CONQUEST OF THE MALUCAS ISLANDS

[The usual licenses and preliminary matter precede Argensola's

[268] history. The license of the king permitting the author,

and no other, to have the book printed and sold for the following

ten years, bears date "Madrid, January twenty-four, one thousand

six hundred and nine." The license and approbation of the ordinary,

Doctor Cetina, dated "Madrid, December 30, 1608," certifies that the

history contains nothing against the Catholic faith. Pedro de Valencia,

royal chronicler, under date of "Madrid, January 14, 1609," approves

the work as deserving publicity. Licentiate Murcia de la Llana,

after comparing a single printed copy with the original manuscript,

appends a list of errata, with certification that, with these, the

book corresponds to the original. This bears date "Madrid, May 4,

1609." Pedro Zapata del Marmol, at "Madrid, May seven, one thousand

six hundred and nine," appraises the book and orders that it be sold

at four maravedis per pliego or fold, thus making the price of the

book, since it contains one hundred and six pliegos, twelve reals,

sixteen maravedis. In his dedication, dated "Madrid, May 4, 1609,"

Argensola requests the king to read his book, as it "contains victories

of the Church." The author's brother, Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola,

secretary of the empress, chief chronicler of the king in Aragón,

writes a letter "to the readers," in which he meets their arguments

or supposed arguments, and defends the title and contents of the book,

the method of treatment, the style, and its _raison d'être_.

The work contains ten books, the first four of which consist almost

entirely of matters extraneous to the Philippines, such as Maluco

matters, the history of Pedro Sarmiento's expedition through the Strait

of Magellan in search of Drake, etc. The last six books contain more

Philippine matter, and while Argensola cannot always be credited with

the same reliability as Morga, he often supplements the latter. His

introduction in the first book reads as follows:] [269]

I write of the reduction of the Malucas Islands to the obedience of

Felipe III, king of España, and the reduction of their kings to their

former vassalage, which their predecessors rendered, and which was

introduced anew by Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of the Filipinas and

general of the Spanish fleet. That was a victory worthy the foresight

of so pious a monarch, of the care of the dignified ministers of his

supreme council, and of the valor of our nation: not so greatly because

of the rare fertility of those provinces, as because by it was taken

from the northern fleets one great compelling motive for sailing our

seas, so that they should not infect the purity of the new faith of

the Asiatic Indians, and the inhabitants of our colonies who trade

with them, with heresy. The short time in which the undertaking

was completed does not detract from its praise; on the contrary,

it can, by that very fact, occupy a worthy place among more copious

narratives. Well do I see the dangers to which I expose myself, but I

am also confident that I shall not find a defense wanting. Illustrious

sculptors or painters are wont to esteem highly the heads, arms,

and other members, that are copied perfectly from living bodies, in

imitation of which they form all the parts, when they wish to make any

figure. Those ignorant of art despise that preparation, and only enjoy

the statue or picture, which is composed of all its members, and do not

examine the imperfections that they may possess. My present relation

of the recovery of those kingdoms will be judged by this esteem and

by this contempt. For the wise, who know how history is formed, will

esteem this part drawn from life. Others who read, as they confess,

only to pass the time, will value it but little--preferring some

highly fabulous monstrosities, or a prolix book, which, under the

name of history, contains a marvelous number of people, and their

deaths; and which gives events, not as God disposed them, but as they

desire them. Hence it happens that many things worth knowing remain

hidden, for, since they are deferred tor general histories, they are

contemporaneously written but meagerly, by those concerned in them;

and when their manuscripts are wanted, they are not to be found, or

else bind the writer to the laws imposed on him by those who wished

to leave that memorial through their self-love or any other passion,

and he can make no examination of their truth. Consequently to free a

success so important as that of Ternate, the capital of all Maluco,

from this danger, I was ordered to write it, during the lifetime of

those who engaged in it either actively, or through counsel I am so

fully informed of what is needful to write this history, that I hope

to supply my want of ability by the truth. Of this alone have I deemed

it fitting to advise the reader, and not of the advantage that will be

derived from a perusal of this relation. For if the reader desire my

relation, any advice on my part will be superfluous; and otherwise,

even though such advice guide him rightly, it will be impossible to

achieve anything thereby.

[The first four books treat somewhat briefly of the legendary history

and the European discovery of the the Malucos; their importance

in trade, by reason of their spices, and other resources; their

inhabitants; the early Portuguese domination and cruelties, and the

consequent risings and rebellions of the natives; the civil wars

between Ternate and Tidors; and the accession of Felipe II to the

Portuguese crown. The following extracts and abstracts are made from

various parts of these four books:]

The eastern archipelago ... embraces so many islands, that

even yet we do not know their exact number. Modern writers make

five divisions of this archipelago, which are themselves a like

number of archipelagos--namely, Maluco, Moro, Papuas, Celebes,

and Amboyno. The name of the first in that language is Moloc,

and means the same as "capital," for it is the capital of all the

adjacent parts; and, according to others, Maluco, which signifies

in Arabic, as par excellence, "the kingdom." It is reduced to five

chief islands, all under one meridian, all in sight of one another,

and lying within a distance of twenty-five leguas. They lie across

the equator, their most northern latitude being one-half degree,

and their most southern one degree. They are bounded on the west by

the island of Xilòlo, called Batochina de Moro by the Portuguese,

and Alemaera by the Malucos. Of the many islands round about, which

are also called Malucas, ... the following are remarkable for the

abundance of their spice, namely--beginning at the north-Ternate,

Tydore, Motiel, Maquien, and Bacham. In the time of their former

pagans they were called Cape, Duco, Moutil, Mara, and Seque ... The

inhabitants differ from one another, as it were, by the miraculous

kindness of nature. The women are light-complexioned and beautiful,

while the men have a complexion somewhat darker than a quince. The

hair is smooth, and many anoint it with fragrant oils. They have

large eyes and long eyelashes, which, with their eyebrows, they

wear blackened. Their bodies are robust, and they are much given

to war, but to all other employment they are slothful. They live

long, grow gray early, and are always active, on sea no less than

on land. Hospitable and kind to guests, they are importunate and

insistent in their demands when they become familiar. They are full of

self-interest in their dealings, and make use of tricks, frauds, and

lies. They are poor, and consequently proud; and, to name many vices

in one, they are ungrateful. The Chinese occupied all these islands

when they subjugated all that orient, then the Javanese and Malays,

and lastly the Persians and Arabs. These last, by means of commerce,

introduced the superstitions of Mahomet among the worship of their

gods (of whom some families boasted as ancestors). Their laws are

barbarous. They set no limit to their marriages. The chief wife of the

king, called _putriz_ in their language, determines nobility and the

right to the succession--to which her children are preferred, even

when they are younger than the children of other mothers. Not even

the slightest theft is pardoned, but adultery is easily excused. At

daybreak, those appointed for this duty sound (by law) large timbrels

in the streets of the settlements, in order to awaken married people,

whom, on account of human propagation, they judge worthy of political

care. The majority of crimes are punished by death. In other things

they obey the tyranny or will of the conqueror. The headdress of

the men consists of colored Turkish turbans, with many feathers in

them. That of the king, which corresponds to a crown, has the form

of a miter in its peak. The remainder of the clothing universally

consists of jackets which they call _cheninas_, and trousers of

blue, crimson, green, or violet damask. Of the same material are

their cloaks, which are short and military, and fastened diagonally

or knotted on the shoulder, after the fashion of the ancient Roman

garments, as known to us by the writings, statues, and other traces

of those times. The women show off their hair, now letting it hang,

and again knotting it upon the head, and placing various kinds of

flowers in the bands that hold it; so that, in the adjustment of

their headdress, they are not embarrassed by veils, plumage, or

feathers. All that variety, even without art, adorns them. They

wear bracelets, earrings, and necklaces of diamonds and rubies,

and long strings of pearls--ornaments that are not prohibited to

the common people; as neither are silks, which are especially worn

by the women after the fashion of Persians and Turks. These are all

the wealth of the seas and surrounding lands. Men and women betoken

in their dress the natural haughtiness of their disposition. The

variety of their languages is not little. It may happen that one

village cannot understand the language of the next. Malay, being most

easy to pronounce, is most common. From the variety of languages

it is inferred that these islands have been populated by different

nations. Antiquity, and the art of navigating in those districts, is

ascribed to the Chinese. Others affirm that the Malucos are descended

from the Javanese, who, attracted by the sweetness of the odors wafted

by the spices, stopped at Maluco. They took a cargo of cloves, which

until then were unknown, and, continuing to trade in these, carried

them in their vessels to the Persian and Arabian straits. They went

throughout those provinces, carrying also ilks, and chinaware--products

of the resources and skill of the Chinese. The cloves, by means

of the Persians and Arabs, came to the Greeks and Romans. Several

Roman emperors tried to conquer the east, in order to find the spice

regions, so much did they desire the spice. Believing that they all

came from China, they gave them Chinese names. The Spaniards formerly

brought the spices with other merchandise from the Bermejo [_i.e._,

Red] or Erithrean Sea. The kings of Egypt once gained possession of

the spices, and they reached Europe by way of the Asiatics. When the

Romans made Egypt one of their provinces, they continued the trade. The

Genoese, much later, transferring the commerce to Theodosia (now Cafa)

distributed the spices, and there Venecia and other trading nations

established their agents and factories. They sailed later by way of

the Caspian Sea and Trapisonda; but the trade fell with the empire,

and the Turks carried this merchandise in caravans of camels

and dromedaries to Barcito, Lepo, and Damasco, and to various

Mediterranean ports. [270] The sultans of Cayro restored this trade

to the Bermejo Sea, and to Alexandria by the Nilo [_i.e._, Nile]

