Chapter Seventh (_concluded_)

On the tenth [of July] [2] of the same year, the vessels

"Espiritu-Santo" and "Jesus Maria" left the port of Cabit en route

for Nueva España--in the wake of two smaller vessels, which had been

despatched a fortnight before--with the Filipinas merchandise. Don Lope

de Ulloa was their commander, while Doctor Antonio de Morga left those

islands in the almiranta, the "Santo Espiritu," to fill the office of

alcalde of the court of Mexico. Before leaving the bay, both vessels

were struck head on by a storm, and went dragging upon the coast,

buffeted by the heavy seas and winds, and amid dark and tempestuous

weather, from three in the afternoon until morning of the next day,

notwithstanding that they were anchored with two heavy cables in the

shelter of the land, and their topmasts struck. Then they grounded

upon the coast, in La Pampanga, ten leguas from Manila. The storm

lasted for three more consecutive days. Consequently it was regarded

as impossible for those vessels to sail and make their voyage,

inasmuch as the season was now well advanced, and the vessels

were very large and heavily laden, and were deeply imbedded in the

sand. Advice was immediately sent overland to Manila, whence were

brought several Chinese ships, cables, and anchors. By dint of the

great efforts exerted, both vessels, each singly, were fitted with

tackle and cables, which were rigged at the stern. There awaiting the

high tide, the ships were drawn, by force of capstan and men, stern

first for more than one legua through a bank of sand, upon which

they had struck, until they were set afloat, on the twenty-second

of July, St. Magdelen's day. Immediately they set sail again,

as the vessels had sustained no injury, nor sprung any leak; and

they made their voyage and navigation, under light winds, to the

coast of Nueva España. A violent south-southwest gale, accompanied

by heavy showers, hail, and cold, struck the ship "Espiritu Sancto"

on the tenth of November, in forty-two degrees, and within sight of

land. The wind was blowing obliquely toward the shore, upon which the

vessel was almost wrecked several times. The vessel suffered distress

and lost its rigging, while the crew was worn out by the voyage and

with the cold. The storm lasted until November twenty-second. On the

morning of that day, while the ship was in the trough of the waves,

and with topmasts shipped, it was struck by a squall of rain and hail,

accompanied by great darkness. A thunderbolt, descending the mainmast,

struck the vessel amidships. It killed three men besides wounding and

maiming eight others; it had entered the hatches, and torn open the

mainhatch, with a blaze of light, so that the interior of the ship

could be seen. Another thunderbolt fell down along the same mast

among the entire crew, and stunned sixteen persons, some of whom

were speechless and unconscious all that day. It left the vessel

by the pump-dale. The next day, the wind veered to north-northeast,

whereupon the ship set sail, and went coasting along the land, with

sufficient winds until the nineteenth of the month of December,

when it made port at Acapulco. There were found the two smaller

vessels that had sailed first from Manila. Three days later, General

Don Lope de Ulloa entered the same port of Acapulco, in the ship

"Jesus Maria." That vessel had sustained the same storms as the ship

"Espiritu Sancto." From the time when the two vessels had separated,

on sailing out of the channel of Capul, in the Filipinas Islands,

they had not sighted one another again during the entire voyage.

In the same year six hundred and three, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña

sent the ship "Sanctiago" from Manila to Japon, with merchandise. It

was ordered to make its voyage to Quanto, in order to comply with the

desire and wish of Daifusama. As news had been already received of the

death of Fray Geronimo de Jesus, four of the most important religious

of his order in Manila--namely, Fray Diego de Bermeo [3] (who had been

provincial), Fray Alonso de la Madre de Dios, Fray Luys Sotello, [4]

and one other associate--sailed on that vessel for the said kingdom.

