarins received it by their means. The Chincheo merchants determined

to return to their trade at Filipinas, and left Macao in their vessels

with our ambassadors, taking a quantity of powder, saltpeter and lead,

with which the public magazines were supplied. In the following May,

thirteen Chinese ships made port at Manila, and afterward many others

returned thither to continue that commerce. Don Pedro sent to Nueva

España the vessels that had brought the relief for the islands. The

flagship foundered and not a person or a plank escaped. He did not

cease at this time to store the city with provisions and ammunition,

in order to find himself free for the expedition to Maluco. At this

juncture, Master-of-camp Juan de Esquivel came from Mexico with six

hundred soldiers, with the report that more men, money, and other

preparations of arms, food, and ammunition were being collected in

Nueva España, at the order of his Majesty; these all arrived at Manila

in due season. At that time died its great archbishop, Don Miguel de

Benavides, to the universal sorrow of the country.

The Chinese ships that returned for the trade bore letters to the

governor in reply to his despatch. Three letters of one tenor came

from the tuton or viceroy, the haytao, and the inspector-general of

the province of Chincheo. Translated by the interpreters into Spanish,

they read as follows:

[See this letter in _Vol_. XIII, pp. 287-291 of this series.]

The governor answered these letters by the same messengers, making use

of terms of courtesy and authority. [293] He related the rebellion

of the Sangleys from its inception. He justified the defense of the

Spaniards, and the punishment inflicted upon the delinquents. He says

that no community can govern without punishing those who are evil,

any more than by not rewarding the blameless. Consequently he does

not repent of what was done, as it was to check him who was trying

to destroy us. The inspector should consider what he should do, if

any similar case happened in China. What he was sorry for was in not

having been able to save any of the Anhays among the Sangley merchants,

who perished among the guilty. But it was impossible to prevent that,

for the violence of war does not allow some to be killed and others

exempted, especially since they were unknown to the soldiers in

the heat of war. Employing clemency toward those captured alive,

he condemned them to row in the galleys, which is the punishment

substituted by the Castilians for those who merit death. However, if

they in China thought that the punishment should be lessened, he would

give them liberty. "But it should be noted," says Don Pedro, "that

this might be the cause that, if so serious a crime were unpunished,

they would fall into it a second time, a thing that would close all the

gates to kindness. The goods of the Chinese killed are in deposit. And

in order that it may be seen that I am not moved by any other zeal

than that of justice, I shall have these immediately delivered to their

heirs, or to those to whom they rightfully pertain. I am not moved to

any of these things by any consideration other than that of right. To

tell me that if I do not free the prisoners, permission will be given,

to the relatives in China of those who were killed in the rebellion,

to come with a fleet to Manila, causes no disturbance in my mind;

for I consider the Chinese as so sensible a race, that they will

not be incited to such things with little foundation and especially

since we have; on our side, given them no occasion for it. In case

any other resolution is followed, we Spaniards are people who know

how to defend our rights, religion, and country very well. And do not

let the Chinese consider themselves lords of all the world, as they

give out; for we Castilians, who have measured it with palmos, know

with exactness the lands of China, where it will be well to know that

the king of España has continual wars with kings as powerful as their

own [_i.e.,_ the Chinese king], and subdues them and inflicts great

troubles upon them. It is no new case, when our enemies imagine that

we are defeated, to find us desolating and destroying the confines

of their lands, and not ceasing until we have hurled them from their

thrones and taken away their scepters. I would be very sorry for a

change in trade, but I also believe that the Chinese do not wish to

lose it, since so great gain accrues from it, and the Chinese take

to their kingdom so much of our silver, which is never diminished

in amount, in exchange for their merchandise, which is composed of

poor articles that are soon worn out." The English ships that reached

the coast of China, he was determined not to receive, for they are

not Spaniards, but their enemies, and are pirates. Consequently

if they came to Manila they would be punished. "Finally, because

we Spaniards always justify our causes, and we pride ourselves on

the fact that no one in the world can say that we usurp other men's

possessions or make war on our friends, all that is herein promised

will be fulfilled. And hereafter let those in China understand that

we never do anything through fear, or because of the threats of our

enemies." Don Pedro concludes by offering to continue the friendship

with the kingdoms of China by new bonds of peace, saying that he would

release the prisoners in his galleys in due time, although he first

intended to make use of them, as he did, in the expedition of Maluco,

which would soon be despatched. All this he strictly observed.