River. The Portuguese deprived the sultans of it, after their conquest

of the Eastern Indias, and now they bring the spices by way of the

cape of Buena Esperanza in their fleets; while with those that sail

along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, and to the cape of Guardafun,

they prohibit drugs being taken to Cayro, sinking or capturing the

vessel that tries to do so. The sultan's trade was suppressed by this

fear and the security that was introduced, and all the spices come

on the account of the royal crown to India, with innumerable delays,

until they reach Lisboa. He who is master of the navigation will be

master of this pleasing wealth.

[Mindanao--which, as appears from an allusion by Argensola, was not

always considered a portion of the Philippines proper--is visited

by one of the early Portuguese conquerors, Captain Pinto, being sent

there by Tristan de Atayde "and to the neighboring islands, to provide

themselves with the necessities of life." There "he visited the king,

by whom he was courteously received; and after his credentials were

examined, and consultation over his requests was held with the Sangages

[271] of the king's council, peace and friendship were made. Pinto

sold his merchandise at whatever price he wished, and traded for

and bought a cargo of provisions at will." (Book ii, pp. 49-50.) The

desire for cloves [272] on the part of the Portuguese is so strong in

the Malucos that the natives determine to burn their trees, although

"the clove harvest forms the wealth of the Maluco kings," in order

to cause them to leave. Although the threat is not carried out,

wars prevail constantly between natives and conquerors. The contests

become so vindictive and troublesome that they lead to arguments

for abandoning the Philippines after Felipe II's accession to the

throne. The passages relating to this are as follows:]

The apprehensions of this danger had made the ministers of all those

provinces anxious, for their fears were being confirmed by proofs

of manifest rebellion. In Goa, Diego Lopez de Mezquita was already

a prisoner in the fortress of Benastirim, and under a strong guard,

and the viceroy was awaiting the decision from España to dispose of

him and of the soldiers; for they feared lest the Ternatans would make

use of the great help that could be sent them by the Chinese; which

could be sent much more easily if the matters then being discussed

in Castilla were made certain. It was reported that the Council of

State--having noted that the Filipinas not only did not augment the

royal incomes, but were even lessening them, and were the occasion for

fruitless expense; and that they were so numerous and so difficult

of conservation--had proposed to King Filipo, our sovereign, to

abandon them, and withdraw the Audiencia and presidios that sustained

them. They added to this argument the example of the Chinese kings and

nations, who also had abandoned those islands--although they are so

near and can aid them so easily, that the islands may be reckoned as a

part of their mainland. They said that as España was governing them,

signal detriment was being received, and there were no hopes that

any betterment would be obtained in future; for the amount of silver

passing thither from Nueva España, both for regular expenses and for

merchandise, was immense. For the same reason, and by the same road,

that treasure was being sent by the hands of the Chinese to the center

of those kingdoms, which, intractable by the severity of their laws,

are debarred by those laws, as by arms and fortifications, from all

trade with foreigners. They asserted that the monarchy, scattered and

divided by so many seas, and climes, could scarcely be reduced to one

whole; and that human foresight could not bind, by means of ability,

provinces separated by nature with so distant boundaries. These

arguments, they said, were born not of the mind, but of experience,

a truth manifest to the senses. All other arguments that could be

adduced against this reasoning they declared to be honorable and

full of generous sound, but difficult of execution. It would be

more advisable to increase the power of the king in Europe, where

the forces could attend to emergencies without the casualties that

militate against them in outside seas and dominions. Each one of these

arguments was enforced so minutely by the ministers of the treasury

that this proposition merited consideration and examination. Had

God permitted the king to exclude the Filipinas from his monarchy,

and leave them exposed to the power of whomsoever should seize them

first, the Malucans would have so strengthened the condition of their

affairs that it would have been impregnable.

This same resolution has been communicated on other occasions, and

in the reign of King Filipo Third, now reigning. He, conforming

to his father's reply, has ever refused to accept counsel so

injurious. Consequently, that most prudent monarch answered that the

Filipinas would be conserved in their present condition, and that the

Audiencia would be granted sufficient authority so that justice could

be more thoroughly administered; for in the completeness and rigor

of justice the king based the duration and energy of the state. For

the same reason, the military force there would be strengthened,

and the royal incomes of Nueva España, or those of any other of his

kingdoms, would be expended for that purpose, for all the treasures,

and those still to be discovered in the bosom of the mines, must be

applied to the propagation of the gospel. For what, he asked, would

the enemies of the gospel say, if they should see that the Filipinas

were deprived of the light, and of the ministers who preach it,

because they did not produce metals and wealth as did other rich

islands in Assia and America? He said that the entire power of the

sovereigns must minister to this superior end, as sons of the Church

and assistants of the apostolic voice, which is being continued in

the successes of the first preaching. If he had refused to yield

one jot in his severity to his northern vassals, [273] or to grant

them liberty for their consciences, why should he relent toward the

pagans and Mahometans, who are the harvest that God has assigned him,

in order to enrich the Church with those so remote children? By this

wise he enjoined silence on the discussion, and with this glorious

aim the decision has ever been made when zeal or human convenience

has discussed the abandonment of those states.... This religious

motive influenced Felipo; but, besides it, those who had experience

of those Asiatic sources of wealth urged others. The most abundant

wealth consists of diamonds, rubies, large and seed pearls, amber,

musk, civet, and camphor, from Borneo and China; vermilion, coral,

quicksilver, copper, and white cloth, from Cambaya and Mengala; rugs,

carpets, fine counterpanes, camlets, from Persia; brocades, ivory,

rhubarb, cardamoms, cassia, [274] incense, benzoin, wax, china,

lac for medicine and dyes, cloves, and mace, from Banda; with gold,

silver, and pearls, medicinal woods, aroes, eagle-wood, calambuco,

[275] ebony, and innumerable other rare plants, drugs, spices, and

ornaments. They say that Venecia lost all this when the commerce

passed to Portugal [276] (Book ii, pp. 84-86)....

[While the war between the Portuguese and the natives is at its

height, a galleon passes which is later found to have been neither

Spanish nor Portuguese, as the natives fear, "but a ship of Venetians,

private persons, on its way from Manila to China, with various bartered

merchandise of those states and of the east" (Book ii, p. 89).

A native envoy visits Felipe II in Lisbon, but fails to accomplish

much. The later wars between Portuguese and Spaniards and natives

are characterized by assistance for the latter from English and Dutch

sources. King Felipe "especially to recover Témate," turns "his eyes

to the convenience afforded by all the Filipinas, to a greater extent

than India." Later he orders by "his royal decree" that "all the

governors of the Filipinas should be instructed to aid the Malucas,

and all the Indian states of the Portuguese crown; for this may be

done more conveniently from those islands than from India itself"

(Book iv, p. 140). Argensola recurring again to the proposition of

abandoning the Philippines and other islands, says:]

The reader should also consider, that although avarice is sometimes

mixed up in the ministry of the preaching of the gospel, and lawless

acts are committed by our captains and soldiers, yet such excesses do

not make the cause less just. He should consider also that, supposing

that his Majesty should choose, for excellent state reasons (as we

said were proposed), to abandon those districts of Asia, as the Chinese

did, and to narrow the bounds of his monarchy, the cause of the faith

would not permit it. Our kings are ministers of the faith, and sons

of the Catholic church, and any war waged for the introduction of the

gospel is most important, and of the greatest profit, even though it

be to acquire or to gain desert provinces. Besides the Filipinas have

shown how docile are their natives, and how thoroughly they benefit by

the example and company of the Spaniards--the tokens of the affection

with which they have received the faith and aid the religious who are

extending the faith and carrying it to China, Japon, Camboxa, Mindanao,

the Malucas, and the other places where endures idolatry or friendship

with the demons (which the former owners of the country left to them

when they excluded those places from their dominion), or the fictions

of Mahomet, which those places afterward admitted. This is the chief

reason for conserving those provinces. (Book iv, pp. 161, 162.)