As soon as the ships "Jesus Maria" and "Espiritu Sancto" sailed for

Nueva España, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon,

there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the coming

of the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied with other

matters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the suspicions that

were current that the Sangleys were about to commit some mischievous

outbreak. This the archbishop and some religious affirmed and told,

publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable number of Chinese

were living in Manila and its environs. Some of them were baptized

Christians living in the settlements of Baibai and Minondoc, [5] on the

other side of the river, opposite the city. Most of them were infidels,

occupied and living in these same settlements and in the shops of

the parián in the city; [they were employed] as merchants and in all

other occupations. The majority of them were fishermen, stonecutters,

charcoal-burners, porters, masons, and day-laborers. Greater security

was always felt in regard to the merchants, for they are the better

class of people, and those who are most interested, because of their

property. So great security was not felt about the others, even though

they were Christians; because, as they are a poor and covetous people,

they would be inclined to any act of meanness. However, it was always

thought that it would be difficult for them to cause any commotion,

unless a strong fleet came from China, on which they could rely. Talk

continued to increase daily, and with it suspicion; for some of the

Chinese themselves, both infidels and Christians, in order to prove

themselves friends of the Spaniards, and clean from all guilt, even

told the Spaniards that there was to be an insurrection shortly,

and other similar things. Although the governor always considered

these statements as fictions and the exaggerations of that nation,

and did not credit them, yet he was not so heedless that he did not

act cautiously and watch, although with dissembling, for whatever

might happen. He took pains to have the city guarded and the soldiers

armed, besides flattering the most prominent of the Chinese and the

merchants, whom he assured of their lives and property. The natives

of La Pampanga and other provinces near by were instructed beforehand

to supply the city with rice and other provisions, and to come to

reënforce it with their persons and arms, should necessity arise. The

same was done with some Japanese in the city. As all this was done

with some publicity, since it could not be done secretly, as so many

were concerned, one and all became convinced of the certainty of the

danger. Many even desired it, in order to see the peace disturbed,

and to have the opportunity to seize something. [6] From that time,

both in the city and its environs, where the Sangleys were living

scattered, these people began to persecute the Sangleys by word and

deed. The natives, Japanese and soldiers of the camp took from them

their possessions and inflicted on them other ill-treatment, calling

them dogs and traitors, and saying that they knew well that they

meant to rebel. But they said they would kill all the Sangleys first,

and that very soon, for the governor was preparing for it. This alone

was sufficient to make it necessary for the Sangleys to do what they

had no intention of doing. [7] Some of the most clever and covetous

set themselves to rouse the courage of the others, and to make

themselves leaders, telling the Sangleys that their destruction was

sure, according to the determination which they saw in the Spaniards,

unless they should anticipate the latter, since they [the Sangleys]

were so numerous, and attack and capture the city. They said that

it would not be difficult for them to kill the Spaniards, seize

their possessions, and become masters of the country, with the aid

and reënforcements that would immediately come to them from China,

as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have made in

the matter should be known. In order to do this when the time came,

it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and

strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite,

and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At least

such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from

the outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It was

learned that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley,

an old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [8]

He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared and

respected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter,

and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellent

Spaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity and

cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish during

this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From there

he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure

himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of

his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had

each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to

be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles he

placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them

out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. They

began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of

slightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among some

estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [9] They stored there

some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. The

Sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common

people and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics,

although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained

quiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of the

Sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and the

advices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the latter

more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the

matter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and

that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the

insurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November,

to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, the

third day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, they

collected very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently,

by nightfall, there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista de

Vera--a thief in the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leader

and organizer of the treason--went immediately to the city and

told the governor that the Sangleys had risen, and that they were

collecting on the other side of the river. The governor, suspecting

the mischief, had him immediately arrested and carefully guarded;

and he was afterward executed. Then, without tap of drum, the governor

ordered the companies, both of the camp and the city, to be notified,

and all to hold their arms in readiness. Very shortly after nightfall,

Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was living near the monastery and church of

Minondoc, on the other side of the river, came hurriedly to the city

to advise the governor that the Sangleys had revolted. He asked for

twenty soldiers to go to the other side [of the river], where he would

guard the said monastery. Cristoval de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of the

camp, went with these men, together with Don Luys. As the silence

of night deepened, the noise made by the Sangleys grew louder, for

they were continuing to assemble and were sounding horns and other

instruments, after their fashion. Don Luys remained to guard the

monastery, with the men brought from Manila, where he had placed

in shelter many women and children of Christian Sangleys, with the

religious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately to the city,

where he told of what was being done. The call to arms was sounded,

for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied out to set

fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it was thought

that they were devastating that district. The Sangleys burned, first,

a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan de Marquina. The

latter was living there with his wife and children; and none of them

escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but who was hidden

in a thicket. [10] Thence the Sangleys went to the settlement of

Laguio, [11] situated on the shore of the river, and burned it. They

killed several Indians of that settlement, and the rest fled to the

city. There the gates were already shut and all the people, with

arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready for

any emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater number

of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more

force. Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monastery

of Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him,

and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These were

sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city,

under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuña (the governor's nephew),

Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel and

advice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion,

shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, and

the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although,

to make certain of the Sangleys of the parián, their merchants had

been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did

not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take

the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the

Spaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferred

to remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. Don

Luys Dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy

immediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, before

they should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventy

soldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest,

about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he

went to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in the

church, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in the

morning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived

at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. An

hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one

would gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with the

reënforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to his

fort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to his

post, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmariñas,

exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to

press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding

the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sent

Alferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word that

the enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcega

and others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and await

the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to

lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh

words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until

they reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenly

into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter,

upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides,

armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. Don

Luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and

killed a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in so

great force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whom

escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [12]