Don Pedro received other letters during those same days from the

emperor of Japon, in which, after thanking him for a present of

grape wine--besides other rich presents--that Don Pedro had sent him,

he earnestly requested commerce....

[This letter, of which Argensola presents a mere synopsis, is given

complete by Morga, _q.v. ante_.]

In this same year, one thousand six hundred and four, the islands of

Holanda and Zelanda, in pursuance of their custom, assembled a fleet

of twelve vessels, large and well equipped, and some smaller ones;

and, as if masters of sea and wind, steered their course toward India

by the known routes. In a short time they reached the cape of Buena

Esperança. All the captains had gone at other times on that voyage, and

the pilots esteemed themselves of no less experience. Their general was

Estevan Drage, [294] faithless alike to his church and to his king....

[Thence this fleet continues its course along Mosambique, India, and

neighboring shores, Java, Sumatra, etc., taking prizes and trading. In

February, 1605, they capture Amboina, where they receive the submission

of the Portuguese and allow religious freedom. Finally part of the

vessels go to the Moluccas, where, with the aid of the king of Ternate,

the fort of Tidore is captured--although the Portuguese are warned

beforehand of their coming by English vessels (for the Spanish and

English kings were then friends), and the English leave powder and

shot for its defense. Some Portuguese leave the island, "many going

to the Filipinas, where Governor Don Pedro interviewed them in order

to learn the condition of affairs at Maluco." The narrative continues:]