Conquest of the Malucas Islands

Book Fifth

After the Luzones or Manilas Islands--both these being ancient

names--had been discovered by Magallanes, Sebastian Cano returned

to España, after the former's death and the successive deaths of

his companions, in that venerable ship which--as if significant of

its voyage, which contains more of truth than of probability--they

called "Vitoria." Sebastian Cano was a mountaineer, from the hamlet

of Guetaria in the Pyrenees Mountains, according to Mapheo, [277] in

his Latin history. In his history he devotes much space to the great

courage of Cano, and his skill in the arts of navigation. He recounts

the universal respect and admiration bestowed upon Cano, since he was

the first in the age of mortals to circumnavigate this globe. And in

truth, what estimation can remain to the fabulous Argonauts, Tiphys

and Jason, and the other navigators whom the elegance or the daring

of Grecia extols, when compared to our Cano? He was the first witness

of the commerce of the seas, and nature opened to his eyes what had

been reserved until then for them; and he was allowed to explore it

all, and to furnish a beginning in so arduous endeavors for the law

that saves and renders eternal. After the death of Magallanes, the

Lusones Islands--which ought to have inherited his name, as being

his sepulcher, as the strait did because of his passage through

it--changed that name for that of Filipinas, [278] in the year one

thousand five hundred and sixty-five; although those islands of that

eastern archipeago are also called by that name. Adelantado Miguel de

Legaspe, who was sent from Nueva España by Viceroy Don Luys de Velasco

with a Spanish fleet, made port in those islands. He conquered first

the island of Zebu and those in its vicinity, where he remained six

years. That region is called by another name, Pintados, still preserved

by different portions of that coast, because the Indians at that time

went about naked, and with their bodies adorned and painted [_i.e._,

tattooed] in various colors. Legaspe left a guard there and went to

occupy Luzon, one hundred and fifty leguas from Zebû. He fought the

barbarians, whom, after the surprise of our ships, weapons, and faces

had worn off, the same novelty encouraged. Legaspe anchored in a bay

four leguas wide, which shows an island midway in its entrance, now

called Marívelez. The bay has a circuit of thirty leguas to the city of

Manila, and is eight leguas wide from north to east. The inhabitants

of that city resisted him with greater courage than the Pintados, for

they had artillery and a fort. But after the Spaniards had taken that,

the defenders of it surrendered. This was done quickly, and allowed

no time for the inhabitants to unite. Thus did Legaspe enter Manila,

a place fortified by nature. At one point of it (which is surrounded by

the water of the bay) is a river of considerable volume, whose source

is the great Lake of Vay [Bay], five leguas distant. This point, narrow

and slender at first, becomes wider immediately, for the seashore

turns toward the southwest, and the bank of the river toward the east,

so that a very considerable space is left for the city. The city is

entirely surrounded with water, except that part between the west

and south. Legaspe founded the city then with wooden buildings, for

wood is produced abundantly in those regions. The roofs of the houses

were covered with nipa leaves, which resemble our mace-reed, [279]

and which form a sufficient defense against the rains. It is, however,

an inflammable material, and is the occasion of the great fires that

have happened there so often. Luzon is more densely populated than

any of the many islands--which are called Filipinas in honor of King

Filipo II, and which, as is affirmed, number eleven thousand. Luzon has

a circumference of three hundred and fifty leguas. Beyond the bay it

runs one hundred leguas to the north, as far as Nueva Segovia; from

the beginning of that province (namely, Cape Bojador), it runs for

thirty leguas east to the promontory of El Engaño. Thence the coast

runs south for eighty leguas, and then with another changed direction

for forty leguas to what they call Embocadero ["the channel"], that is,

the strait opposite the island Tandaya, which is distant eighty more

leguas from the bay. Consequently the island has the shape of a square;

it has many harbors, but few capacious ports. Manila is in slightly

more than fourteen degrees of northern latitude, and in longitude

(reckoning from the Canarias) one hundred and sixty. The most northern

part of Luzon lies in nineteen degrees [of latitude]. With the sea

between them, the great kingdom of China lies on that side of it,

seventy leguas away; while the islands of Japon lie to the northeast,

at a distance of two hundred and fifty leguas. On the east is the open

ocean, and on the south the greatest of the archipelagos of the ocean,

which is divided into live archipelagos. These are broken up into so

many islands, kingdoms, and provinces, that one would believe that

nature did not desire men to ascertain their number. Both Javas,

our Malucas, Borneo, and Nueva Guinea are known; on the west,

and at a distance of three hundred leguas, Malaca, Sian, Patan,

Camboxa, Cochinchina, and other different provinces on the mainland

of Asia. The Chinese abandoned living in our Filipinas, but not its

trade; nor did the cultivation or the fertility of the islands for

that Reason cease. Wheat and other necessary grains are produced

there in abundance: deer, Cattle, buffaloes, goats, and wild boars;

and fruits and spices. If there be anything lacking, the Chinese from

Chincheo bring it, such as chinaware and silks. The wine always used

and drunk there is made from palms, by cutting off the clusters of

fruit that they produce, when green--that fruit is called cocos--from

which, after cutting the leaf stalks, they gather the liquor that

flows forth, and boil it in jars, until it becomes so strong that

it causes intoxication and has the same effects as the strongest

Spanish wine. Of native fruits, there are oranges, lemons, and

very sweet citrons; while they have fig and pear-trees introduced

from España. They rear sparrow-hawks, herons [_martinetes_], and

royal eagles in great abundance. They have a great many different

kinds of parrots, and other birds, large and small. In the rivers

and lakes are many horrible caymans or crocodiles; these kill the

Indians very easily--and especially the children, who go carelessly

to their haunts--as well as the cattle when they go to drink. Not

a few times has it happened that they have seized the cattle by the

muzzles and pulled them beneath the water, and drowned them without

power to resist, however large the animal may be. Then the carcass

is dragged ashore and devoured ... Indians are found so courageous

that, notwithstanding the fierceness of those animals, they kill them

with their hands. They cover the left hand and arm with a glove made

from buffalo hide, and hold therein a stake or peg, somewhat longer

than a tercia, [280] and about as thick as the wrist, and sharpened

at both ends. Then they enter the river until the water reaches the

waist. The crocodile rushes upon the Indian with open mouth to devour

him. The latter presents to it his protected arm and the hand with the

stake, so that the beast may seize it, and runs it into the animal's

mouth in such a position that it cannot shut its mouth or make use

of its strong teeth to attack its slayer. Feeling the pain of the

sharp stake the crocodile becomes so docile that it neither resists

nor attacks, nor dares move, for the slightest movement causes it

pain. Thereupon the barbarian, pulling strongly on the stake, wounds

the beast repeatedly with a dagger (carried in the right hand) in the

throat, until it bleeds to death. Then it is drawn ashore with lines

and ropes, with the aid of other Indians who unite to drag it in; and

many are needed, because of the huge bodies of those crocodiles. They

resemble lizards, but are furnished with scales so strong that scarce

can an arquebus-shot dent them. The only vulnerable spots are the

throat and under parts of the legs [_i.e._, where they join the

body], where nature has given them a certain sweet odor, which the

Indians use. Besides cattle, all the animals of Africa and more are

found in those islands--tigers, lions, bears, foxes, monkeys, apes,

squirrels--and in some of them are many civet-cats. These last are wont

to be hunted extensively, in order to take them to different nations

with the other merchandise of China--linens, silks, earthenware, iron,

copper, steel, quicksilver, and innumerable other things, which are

transported annually from those provinces. Religion and government

are the same as those of España; but in those islands that are still

unsubdued, foolish idolatry prevails. They attribute immortality

to their souls, but they believe that souls wander from one body to

another, according to that ridiculous [doctrine of] transmigration

invented or declared by Pythagoras. Trading is much in vogue, and is

advanced by the Chinese commerce. The Filipinos are more courageous

than their other neighbors. The Spaniards and creoles do not belie

their high origin.