One of those who escaped from the fort of Tydore, and reached the town

of Arevalo in Filipinas, was Antonio de Silva, a Portuguese. Besides

being a soldier he was a _naguatato_ or interpreter. This man

gave a judicial account of the matter and added that the English

[_i. e._. Dutch] general, while taking him a prisoner from Amboino,

took a sea-chart, and began to look for Mindoro, Manila, and

Cabite. Being asked by Silva, for what purpose he was looking for

them, he learned that the general intended, in case hit undertaking

at Maluco did not succeed well, to try to capture one of the vessels

plying between Filipinas and Nueva España. Silva replied to him

that it was not time for those vessels to sail, either way; for the

first [_i. e._, those from Nueva España], arrive about May ten,

and the others [_i. e._, those going to Nueva España], sail June

ten. Notwithstanding, this was the end or desire of the Dutchman's

navigation; for he determined to get information in Mindoro, to depart

thence to Macàn, to send an ambassador to China, and to avenge the

insult offered by Don Pablos of Portugal in those provinces. Thence he

would lade pepper in Patane, then see if he could defeat the Chinese

ships at the strait of Sincapura [_i.e._, Singapore] on their way to

Malaca; and at all events, continue along that same route his return to

Holanda, laden with wealth. All this did the Dutch general communicate

to Antonio de Silva, as to one who would go to Holanda with him; for he

was a soldier and a skilled interpreter of both languages, and Estevan

Drage made much of him for that reason. Certain others who had fought

and escaped the slaughter of Tydore confirmed this news. Don Pedro

learned it, and grieved over it, as he was so zealous in the service of

the Church and of his king. He considered sorrowfully when he saw that

not even one turret of a fortress was left in Maluco to the crown of

España, and how securely a rebel to God and to his legitimate sovereign

held them. And because the prosperity of Dutch affairs made the Dutch

powerful and determined, the governor assembled his council of war,

and appointed Captains Antonio Freyle, chief of the fleet of Pintados,

Pedro Sevil, Estevan de Alcaçar, and Bernardino Alfonso to go to the

garrisons of the Pintados and those of other islands that were in

danger, with their infantry companies. He strengthened the ships, and

prepared his artillery, as if he were near a victorious enemy who was

executing his threats with so great success. Antonio de Silva showed

an original letter from another Dutch general, written in the island

of Borneo to the king of Ternate, sent by Philipo Bissegóp, a ship

captain. In it the general expressed his compliments and sent him a

present of a number of varas of different fine cloths from Holanda,

six bales containing vessels of musk, twelve flasks of rose water,

six _arrates_ [295] of _Amfión_ [296]--a Dutch compound used, as above

stated, for fighting, which takes away or disturbs the reason--and

six barrels of powder. He gave the king an account of the unfortunate

voyage, and the obstacles, storms, and dangers that Andres Furtado had

until his arrival at Malaca after leaving Ternate. He called the king

"most serene prince and powerful king of Maluco, Bandas, Amboino,"

and an infinite number of other islands. He congratulated him on the

success attained upon his arrival at Maluco. He promised him to go to

Ternate with the greater forces that he was awaiting from Holanda,

and garrison the forts, in order to extirpate entirely their common

enemy, the king of España. He encouraged him by this hope to hold out

until then. He assured him that he would overrun all those seas from

Maluco, and would extend his empire to China, without any opposition

from the Filipinos or Japanese. For this purpose he requested the king

[of Borneo] to renew friendship with Mindanao, and to give the king

of those islands to understand that he was a friend to the Dutch, and

consequently to facilitate the ports, commerce, and friendships that

were necessary for their voyages. That was what was advisable above

all considerations of the state. He said that he should be warned

and assured that nothing was attended to with more lukewarmness in

España, than to strive or attempt to preserve the greater part of their

provinces, or at least, any form of union. Therefore, all the farthest

colonies that recognized their crown, ought to esteem highly the delay

with which they help and deliberate from España. For while they are

believing, or examining in order to believe, the news of events,

affairs are assuming another condition; and hence neither Spanish

counsels nor arms arrive in time. The greater part of these things had

been taught to his Highness by experience, and the writer's desire

to serve him obliged him to write those things to the king. Antonio

de Sylva added that he knew with certainty that the king of Ternate

had not neglected to take any of the precautions that the Dutchman

asked him to take; and that he had even proposed to his men to go to

fight far from their islands. Although it was never feared that they

would be bold enough to do so, on that occasion Don Pedro was made more

anxious by this information, because the city had been left so weakened

by the Sangley affair. He was trying, moreover, to supply their lack,

so that the late evils might not again happen; for it was so necessary

to further by another road the trade of Filipinas, and to provide

for its domestic security, in order to be able to take the field.

But time, which is wont both to take away and to give hopes, consoled

Don Pedro in those afflictions, and brought him in a few months from

Nueva España some ships of private persons, and afterward, in good

season, the ships of the regular trading fleet. They reached Manila

on St. Matthew's eve. In them were the Spaniards who left España

for that undertaking, together with more than two hundred others

whom the viceroy of Nueva España, the Marques de Montesclaros, sent

to Don Pedro, together with the other military stores and money,

in accordance with the royal decree. Some of this came in charge

of Brother Gaspar Gomez, who was received with incredible joy. He

presented to the governor all his despatches. Care was immediately

taken to lodge the captains and soldiers, and assign them quickly

to their stations, so that all might believe that the only thing

intended with them was the safety of the Filipinas, which were

threatened by the emperor of Japon and by the conspiracies of the

Sangleys. Corroboration of this report was sent in various directions

that it might increase and be disseminated outside the kingdom, in

order not to give information to those whom the Spaniards had reason

to fear. Besides, although the report of that great preparation

was useful to the Spaniards in opinion and in conjectures, yet the

actual strength of the forces with which the country was supplied,

besides the reputation of our affairs, acted for defense and security

in them all. In Japon the knowledge alone that Manila was full of

infantry and of armed vessels tempered or dispelled the irritation

felt by their king because Don Pedro denied him shipbuilders. The

Chincheos also refrained from attempting vengeance on an enemy whose

victories were followed by so great succor. Don Pedro considered the

whole question, and inferred from every one of these advices that

he could absent himself from Manila. However the king of Ternate,

as one overjoyed at having escaped from the Spanish yoke, paid

little heed to all that was told him from his neighboring kingdoms,

for he thought that the Spaniards were never to return to their

former possessions. The captains of Holanda, who rebuilt the burned

fortress in Tydore, sent him some large bronze cannon, culverins,

and a considerable number of muskets; and sent him some engineers

from those who came on those ships, so that they might inspect his

fortifications and reside in them or in his city. Some accepted that

abode, and the loose and irreligious liberty of life permitted in that

country. There, by reason of the many trading-posts and fleets from

the north, they lived as if they were not outside their own countries,

since they had intercourse with their kinsmen and friends, or at least

with men of their nation. Exiled Castilians and Portuguese reached

the port of Oton in Filipinas daily. Among them was Pablo de Lima,

a man of long experience, and now general of artillery in Tydore. He

added to the news of the recent destruction, the joy with which the

Dutch disinterred the pieces that he had tried to hide, and how they

had sent ashore more arms and forces from their ships. This man was

received with great honor because of his worth, and because he was one

of those dispossessed, by the king of Ternate, of vassals and other

property in Tydore. For later events, they profited by his warnings

and advice. All, by various employments, although with equal desire,

took part in the furtherance of the war--in building ships, and

collecting provisions, arms, and ammunition. So great was Don Pedro's

vigilance that he was not wanting in the least duty with example and

encouragement. Consequently, it may be asserted that he carried on

the whole enterprise; for he lent a hand in the labors of all.

Conquest of the Malucas islands

Book Tenth

In human actions the moral doctrine is hidden; and judicious writers

are wont to deduce this from the relation of events, as the fruit

of their history. But in writing of the conquest and conservation

of barbarous lands (which is founded on navigations and garrisons),

what civil precepts of those who establish and compose the political

life--however sagacious statecraft may have made them--can we bring

to the reader's view? And what can be offered in this matter that the

reader could not infer as a necessary consequence, contained in the

preceding propositions? Since, then, the subject forbids us this role,

let us finish it, and redeem the promise by which we bound ourselves

at the beginning. Don Pedro de Acuña, now general of the fleet which

was assembled in Filipinas, attended at the same time to its despatch

and to the safety of the province, which he was about to abandon to

go personally upon so stubborn an undertaking. Some attribute the loss

of all the Malucas to Don Pedro's good fortune, so that, time offering

him greater material, the victory might be more glorious. He provided

very diligently what was needed for the war and for almost all the

casualties thereof. The point or promontory of Yloilo extends into

the sea not far from Arevalo in the island of Panay. It is spacious

enough to serve as a camping-place and suitable for those arms then

prepared. There the fleet was assembled. It consisted of five large

ships, and six galleys; three galliots, like galizabras, belonging

to the crown of Portugal--in one of which Pedro Alvarez de Abreo,

commandant of the fort of Tydore, embarked, while the other two were

in charge of Juan Rodriguez Camelo, a commandant sent from Malaca by

General Andres Furtado de Mendoça, to aid with his prudence and his

strength, and to carry to him information of the outcome; one flat

galliot for unloading artillery, which carried three hundred baskets

of rice; four vessels [297] built for transporting the provisions;