By order of King Filipo an army was formed from all this people, in

order to attempt to take the forts of Maluco. Don Gonçalo Ronquillo

de Peñalosa was governor. Although he had received beforehand certain

information by way of trade and the spies that had gone there, he

was not satisfied with them, and sent another soldier to Maluco. The

latter changed his clothes, and then with that and his aspect,

which was not unlike that of the natives, and their language, which

he spoke fluently, went to Tydore. He found our men very desirous of

the enterprise, and the king of that island ready to push it with his

forces. He went to Ternate with the merchants, and saw the fortresses

and the reefs about the ports; and sounded their friendship with

the English. He found that the latter landed and traded securely--or

rather, as if by right. Nor was the multitude of secret Christians

unknown to him, who would take up arms in due season; nor any of the

other things, that, as an experienced spy, it was necessary for him to

report. Thereupon Ronquillo prepared about three hundred Spaniards and

more than one thousand five hundred Filipinos, with ammunition, food,

and sailors. With three large vessels and a considerable number of

smaller ones, he set sail toward Maluco at the proper season. Pedro

Sarmiento was general, an energetic and experienced man, who still

lives in Manila. He set out courageously and energetically, in order

to destroy any of the enemies then sailing those seas. Several days

previous his Majesty had appointed Pablo de Lima to the charge of

Ternate, if it were gained; and had allowed his brother, Francisco

de Lima, the concession of two voyages to Maluco, in consideration of

their services and those of Henrique, their father. Pablo had married

a Christian woman, and a devout one, although she was a relative

of the king of Tydore, who is not a Christian. For this reason, and

because he possessed in Ternate the ancient inheritance to the towns of

Guita, Mofaquia, Mofaguita, Pauate, Pelueri, Sansuma, Tahane, Mayloa,

and Soma; and in the island of Maquien, Sabele, Talapao, Talatoa,

Mofabouaua, Tabalola, Tagono, Bobaba, and Molapa--of the majority of

which the Ternatan king had dispossessed him, as well as Bitua and

other towns in Tydore, on the pretext of his having abandoned them--he

went to Manila, where he discussed with the governor the method of

facilitating the conquest, on the very eve of its execution. His

counsel was favored, and he gave it as it was his own cause. For,

in addition to the inheritance that the king of Ternate had usurped

from him, he expected to get the island of Moutil, which had belonged

to his ancestors. The expedition was also authorized by the presence

of Don Juan Ronquillo, the governor's nephew, who held equal authority

by land and sea with Sarmiento. If there were anything wanting, it was

thought that it would be supplied easily by the valor of the soldiers,

together with the shortness of the voyage and the carelessness of the

enemy. But the divided command proved an obstacle to that hope. Their

voyage was not stormy, but neither was it so favorable that they

were enabled to anchor exactly at Ternate, as was necessary in order

to deprive the enemy from using their own vigilance. They went to

Moutil to anchor, and within sight of the inhabitants of the land,

fought with some hostile _janquas_. [281] These were captured, and

the Christians found within them were set at liberty. As Pablo de Lima

knew the harbors, and as the people of the island did not possess the

forces necessary to defend themselves against a fleet, and as it was

easily attacked on the sides, it surrendered. The natives came with

branches of palms, citron-trees, and gariofylos [_i.e., caryophyllus_],

or clove-trees, as tokens of peace, and to beg pardon. They obtained

both, and for master, Pablo de Lima. However the vesting him with that

domain proved cf little utility; for a few days after, all the people

slipped away, either considering themselves more secure in Ternate, or

to meet the enemy--who must necessarily carry the war to that island,

as happened. Sarmiento repaired his vessels on that island [_i.e._,

Moutil], and without the loss of a single soldier, and flushed by

his first victory, went to Talangame, passing through the hostile

caracoas, which had been fitted up hastily and without order. The

fort and the king, in possession of our artillery--especially the

rampart, which was enlarged and afterward called Cachil Tulo, after

the king's uncle, who built it--were in readiness long before, and

were threatening some great disaster. Our men landed on that side,

but their landing was opposed by the Ternatans. However night put an

end to battle, and each side retiring to safety, our men finished

landing and mounting their artillery, in the position and manner

counseled by Pablo de Lima, who ever since then has been general of

artillery in the fort of Tydore. The king of that island wished to

join our troops, as was shown by certain actions, and by his promises

to Alférez Dueñas; but he doubted the fortune of the Castilians, as

if he had not had many experiences of it. Now the occasion persuaded

him and fidelity bound him, but he still hesitated. The doubt of that

king is believed to have hurt the outcome of the affair. Sarmiento,

after having mounted the artillery and securely fortified himself,

and after having taken some captives (from whom he learned the food

supply and arms of the besieged), commenced to hem in the enemy, and

to bombard them furiously. However he did not scare them, for they

answered boldly. It became necessary to seize the high places, from

which, as from commanding eminences--which were leveled later--our

men harassed the enemy. Had they persevered in this, it would have

sufficed to end the war. But to such an extent did sickness reign

in our camp, that no better medicine was found than that of absence,

and deferring this undertaking to another time. The assistance from

Tydore was of no consequence. They proved lukewarm friends, and all

the rest was spiritless. Heaven knows the other reasons. There must

have been some stronger ones; for, in reality, the camp was raised,

and after embarking returned to Manila, without having had any greater

effect than to increase the confidence of the enemy.

Then only the English nation disturbed Spanish dominion in that

orient. Consequently King Filipo desired not only to forbid it with

arms near at hand, but also to furnish an example, by their punishment,

to all the northern nations, so that they should not undertake the

invasions that we see. A beginning was made in this work in the year

one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, as is related in the

following discourse.

[The beheading of Mary Stuart, the English confederation with Holland,

and the building, disaster, and defeat of the "invincible armada"

follow. The narrative continues:]

The Hollanders or Zealanders, confederated with Queen Isabel [_i.e._,

Elizabeth of England], being witnesses of that event [_i.e._, the

defeat of the armada], were encouraged to aspire to greater efforts,

in disobedience to their religion and to their sovereign, to usurp

the eastern riches--mines, spices, drugs, and silks--as is seen by

their reckless voyages, in which they have been emulous of the recent

examples set by the English, and by the more ancient ones left us

by Colon, Alburquerque, Magallanes, Gama, and Cortes, as we shall

see later....

After Santiago de Vera became governor of the Filipinas, he was

especially ordered to equip a fleet to attack Ternate, where the

English, from that time forward, were trading with all security. All

nations had established factories there, except the Javanese and the

Lascars. More than two thousand five hundred Moros from Meca were

preaching their abominable doctrine. They did not fear Portugal; all

their fear was caused by the Castilians, whom but lately they found

pledged to vengeance. The king of Ternate knew that Sarmiento and

Ronquillo would have taken it, had not disease prevented them. When the

new preparation was learned in Tydore, the rumor was taken to Ternate

by spies. That king immediately summoned his vassals, especially the

islanders of Maquien and Homero, who, inasmuch as those islands are

so densely populated, responded with forty caracoas. The number would

have been greater, but the king would not permit that more should be

equipped than he requested, as he could not conceal his dread lest

they rebel, as the lands were full of Christians, and the tributes

that he had imposed on them were so excessive. Santiago de Vera made

Captain Juan Morones general, who was not lacking in prudence, just as

valor was not lacking to the soldiers, or ammunition and artillery to

the fleet. Pablo de Lima assisted in both forces. But whether caused

by natural ambition, or want of harmony in some other way, they were

so disunited that one would have prophesied jealousies before they

left Manila. They set sail in good weather, and escaped the greatest

hardships of the sea. But when they considered themselves safe,

all the elements were loosed upon the fleet. Light and reckoning

failed them. The boats were shattered and the most important one

sunk, with the loss of all its crew. That was the galleon called

"Santa Helena," which was carrying the pieces to bombard the fortress,

and considerable of the other ammunition and apparatus. However they

persisted, and the king of Bacham assisted them with the men that he

had raised under the pretext of sweeping the sea of certain enemies;

and, as a baptized Christian, he bewailed the apostasy that he had

made, because of persecution, from the glorious confession of our

faith, and promised the restitution of his soul.

[The futile operations of the Spaniards at Ternate follow. Refusing

advice, the commander tries to take the main fort instead of attacking

in different places with small detachments. Finally the siege is

raised, when the enemy is almost starved out. Communication with

traders from Europe is again free to Ternate, "especially with their

new friends, the English." But internal disputes and ambitions in

Ternate lead to the following letter to Santiago de Vera from Cachil

Tulo, uncle of the illegitimate king of Ternate:]

My brother, Cachil Babu, former king of Ternate, wrote to Portugal to

the king, requesting justice on a man who killed his father and mine,

in return for which he promised to deliver to his Majesty the fort

of Ternate, of which he had been dispossessed. And as his Majesty

succeeded to the kingdoms of Portugal, he answered my brother's letter

by Cachil Naique, his ambassador. But when it arrived, my brother was

already dead, for which reason we did not then deliver the fortress, as

a bastard son had succeeded him, whom the Ternatans, with the help of

the king of Tydore, elevated as king, although he had no right to the

throne. He refused to fulfil his father's promise and pledge. Neither

would he take my counsel or that of my brother, Cachil Mandraxa,

rightful heir of the kingdom, namely, that he deliver the fortress,

as his father had promised the Portuguese--not because he could not

defend himself from them or from his Majesty, but expressly because

he had been thus ordered by his father and my brother. It must not

be understood that it was taken from us by force of arms, but that

we of ourselves had this will to deliver the fortress to serve his

Majesty. Upon seeing us with this intention he determined to kill

my brother, his uncle, the rightful heir of the kingdom, by having

him stabbed by the hand of a slave, under his word and security and

mine. Therefore, considering such action of my nephew senseless,

and that he refuses to fulfil what his father and I and my brothers

promised to his Majesty, I have determined, now and henceforth, to

become the true vassal and servant of his Majesty. By this present

I bind myself, and I swear by my religion, as I did so swear, and I

shall not annul my pledge, through the father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra,

to give all my help and aid for the taking of the fort, with all my

kindred and friends, until his Majesty's captain takes possession of

it or he who shall hereafter come with the Portuguese and Castilians,

who shall be in his company. [This I shall do] provided that the

captain or captains in his Majesty's name shall fulfil toward me the

signed promise of Duarte Pereyra, the chief captain, inasmuch as I

gave him another such message. That is to proclaim me king of Ternate,

as soon as he shall take possession of the fort for his Majesty; for

it belongs to me both through my father, and by the service that I am

rendering, and that I hope to render later, to his Majesty. Therefore,

I beseech your Lordship for favor, and request you in his Majesty's

name to aid me by sending the greatest possible number of soldiers;

and that quickly, so that this my intention and will to serve his

Majesty in this may be achieved, and, as I hope, without loss of

life--although, as your Lordship will have learned, this fortress

is well garrisoned. The order and arrangement that these soldiers

would better observe will be written to your Lordship by the chief

captain. Given in Tydore, where I have come for this purpose, as the

father-vicar Antonio Ferreyra and the auditor Antonio de Matos will

testify, whom, as such persons, I begged to sign for me. May 23.

[The letter of the Portuguese commander verifies the above letter,

and asks for four hundred Spanish soldiers, under pretext of sending

them "to drive the Javanese from those seas, whose friendship

the Ternatans value more than ours." They at least will keep the

English from Ternatan ports. Fifteen fragatas and one galleon will

be enough, and they are to be accompanied by Filipino pioneers. He

tries to persuade the governor to undertake the expedition. Vera

is anxious to do so, but is unable to attempt it at once. Meanwhile

Cachil Tulo dies, and the vigilance required in watching the Chinese

and Japanese in the Philippines renders it impossible to send the

expedition to Ternate. "Each one of these expeditions made inroads on

the treasury and forces of the province, to so great an extent that

it was necessary to allow a breathing-space to each of them." It is

thought that a joint expedition from Malaca and Manila will accomplish

more, and this is made some years later, under Andres Furtado de

Mendoza, of whose character and some of whose deeds there follows an

account. The island of Ceylon, its products and fauna are partially

described, and some of its connection with the Portugese. Returning

to Philippine matters, the narrative continues:]

At this time Santiago de Vera was already dismissed from his

governorship of the Filipinas. After he had communicated with Andres

Furtado, and received an answer from him, in which the latter coincided

with his desire, fortune disturbed these beginnings, and Furtado became

embroiled with those who did not love him, and Santiago de Vera was

withdrawn from his office. Gomez Perez de las Mariñas, knight of the

habit of Santiago, succeeded him. He was a man of great reputation,

a native of Betanços in the kingdom of Galicia. He reached Filipinas

in the year one thousand five hundred and ninety. He brought his

son Don Luis with him, a knight of the habit of Alcántara. The new

governor found Manila open to attack, without the form of a city,

and without any money with which to improve it. More than two hundred

thousand pesos were needed for it. However, by his plans and schemes,

he completed the work without public or private loss. He established

a monopoly of playing cards, imposed fines for excessive play,

punished illicit combinations and frauds among the provision-dealers

and the shops of that class: from all of which resulted the walls of

Manila, which measured twelve thousand eight hundred and forty-nine

geometric feet [_i.e._, Spanish feet], each foot being one tercia. To

this he added his own careful oversight, and the assistance of the

inhabitants, who aided willingly because of the request and example of

their chief. The city had but one fort, and that badly constructed. He

built another at the entrance to the river, to which he gave the name

of Santiago, and enclosed the old one. He finished the cathedral,

and, from the foundation, the church of Santa Potenciana, patroness

of the island, as a shelter for women. Then he started the casting of

cannon, and brought good artisans, who furnished the city with large

and small artillery. He built galleys for the trade and commerce or

merchandise--the subsistence of those lands. And in fulfilment of his

promises in España, he cast his eyes on Ternate and all of Maluco, on

the late disgrace and the unfortunate results of his predecessors who

had attempted the conquest of that choice kingdom, and the punishments

of its tyrants. He communicated these thoughts orally and by letters

with zealous persons, more particularly with Marta, [282] a priest of

the Society of Jesus, a serious and energetic man, whose experience

and instruction had been of great use in those regions. This man gave

him information, counsels, and helpers for the preparation and for

the work. One of the latter was Brother Gaspar Gomez, a Spaniard,

a lay religious of the same society. Among the many conferences that

were held upon this matter, I find an exhortation from Father Antonio

Marta, in a letter written from Tydore. As it is the original, and

good for the better understanding, I will place it here, translated

from the Portuguese....

[The letter above mentioned holds out to Dasmariñas the three

inducements of service to the king, service to God, and personal

ambition, in the proposed Molucca expedition. The war will be an

arduous one, for "it will be fought not with the Ternatans alone, but

with all the Moros of this archipelago," and the natives are brave and

determined. "The people of Tydore already say that they do not want

Spaniards in these regions," and Gomez Perez will find it prudent to

dissemble with them, "so that they will not join the Ternatans." Father

Marta sends a map of the archipelago, promises immense booty, and

assures the governor of the prayers of the religious. This letter,

and conferences with one Geronymo de Azevedo and Brother Gaspar

Gomez, decided the governor to undertake the expedition. He sent

Gaspar Gomez with instructions to visit and inspect various parts of

the archipelago; and the latter visited Ternate, Tydore, Mindanao,

both Javas, and other regions as far as Malaca. The rest of book

five is taken up with a relation of Pedro de Acuña's services and

his appointment to Cartagena in Nueva España.]