two ten-ton champans, carrying one thousand six hundred baskets of

clean rice; two English lanchas, in which the Portuguese went [to

Manila] after the loss of the Tydore fort; seven fragatas belonging

to his Majesty, and seven belonging to individuals; and as many other

champans--in all thirty-six sail. Master-of-camp Juan de Esquivel

took twelve companies of Spanish infantry, of which four were levied

in Andaluzia--namely, his own, that of Captain Pablo Garrucho, that of

Pedro Sevil, that of Lucas de Vergara Gaviria; and six in Nueva España,

namely, that of Don Rodrigo de Mendoça (this gentleman is the son of

Don Juan de Baeça y Castilla and of Doña Maria de Mendoça, and on the

latter side grandson to the marques de Montesclaros; and left Italia

to serve his Majesty in Filipinas, at the request of the viceroy of

Nueva España, his kinsman), the company of Captain Pascual de Alarcon

Pacheco, that of Martin de Esquivel, that of Bernardino Alfonso,

that of Pedro Delgado, and that of Estevan de Alcaçar. The other two,

under Captains Juan Guerra de Cervantes and Christoval de Villagrâ,

were from the camp of Manila and the province of Pintados. All of

these with their officers amounted to one thousand four hundred

and twenty-three Spaniards. Under Master-of-camp Don Guillermo

and Captains Don Francisco Palaot, Don Juan Lit, Don Luys, and Don

Agustin Lont were three hundred and forty-four Pampanga and Tagál

Indians; while there were also six hundred and twenty men from the

same tribes for the naval and military service, and six hundred and

forty-nine rowers. The entire fleet, exclusive of the household and

following of the general, amounted to three thousand and ninety-five

men; they had seventy-five pieces of various kinds of artillery,

and all the materials for navigating, disembarking, and fighting,

and for bombarding walls.

Don Pedro left the port of Yloilo with this armament January five, one

thousand six hundred and six, in doubtful weather, but as courageous

as ever. He reached the island of Mindanao, hostile to the Spanish

name and allied with the Ternatans, and anchored in the port of La

Caldera to take in water. There the flagship, called "Jesus Maria," in

which Master-of-camp Esquivel was sailing, began to drag the anchors

with which it was moored--an action which the sailors name by the

peculiar word _garrar_ [298]--and, in order to save itself, had to

set sail. But finding that it could not double a point in this way,

it fired two shots as a call for help, just when the rudder struck. The

galleys hastened to give it a tow, but some cables were snapped atwain;

and their efforts were in vain, for the sea and winds prevented the

work. Captain Villagrà was given charge of the rescue of the men and

provisions aboard the flagship. Although many possessions of the king

and of private persons were lost, by incredible effort he saved the

bulk of the provisions and of the clothing, and all the men, artillery,

powder, cables, rigging, and sails. In order that the Mindanaos might

not enjoy the spoils of the shipwreck, he set fire to the hull, after

taking out the nails and bolts. They felt this first misfortune because

of its very importance, and because the soldiers, a class often given

to foolish superstitions, interpreted it in a sinister manner. The

general's prudence calmed everything. He ordered the master-of-camp

to proceed with the fleet from La Caldera to the port of Talangame,

which, as we have said, is situated in the island of Ternate. Don

Pedro accompanied him with his galleys until they got outside the

strait of Sambuanga, a place dangerous because of its currents and

reefs. For that reason they towed the ships, until this danger was

past, and because of a calm that overtook them. The fleet took the

open sea. The galleys, in order to take in water enough to last until

reaching Ternate, coasted along gradually; for the men rescued from the

submerged flagship were distributed in them and in the other boats, and

their weight and peril was greater. The most skilful pilots of those

seas managed the galleys, but notwithstanding their care and that of

the captains and experienced sailors, they fell off their course and

reached the islands of the Celebes or of Mateo, more than sixty leguas

to the leeward of Ternate. Contrary winds were blowing, and they had

to correct their mistake by dint of rowing. In that manner, and with

great difficulty, they reached Ternate March twenty-six, on Easter

day. With their observance of that day, so propitious to all creation,

they forgot their past dangers, and changed them into joy and hope.

[Don Pedro finds the rest of his fleet at Tidore instead of at Ternate,

as he has expected; but sees at the latter place a Dutch ship,

which shows fight. However, leaving the ship for the present, Acuña

sets about the reduction of Ternate with his own forces and those

of the king of Tidore. Landing at Ternate April first, that fort is

approached in two divisions, meeting with no opposition until they

arrive near the walls. Gallinato's advice as to placing the soldiers

is followed, and the Ternatan scouts in trees are replaced by those

of the besiegers. Active operations begin, and after various minor

successes the wall is carried by assault, and the old fortress built

by the Portuguese is captured. On entering the city the soldiers fall

to looting.]