Conquest of the Malucas Islands

Book Sixth

Meanwhile Gomez Perez, attentive to his preparation, concealed his

purpose, while not sparing the expenses pertaining to ships, food,

and men. Among other supplies, he built four fine galleys. To man

them--as is there reported--he employed a means that was considered

severe. He ordered that the number of Indians sufficient to equip the

galleys [283] be purchased from those who were the slaves of other

Indian chiefs, and that the Spanish encomenderos should pay for these

men from their own money. The price assigned for each Indian was two

taes of gold--each tae being slightly more than one onza--the value

formerly general among them for slaves. He promised that the sum

spent by the encomenderos for that purpose would be repaid afterward

from the royal exchequer. However, this did not seem any lessening

of the severity, for he improperly called those Indians slaves; but

[among themselves] their masters treat them and love them as children,

feed them at their tables, and marry them to their daughters. Besides,

slaves were then valued higher. To the anger of those who were about

to be sold, was joined that of the encomenderos, who were obliged to

contribute from their property for expenses--which, in their opinion,

were not very necessary--and to offend their tributaries by forcibly

seizing them; while they themselves would never collect the price

they were paying in advance, which was [to them] the most certain

thing. The governor gave out that those galleys were to assure the

country and defend it from the danger that threatened; for he knew

absolutely that the emperor of Japon was going to attack it with

a huge war-fleet. Without galleys it could not be defended, and

consequently he was forced to man them with those slaves, since other

rowers were lacking. These slaves were not to be chained in the galley,

or treated as convicts; but would receive so great kindness that they

themselves would prefer that treatment to that of their owners, whom

they already had as fathers and fathers-in-law. These arguments,

and the pressing need for defense, silenced all objections. But

they did not silence report, for already it was known that he had

come from España, pledged to the king, his ministers, relatives, and

backers, to the Ternate undertaking; and, although he concealed it,

unknown authors divulged it. Yet some tried to persuade him not to

entrust the defense of Filipinas to the Chinese or Sangleys, for no

bond, natural or civil, had ever bound or attracted them to any love

for the islands. They bade him remember the recent example of what

those people did on an occasion on which they were employed by his

predecessor, and to be on his guard against them. He [_i.e._, Vera],

sending a reënforcement of men, ammunition, and food to the fort and

settlement of Cagayàn--which is on the shore of that island of Luzon,

eighty leguas from the city of Manila--inasmuch as he then had no ship

in which to send them, and being constrained by his present necessity,

thought that he could supply the deficiency by using for that purpose

a ship of the Chinese, then anchored at that port and about to return

to China. He ordered the reënforcement to be embarked on that boat

and the Chinese to convey it; and to leave it, on passing, at its

destination, since that was directly on their way. He promised the

Chinese to recompense and reward them for that service. They offered

to do it with great display of willingness, howbeit that their cunning

was seen in the sequel, and what opportunity teaches to him that awaits

it. The Chinese set sail, and on the second day, while our Spaniards

were asleep, and quite sure of being among friends and faithful ones,

the Chinese attacked them in the night, so suddenly that they could

not defend themselves. They were all beheaded and thrown into the

sea. The Chinese pillaged all their cargo, and after dividing the

booty, sailed for their own country. They only kept with them one

wretched Spanish woman who accompanied our men. They left her alive,

but after having insulted and maltreated her, left her on the first

Chinese shore that they reached. She went then to the magistrates

there, and informed them of the treachery committed by those people,

and of the violence that they had inflicted on her. But although

the judges were courteous to her, no satisfaction was given her for

her injuries, and she was unable to obtain justice. On the contrary

they ordered her to be taken into the interior by certain agents,

and delivered to other supreme judges. On that journey, which was

very long and many leguas, she endured greater hardships--until

some governors, taking compassion on her and her tears, took her to

the city of Macao, where the Portuguese reside, and they set her at

liberty. Through that means, the whole deed was learned, and was in

the mouth of all in Manila; and upon the occasion of this expedition,

they exaggerated it still more.

Finally, all of the slaves demanded by Governor Gomez Perez had to be

supplied, but with injuries and acts of oppression; and with the same

injuries and oppression they were all put on the galleys. There they

remained some time before sailing, and some of them died, because they

were unused to that life. All those slaves proved insufficient to man

all the galleys, and the flagship was without rowers. On that account,

and in order to complete the work, more severe methods were used than

at first. The governor ordered that two hundred and fifty Chinese be

drafted from those who go to Filipinas to trade, in order to man or

equip the flagship. Each of them was to be paid two pesos monthly from

the royal treasury. The governor assured them that they would not be

chained, but free, and could have their weapons and serve as soldiers,

and would only have to row the galley during calms, if any should

occur, and in order to double certain headlands. This decision being

communicated to the Chinese, they ail refused it as an intolerable

burden. But when our governor insisted upon this, in order to carry

out his design, the Chinese governor assembled his people in order

to discuss the matter, and to plan how they might choose two hundred

and fifty from among them all; and he threatened that he would take

every tenth man by their houses. That threat disturbed them so much,

that the next day, all their windows were closed, and the merchants

closed their shops; and the community was deprived of the provisions

which were supplied to it by them. Our governor, upon seeing this,

saying that they had mutinied, had about fifty of them seized,

the first whom he could find, and put them in the galleys at the

oar. Thereupon the rest, being cowed, assembled, and made up from

among their number all the two hundred and fifty. And inasmuch as no

one of them wished to be of that number, they distributed among those

who accepted that service twenty thousand pesos, which were given

as a present to those Chinese who would go on the galley, each one

being given eighty pesos, besides the king's pay. With this good aid,

Chinese were not wanting to consent to act as rowers, although the

twenty thousand pesos were spent among them--or, more correctly, among

the officers. From those two hundred and fifty Chinese, five companies

were formed, and five Chinese Christians appointed as captains. They

made their musters and reviews, with pikes and catans--which are

but slightly different from cutlasses--and appeared to be happy

and contented. Amid these occupations Brother Gaspar Gomez came

unexpectedly to Manila, loaded with information which he referred to

the governor in a number of private conferences. He said that the king

of Ternate was not badly prepared, although his forces were somewhat

weakened by his not being in very great harmony with the majority of

the chiefs of his kingdom. Many were threatening to rebel because of

his tyrannies and excessive levies of tribute. Now Javanese, Lascars,

and Moros from Meca no longer resorted to Ternate, as they did in

the time when Captain Morones went there during the term of Santiago

de Vera. Gaspar Gomez gave very detailed information about the two

forts of Talangame. He found that the king of Ternate usually had

about three thousand soldiers, one thousand of them arquebusiers;

while a considerable number came from the other kingdoms of his

crown. They fought with missile weapons, campilans, and shields, and

other armor of coats-of-mail and helmets, which Portuguese had traded

for spice. They had considerable ammunition, all made by themselves

from materials taken there by the Javanese as payment for cloves. Their

chief place was the city of Ternate, where the king and all his court

resided. Consequently it was the best guarded, and from that place

the others obtained strength, courage, and all reënforcement. Gaspar

Gomez advised that our army attack before dawn, for all assaults

made at dawn on that people had always succeeded well. If our fleet

could arrive unseen, it would without doubt conquer. But that king

had placed spies and sentinels on almost all of his islands, and

even in Canela, Sarrangán, and Mindanao. From the fort of Amboyno and

from the kings of Syan [_i.e._, Siaó] and Tidore, a goodly number of

bronze culverins and much other artillery could be brought in their

caracoas. The Amboynos would send these at command, and they would

be sent from Syan and Tydore as soon as requested; for, besides doing

homage to the crown of España, those kings are hostile to Ternate. The

supplies necessary to finish the war, even in case the king of Tydore

should fail them (of whom it might be suspected that he did not wish

to see his enemy totally destroyed), were the artillery and craft that

were being prepared; and more than one thousand two hundred soldiers,

well-armed and equipped with coats-of-mail and helmets, until they

should go to the island of Banda in order to garrison that island as it

needed. There should be a number of light vessels to catch the enemy

when fleeing. Thus would the war be finished entirely and quickly,

and without bloodshed. The infidel Ternatans themselves even said

and published the same. They confessed that, if a large contingent of

soldiers should reach their land, they would universally render homage

without fighting. Consequently he inferred that secret Christians

were living in the Malucas. The entire conquest of that island of

Banda was very useful and advantageous, and of slight risk; and its

maintenance was of great importance to the inhabitants of Amboyno,

which belongs to us. Gaspar Gomez also affirmed that the Portuguese

were facilitating the enterprise considerably, and recounted the

interest and profit that would accrue to his Majesty. Father Antonio

Marta was also of that opinion, in whom Governor Gomez Perez placed

so great faith. Brother Gaspar Gomez to these so full reports and

information added such details that he quite set on fire the mind of

the governor.

At this time the king of Camboxa, named Landara, sent the governor an

embassy through two Spanish captains, accompanied by many Cambodians,

with the requisite authority for prosecuting his cause. That barbarous

king took care that his ambassadors should not be natives of his

kingdoms, because of the lack of confidence with which his vassals

inspired him as to their faithfulness. He chose the ambassadors from

different classes, so that a good result might come from the difference

of their characters and dispositions. One was a Portuguese, Diego

Veloso by name, and the other a Castilian, Blas Ruyz de Fernan

Gonçalez. [284] They presented Gomez Perez with a fine gift,

consisting of a considerable quantity of ivory, benzoin, chinaware,

pieces of silks and cottons, and an elephant of a noble disposition,

as was learned later by experience. They proposed their embassy, which

was, in short, to beg help against the king of Syan [_i.e._, Siam],

who was about to attack the Cambodian king with a vast army. The latter

in recognition of that aid offered to become a vassal of the king of

España, and a Christian. That king was certain that so valorous and

courageous a knight as Gomez Perez would, under no circumstance, refuse

a deed in which God would receive so obvious a service, and that would

be so advantageous to the crown of España. The governor accepted the

present, and responded to it by another of certain European products,

and thanked the king for his confidence in applying to him. However,

it was impossible for him to set about that help just then, or divert

any portion of those forces that were prepared to punish the king of

Ternate and recover that kingdom and the rest of Maluco, which had

rebelled with so great an insult and outrage to the Spanish nation. His

Highness should trust in God our Lord, and persevere in his attempt to

serve him in the holy and true religion. When the Ternate enterprise

was over, he would take his force to the relief of Camboxa. With

these hopes, which were fulfilled by Don Luys de las Mariñas, his son,

those ambassadors left. In order to give them truthful satisfaction

and a just cause for the delay, it was necessary to publish the true

purpose of that fleet, which until then had been kept secret.