When the men entered the city, every one gave himself to his fury and

to plundering. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation, conceding that all

the enemy captured within those four days should become slaves. The

captains halted near the old church of San Pablo, which had been

fortified by the enemy for this war. There were various opinions as to

what course was to be followed. Some thought that they should attend

to preserving what was gained; others that they should go ahead to

gain the chief fortress. Captains Vergara and Villagrà were of the

latter opinion; and so great was the exuberance of the soldiers and

their desire for danger that one of them, a native of Estremadura,

of the company of Captain Sevil--who was an Arragonese, and a gallant

fighter, who also approved the advice to pass on--seized Captain

Villagrà in his arms, and carried him thus for more than ten paces,

exclaiming, "O good captain, attack the enemy, attack him!" and then

set him down. Thereupon the captain struck him with the flat of his

sword, because he had at such a time seized him so impudently. The

soldier bowed, and said gracefully and smilingly, "Give me another,

by God! [_cuerpo de Dios_] and attack them!" In fact Vergara and

Villagrà attacked the principal fortress with few men and gained it,

and were the first to enter its gates. However they were not the

first to go up, for while they were ascending very quickly by the

stairs, at the entrance of the hall an old soldier, named Barela,

a corporal to Captain Cervantes, hurried past them. He, on entering,

took a gilded water-jar, shaped like an urn and very skilfully chased,

from a rich side board and salver placed in the hall, saying to the

captains, "Gentlemen, I take this in token that I entered here with

your Graces." Accordingly he took it, with the consent of all. Then

the entire palace was given over to the pillage of the soldiers,

and exposed to their greed. Don Pedro tried to restrain them, but

was obeyed only near the end of the sack.

[The king of Ternate and a few of his kinsmen, together with the Dutch,

escape, the former going to the island of Gilolo. The reduction

of the lesser forts continues, and some of the king's relatives

who are well affected to the Spanish, offer to induce the king to

surrender. This he does after a formal safe-conduct has been given

by Acuña. Don Pedro receives him in a manner befitting his rank,

and houses him sumptuously, but at the same time keeps him carefully

guarded. Several days later a treaty is made with the king.]

Two days after, the governor ordered Master-of-camp Gallinato and

Captain Villagrà, together with Pablo de Lima, to confer with the

captive king concerning what agreement it was advisable to make

with him in his Majesty's name for the security and solidity of

matters. They were to persuade him that that was the way to attain

merit and oblige our king to make better conditions in his favor. The

three came, accompanied by other influential persons, among whom

were some Augustinian, Dominican, and Jesuit religious, all of whom

served in their ministry praiseworthily. The king did not refuse to

capitulate. After some discussion as to what form it should take,

through the medium of Pablo de Lima, and after conceding to the

king some things that he requested from the king, our sovereign,

they wrote and signed the following agreements:

The first thing demanded from King Cachil Sultan Zayde, of Ternate,

and from the rest imprisoned with his Highness who may have any

part in it, is that he is to deliver to his Majesty King Filipo, our

sovereign, the forts that he now possesses--namely, those of Xilolo,

Sabubù, Gamocanora, Tacome, those of Maquien, those of Sula, and the

others. He answers to this that he will deliver to his Majesty the

forts above declared, and that he will send the prince his son, and

Cachil Amuxa, his cousin, with the person or persons who shall go to

take possession of them; and that they shall be delivered up with all

the artillery, ammunition, muskets, and arquebuses contained in them.

The second. That he shall make restitution of all the captives that

he holds, who may be our subjects, whether Christians or infidels,

from the provinces of Pintados and from the other provinces subject to

the Spaniards in the Filipinas Islands. He answered that all that are

found at present shall be delivered up immediately, and that those who

do not appear now shall be delivered up as they shall be found later.

The third. That he shall deliver up the Dutch in his power. He replied

that when he left this fort of Ternate, thirteen or fourteen Dutchmen

with him took to flight, and he thought that they went to the Dutch

vessel, for he has not seen them. However, if they appear, he will

deliver them up immediately.