Then the governor determined upon his departure, and tried to take

with him as many men as possible. They were enlisted, willingly or

by force--those who were requested and those who were compelled,

alike. The encomenderos and soldiers caused a prodigal expense in

ships, supplies and parades--which, because of the great opportunity

furnished for all that in Filipinas, exceeded the governor's power and

wishes. The governor sent Don Luys, his son, with all the regulars to

the island of Cebu, where all the fleet was to be assembled. There he

remained six months, awaiting new orders. Gomez Perez was detained

in Manila, planning matters of importance. Two days before leaving,

while a guest and dining at the house of Pedro de Roxas, his assistant,

where he was wont to amuse himself in heavy gaming and merriment,

he became so gay--beyond his custom, and contrary to the harshness

of his character--that many interpreted it as his last farewell,

and an omen of what happened. He recounted in conversation, amid

much laughter, that father Fray Vicente, of the Franciscan order,

had told him that that enterprise could not succeed; for the army

was composed of conscripted men, and especially because the married

men were going. The governor left Manila October seventeen, with six

royal galleys, one galleon, one fusta, one fragatin, and a number of

fragatas, caracoas, and vireys--different varieties of craft of the

natives of the country. All the vessels, those belonging to his Majesty

and those of his vassals who offered their persons for his service,

totaled one hundred. There were one thousand well-armed Spaniards

and more than four hundred arquebusiers from the vicinity of Manila;

and another thousand of those called Visaias, people who use lances,

shields, and bows and arrows. Besides these, there were more than four

hundred others, Chinese, of those living throughout that island; and

of those who come to trade, another goodly number, with pay--the great

majority of whom were conscripts rather than volunteers. There was in

the galleys a quantity of food for the fleet. The governor appointed

his son, Don Luys Perez, as lieutenant of the fleet, and ordered him,

as above stated, to assemble it at the island of Cebú. He himself

embarked in the flagship, a vessel of twenty-eight benches, manned

by two hundred and fifty Chinese; and eighty Spaniards also embarked

in it. They reached Cabite, whence they sailed on the nineteenth,

together with several vessels carrying private persons, who followed

the governor at their own expense. They coasted the island of Manila,

until they reached Balajàn; then they separated, for the vessels did

not lose sight of shore, while the governor sailed in the open sea. On

the twenty-fifth, he came alone to pass the night at the promontory of

Azufre [285] ["Sulphur Point"] on the island of Manila, opposite that

of Caça, where the current runs strong and the sea is choppy. As it

was during the blowing of the brisa, the galley could not advance. It

anchored under shelter of the point, but, through the strength of

the current, dragged slightly. In order to return to its shelter,

the Chinese were kept incessantly at the oar. In fact, they rowed

with little energy--either because they were men new to that labor,

and forced to the oar by violence; or because they were fatigued, and

harassed by those who commanded them. Other contrary winds assailed

them, which further impeded the voyage. In order to double certain

promontories of the land, it was necessary to ply the oars, and to

urge on the rowers with the severity and punishment generally used

in galleys. They thought that harsh, and contrary to the governor's

assurance, when he promised them that they would be treated with

affection. But neither the whip nor threats, nor overcoming the

currents by dint of the sweat of their limbs, seemed to them so

intolerable and injurious as to hear from the governor's mouth harsh

and severe words, ordering them to row manfully; for did they not,

he would put them in chains, and cut off their hair. Such an insult

among the Chinese is worthy of death, for they place all their honor in

their hair. They keep it carefully tended and gaily decked, and esteem

it as highly as ladies in Europa; and, in dressing it, display their

taste and their social standing. They determined to mutiny, in order

not to suffer such an insult and disgrace. Having appointed for that

purpose the following night (namely, the twenty-fifth of October),

when the Spaniards had lain down tired out upon the benches, and in

other places in the hull, the Chinese did the same. However, they

so cunningly divided themselves that each Chinese lay down beside

a Spaniard, and pretended to sleep. Just before the hour of dawn,

which they considered the most suitable time and the safest of all,

upon seeing the Spaniards in their soundest slumber, the Chinese,

at the sound of a shrill whistle (which was the signal agreed upon

among them), all arose at the same moment; and each one with the

greatest haste put on a white tunic or shirt, so that, in the midst

of the uproar and the darkness, they might recognize one another,

and distinguish those to be killed. However, for the greater security

of the deed, they also lit a considerable number of wax tapers, which

they had concealed in the folds of the white tunics. Then they seized

their catans, which are sharper and more curved than our cutlasses,

and each Chinese commenced, without disturbing the silence, to strike

his neighboring Spaniard; and then, with the increase of their fury,

to behead all those who were sleeping. More than sixty had embarked

on the flagship, among them the servants of the governor, and others,

old soldiers, who in order to oblige and accommodate him were enduring

discomfort. They had been gambling all the night; and being tired,

and because of the excessive heat, were sleeping naked, some in the

midship gangway, others on the benches, while the more favored ones,

to whom were given better quarters, slept aft. The governor went into

his cabin to sleep. The Chinese proceeded to slaughter those who,

suspecting nothing, were sleeping; it was done so quickly that when

some of those asleep in the stern awakened, the other Spaniards were

already dead. The guard did not perceive it, and such carelessness

could admit of no excuse, for they had been sufficiently warned, and

examples had preceded. Some waked, but finding themselves wounded and

confused, jumped overboard, where most of them were drowned. Some--a

very few--jumped overboard before being wounded, but they were also

drowned, although they were near shore, for they could not reach land

because of the strength of the current. Twelve escaped, and many dead

bodies were found on the beach. The Chinese, now grown bolder, seized

the pikes that they had hidden under the benches, and with outcries

completed their treachery. The governor, who was sleeping below the

hatchway, with a lantern or candle, awaked. In order to awaken him,

the Chinese themselves began purposely to make a greater noise; while

they cried out to him and begged him to come out and settle a quarrel

among the "Castillas," as they call the Spaniards. He, either for that

reason, or thinking that the galley was dragging as on other occasions,

arose in his shirt, opened the hatchway, looked out, and pushed his

body half way through it. At that same time, the Chinese fell upon him

with their cutlasses, and fatally wounded him. They cleft his head,

transfixed him with their pikes, and ran him through with more than

barbaric ferocity. Perceiving that his death was near at hand, he

retired, and took the prayer-book of his order, which he always kept

with him, and an image of our Lady. Between those two refuges, which

were later found bathed in his blood, he yielded up his life. However

he did not die immediately, for they found him later in his bed,

tightly holding the image, where he bled to death. About him were

the bodies of Daniel Gomez de Leon, his valet, Pantaleon de Brito,

Suero Diaz, Juan de Chaves, Pedro Maseda, Juan de San Juan, Carrion

Ponce, and Francisco Castillo--all servants of his--besides the bodies

of four very valiant slaves, who merited the same end. The outcome

was not learned until dawn, for not one of the Chinese dared enter

the governor's room that night, fearing lest a portion of the eighty

Spaniards of the galley had taken refuge there, so cowardly did their

guilt make them. The only survivors in the galley were Fray Francisco

Montilla, a discalced religious of St. Francis, and Juan de Cuellar,

the governor's secretary, who were sleeping below decks--where the

Chinese, since they are so cowardly, did not dare descend for three

days, until after the fury of the first attack had ceased. Then they

put them ashore on the Ylocos coast, on the same island of Luzon,

so that the natives would let them take water, and because the friar

and the secretary had made a certain compact with them, to surrender,

if no harm was done them. The Chinese, assured that no other longtime

Christians were alive, commenced to cry out and rejoice loudly at

having committed that deed, saying now they had no one to fear.

The Spaniards, who were in other boats, near the land, although they

saw the lights, and indistinctly heard the noise from the flagship,

supposed that it was some unexpected work connected with the galley,

or something of that sort. When they learned what was happening,

after a long interval, from those who escaped by swimming, they could

not remedy it and consequently remained quiet. They were but few,

and of inadequate force, and their enterprise was ruined. They waited

until the morning, and when it dawned they saw that the galley had

already set its bastard, [286] and was sailing toward China with the

wind astern, and they could not follow it. It made its voyage, as the

wind served it, along all the coast of the island, until they cleared

Luzon, the Sangleys continuing to celebrate their victory. [287]....