The fourth. He shall deliver up the Spanish renegades who were in

this fort of Ternate. He answered that there was only one there, and

that he fled like the others the day the fort was taken, and he does

not know where he is, but that he shall be sought and delivered up.

The fifth. That he shall also deliver up all the villages in the

island of Batochina or El Moro, which were formerly Christian; as well

as the islands of Marotay, and Herrao, which were also Christian,

with all the artillery and ammunition in them. He answered that he

is ready to deliver up everything, as he did with his person.

Don Pedro de Acuña, governor and captain-general of the Filipinas

Islands, president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, and

general of this Maluco fleet, entrusted these capitulations to General

Juan Xuarez Gallinato and captain Christoval de Villagra. They made

them in the form above declared, with the help of Pablo de Lima, a

Portuguese native of these islands, who was the interpreter of the

[Moro] language. The said king affixed his signature, according to

his custom. It was done in the fort of Ternate April ten, one thousand

six hundred and six. The said general and captain, and the said Pablo

de Lima, also signed it.

The king signed it in Persian characters with graceful curves, and

the Spaniards simply. This original agreement was brought to España

with the other authentic documents.

[Possession is formally taken of the newly-subdued and of the

reconquered territory in the name of the king of Spain; and after

consultation it is determined to take the king of Ternate to Manila,

leaving governors appointed to carry on his government. All swear

homage to the Spanish monarch, and promise not to admit the Dutch

or other foreigners to their clove trade, and not to prevent

missionary work. Acuña orders a new fort to be built at Tidore,

remits a third part of the tribute to be paid by the Ternatans,

and, after strengthening the fort at Terate, leaves Juan de Esquivel

there with six hundred men, boats, ammunition, and supplies, to act

as governor of all the Moluccas, while he returns to Manila with his

prisoners. Trouble begins immediately, and Esquival is kept busy with

expeditions to the various islands and forts, while the Dutch again

begin their machinations; and sickness fights powerfully against

the Spaniards. At Mindanao, a conspiracy to escape is discovered

among the prisoners, for Mindanao is friendly to the Ternatans. The

narrative continues:]

In all the time that we have described, no news of our victory

reached Filipinas. From this silence and suspense they argued in

those regions, and especially in Manila, that Don Pedro and his fleet

had perished, or that he had succeeded so poorly that general sorrow

would be caused. Never was virtue free from envious ones who pursue

it, and such were not wanting to Don Pedro in Manila. But although

these were well known [_some words misprinted in text_]--so that

popular suspicion makes them the authors of the poison from which

it was believed that that great knight died, twenty-two days after

his arrival--we ahall suppress their names; since it is unworthy

of the author, who has to maintain neutrality (and indifference,

in fact) to give strength to a rumor which even yet is based only

upon a suspicion. All are now dead, and judged before the tribunal

where not one thought passes without examination. These men, then,

spread the rumor that Don Pedro, having assaulted Ternate, entered it

easily; but that his men became so embarrassed in the midst of their

great plundering that the barbarians, having reflected, attacked

the Spaniards and made them retreat, after killing the majority of

them. They said that the general, ashamed of his lack of discipline,

did not dare return to Manila. When that report reached the Indians'

ears, it did so great harm that they began to rebel, especially in

the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who were already

attending to their instruction could do nothing with them, for they

asked, since the Malucans were victorious, why they should remain

subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They

said that the latter would, with Ternate's protection, plunder them

daily, and worse thenceforward. They did not stop at mere murmurs,

for they began to confer concerning them, and to talk of executing

their plans. But all vanished before the truth and the news of it,

which preceded the arrival of the conquerors.....

[The conquerors are given a triumphant reception, and the captives

are cheered with hopes of an early release by a decree from Spain,

and lodged comfortably. The king of Ternate has a letter written to

the Spanish monarch, in which he entreats his clemency. Argensola

ends with the reflection that "the Malucos being, then, reduced, our

ministers and preachers went thither, and the voice of the evangelist

began to be heard in the remotest confines of the land."]

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 16 of 55 1609 Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century · 第 14 / 17 题

[A short account of Pedro de Acuña's fortification of Cartagena,