[The secretary and friar, after suffering great tortures of mind from

the Chinese, who threatened often to kill them, are saved at last,

through the superstition of the Chinese, and left ashore on the

Ilocos coast. The Chinese show their cowardice in a conflict with

the natives on that coast, whither they return later "to sacrifice

to the demon" one of their Christian Filipino prisoners. Being unable

to reach China, they land at Cochinchina, "where the king of Tunquin

seizes their cargo, and two large pieces of artillery embarked for

the expedition to Maluco, the royal standard, and all the jewels,

ornaments, and money. He let the galley drift ashore." The news

causes great lamentation in Manila. "Some of those who hated the

governor rejoiced, but their wrath immediately vanished and they wept

generally." Subsequent events follow:]

... The news having been learned in Manila, and no papers of the

governor being found, appointing his successor (although it was known

that he had a royal decree for this), and believing it had been lost

in the galley along with much of his own property, and that of the

king and private persons: the city appointed Licentiate Rojas as

governor, and he filled the post for forty days. But the secretary,

Juan de Cuellar, together with Fray Francisco de Montilla, returning

in a wretched plight to Manila, reported that Gomez Perez, before

leaving, had left the appointment drawn in favor of his son, Don Luis;

and that they would find it in a box in the convent of St. Augustine

with other papers, in care of Fray Diego Muñoz. Rojas had already

sent an order to Cebu for all the men of the expedition to return,

which was obeyed. Thereupon Don Luis, having come, by virtue of the

authority delegated by his father, although with certain protests,

succeeded to that government, until the arrival of Don Francisco Tello.

Such was the end of that cavalier, whose achievements, judged

by themselves, have worth, and receive worth also by his zeal in

performing them. He did not lack political and military virtues,

or prudence in both. But he shut his eyes to examples, and, contrary

to their teaching, dared promise himself results, so that he became

rash and even confident. But Christian charity excuses all this.

Don Luis, his kindred, and friends, wished to continue the expedition

to Maluco, and Father Antonio Fernandez came for that purpose from

Tydore; but it was not carried out. The fleet was broken up, which was

a signal providence for the Filipinas Islands. For at the beginning

of the following year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-four,

a considerable number of Chinese vessels, laden with men and arms,

but no merchandise as was their wont, came to the islands. The vessels

brought seven mandarins, some of the greatest viceroys or governors of

their provinces. It was rumored and was proved that when they learned

that, as Gomez Perez had undertaken that expedition (on which he had

been accompanied by all the Spaniards), they would find the country

unarmed, they were of a mind to conquer it or sack it--which would

have been very easy for them, had they found it as they expected. The

mandarins left their ships twice to visit Don Luis, attended by

a great pomp and retinue. He received them kindly, and gave each

mandarin a gold necklace. They told him that they had come by order

of their king to get the Chinese who were wandering unsettled among

those islands without his leave. But this was considered a pretext

for the truth, for so many mandarins were unnecessary for it, or so

many armed ships and supplies. Those Chinese were the same as those

who killed Gomez Perez, men from Chincheo. Accordingly Don Luis,

as against a known offender, sent his own cousin, Don Fernando de

Castro, in a vessel to recount their treachery to the Chinese king;

but the voyage turned out badly, and this effort wholly failed.

At this time Langara, king of Camboxa, requested help earnestly, and

asked Don Luis to keep the promise that his father had made him some

time before. Consequently, in fulfilment of it, and so that those

forces, or some portion of them, should continue in the service of

the Church, for which they were prepared as a benefit for Ternate,

he determined to aid that king with them.

[A description of Camboxa follows, with observations on its religion,

wealth, products, industries, and fauna. The account of the first

expedition to that country is as follows:]

Don Luis, with zeal to reduce those nations to the bosom of the

Church, and their wealth and kings to the vassalage of the Spanish

crown, equipped three vessels. In them he sent Captain Juan Xuarez

Gallinato--a native of Tenerife, one of the Canarias Islands--with one

hundred and twenty Spaniards, besides some Filipinos. They left Cebù,

but a terrible storm immediately overtook them, and separated the

boats. Gallinato, borne by the fury of the winds, put in at Maláca,

and the other two vessels at Camboxa. They ascended the river,

where they learned that the king of Sian had routed him of Camboxa,

his neighbor. The latter, with the wretched remnants of his army,

fled to the kingdom of the Laos, also a neighboring people, but

inhuman. While he was begging charity from those most hard-hearted

people, the king of Sian had introduced as king of Camboxa one

Prauncar, nicknamed "Boca tuerta el Traydor" [_i.e._, "Wry-mouth,

the Traitor"], brother of the conquered king. This event did not

hinder the aid that the Spaniards were bringing, under the name of an

embassy. They reached the city of Chordumulo, eighty leguas' distance

from the bar. Leaving forty Spaniards in the ships, forty others went

to visit the place where the king was residing. They immediately made

efforts to visit him, but he refused to be seen that day. However,

he ordered a good lodging to be given them and had them told that he

would grant them audience in three days. But Diego Veloso and Blas

Ruyz--either by their former knowledge of the country, or actuated

by later craftiness, proceeding from their interpretation of that

suspicious delay--visiting a beautiful Indian woman of the king's

house, were secretly told by her that, since she was admitted to

and even desired in the affairs of that usurper, she knew that he

was intending to have them all killed. In the three days that he had

assigned them, as a rest from their journey, he was preparing men,

and the manner of executing his purpose. The Spaniards thanked her for

the warning, not without promises of reward. They were not dismayed at

the news of their peril. On the contrary, thanking the Indian woman

anew for it, they took an heroic although rash decision. They agreed

to invest the king's palace that night, and if necessary, to resist

a whole army. They set about the accomplishment of that enterprise,

disproportionate to human strength. They set fire to the powder

magazine. The townspeople ran up to its aid, or to see the damage. Amid

the confusion, the Spaniards entered the palace, and since they knew

the royal apartments, they penetrated them, until they encountered

the king in person. Having cut to pieces the soldiers of his guard,

they killed him also with their daggers. He defended himself and

cried out, but when his men arrived with help they found that he had

bled to death. The rumor of this deed aroused the guard, and then the

city, which has more than thirty thousand inhabitants. These seizing

their arms, more than fifteen thousand men pursued the Spaniards

with the arms that fury placed in their hands, and with many armed

elephants, which were not unskilled in warfare. Our two captains

formed their squadron, and continued to retire in excellent order,

always fighting, and killing not a few enemies. The battle lasted all

night, and until the second day, when they reached the ships with

incredible effort. They embarked and left that kingdom full of new

dissensions. The second day after, Gallinato arrived in his ship. He

landed, upon hearing of the event, as he thought that he would not be

fulfilling his duty if, when he heard the drums and bells, and saw the

streets and port, before filled with traders, but now with squadrons,

he did not take help to the Spaniards. He gave express orders to his

followers to act with all decorum, so that they might relieve the

anxiety of the Cambodians and reassure them, both by their bearing and

in the calmness of their arguments. The chief men of Camboxa visited

them peacefully, and Gallinato treated them very courteously. He

might have performed some great exploit, but seeing that he had

so few troops for the undertaking, and that affairs had now taken

another form and different condition, he determined to withdraw. He

opposed the majority of those influential men, who promised him the

crown of the kingdom, since they were well inclined to the Spaniards

and to foreign domination. From this came that flippant report that

Gallinato was king of Camboxa, which was believed by many in España;

and it was represented in the theaters of that country with acclaim

and applause. Some men well versed in affairs of those provinces were

of opinion that if Gallinato had embraced the opportunity, he might

have seized Camboxa and added it to the Spanish crown. I have seen

letters from Velloso and Blas Ruiz to the Audiencia of Manila after

the event, in which they say the same, and complain of Gallinato for

reprimanding what they did. But Gallinato--whose prudence and valor,

which had been proved on the most perilous occasions in that Eastern

land, and many years before in the wars of Flandes, would not allow

him to be easily affected by popular applause--showing an honorable

aversion to this temptation, sailed away, to return to Manila. He

took in provisions at Cauchinchina. Blas Ruyz and Diego Veloso had

also landed there before, and went alone overland to the kingdom of

the Laos, which lies west of Cauchinchina, to find the deposed king

Langara, to restore him to his throne. They found that he was already

dead, but that his son was living. Upon them telling him that they

had killed the usurper, his uncle and enemy, he went immediately to

his kingdom with Veloso and Ruyz, accompanied by ten thousand men,

whom the king of the Laos gave him, contrary to all expectations. He

attacked Camboxa, where Ruyz and Veloso always faithfully accompanied

him, both during the war, and afterward in the government. After

that the king sent another embassy to Filipinas, asking for men

to quiet the rebellions in the kingdom; and he and his vassals

promised to receive the faith of Jesus Christ. He also promised a

great portion of Camboxa to the Spaniards, so that they might live

off its tributes. This embassy reached Manila, just when Don Luis

had left the government and handed it over to Don Francisco Tello,

which gave occasion to Ternate to establish its tyrannies more firmly.