This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because so

many and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and

because of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and which

they needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that their

object was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five,

the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega,

and other captains to the parián; and they told the Sangleys there

that, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revolt

and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. The

confusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great that

it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the

diligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity,

and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain

at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as strongly

as possible the gates of the parián and of Dilao, and all that part of

the wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece of

artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom

were religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy,

flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled

by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burning

and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for

there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the

fleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parián,

[13] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back by

the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. They

went to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls

(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same

determination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss,

which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great

loss to the parián and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniards

spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. The

enemy passed the night in the parián and at Dilao, making carts,

mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances,

for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates,

and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, the

Sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached

the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with

great fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, and

caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses,

that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián and

to Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied by

some soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gate

upon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turned

upon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were the

cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls,

whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys de

Velasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa,

manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that

sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parián and

Dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and

the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those

positions. These vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything,

and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys,

upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the

end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more

than four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country would

reënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three

divisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, the

second among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, San

Pablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely,

and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco,

with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to the

relief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, and

the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit

of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the

bands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majority

and main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountains

of San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves more

secure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they

fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco,

with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a

great number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engaged

with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his

company, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas,

where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival

of reënforcements from China. [14]

The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing

the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captain

and Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiers

to pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundred

Spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and one

thousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagál Indians, [15] on the twentieth

of October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no loss of

men, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas, and,

after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None escaped,

except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the galleys. The

captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it the war was

ended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had taken the

good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions, among the

Spaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were not

seven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [16]

After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because

of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in

all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear,

not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from

exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and

the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth,

which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long

time after the conquest of the country. [17] In addition to this,

people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands

with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Above

all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of

the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in order

to avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden the

minds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara,

prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court of

España by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unable

to reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes

in India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--they

immediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray Luys

Gandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China,

where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain

and the council of that city. These letters advised the latter of

the revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that,

if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could send

word. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to the

Tutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo,

recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniards

to kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva and

Fray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was

quiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection and

much of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila in

champans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheo

that these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinu

and Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila,

went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, they

took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. They

urged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to go

to Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of the

necessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. With

this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcos

de la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao,

and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joy

of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified

immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vessels

bearing food and merchandise.

In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [18] two

vessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva España, under command

of Don Diego de Mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy,

Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for the

islands. The flagship was "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios" and the

almiranta "Sant Antonio."

Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage

in these vessels with their households and property, for Nueva

España--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that

has ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severe

storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees,

and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts and

greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. The

almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This was

one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas have

suffered since the past ones.

During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until

the sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [19] the

governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with

provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the

decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition

to Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find

him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In this

he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp,

Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiers

from España. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great

preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the

viceroy sent to the governor from Nueva España in March of that year,

by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. All

this arrived safely and in due season at Manila.

Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva España, and those

despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don Fray

Miguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buried

amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [20] At this same

time, Don Pedro de Acuña received three letters, by the ships that

continued to come from China that year, with the merchandise and

with their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--when

translated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from the

inspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matter

of the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They were

as follows:

[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of

Morga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII,

p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. The

answer of Acuña to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in the

second document of that volume.]

The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of

the second month--which according to our reckoning is March of the

twenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [_i.e._, Wanleh]. The eunuch's

[21] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;

and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month.

The governor answered these letters through the same messengers,

civilly and authoritatively. He gave an explanation of the deed and

justified the Spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with the

Chinese. He said that their property, which had remained in Manila,

would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in the

galleys would be freed in due season. First, however, he intended to

use them for the Maluco expedition, which he was undertaking.

The entrances into various provinces of Japon by the discalced

religious of St. Francis and those of St. Dominic and St. Augustine,

continued to be made, both in the Castilian vessel itself which was

despatched that year to the kingdoms of Quanto, [22] and in other

Japanese vessels which came to Manila with the silver and flour of the

Japanese, in order to trade. This was permitted and allowed by Daifu,

now called Cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one of

his servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others which

the governor had sent him. He answered the latter's letter as follows:

_Letter from Daifusama, lord of Japon, to governor Don Pedro

de Acuña, in the year one thousand six hundred and five._

I received two letters from your Lordship, and all the

gifts and presents mentioned in the memorandum. Among them,

when I received them, the wine made from grapes pleased

me greatly. During former years, your Lordship requested

permission for six vessels, and last year for four, and I

always granted your request. But, what angers me greatly is

that among the four vessels that your Lordship requested was

that one called "Antonio," which made the voyage without my

orders. This was a very lawless act, and in contempt of me. Can

it be, perhaps, that your Lordship would send to Japon without

my permission any vessel that you wished? Besides this, your

Lordship and others have often negotiated about the sects

of Japon, and requested many things in regard to them. This

likewise I cannot concede; for this region is called Xincoco

[Shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols." These have been

honored with the highest adoration from the time of our

ancestors until now, and their acts I alone cannot undo or

destroy. Consequently, it is not at all advisable that your

religion be promulgated or preached in Japon; and if your

Lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms

of Japon and with me, do what I wish, and never do what is

displeasing to me. Lastly, many have told me that many wicked

and perverse Japanese, who go to that kingdom and live there

for many years, afterward return to Japon. This makes me

very angry. Consequently, your Lordship will, in the future,

allow no one of the Japanese to come here in the vessels that

come from your country. In other matters, your Lordship shall

act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs,

that henceforth I may not be angered on account of them.

The governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make the

expedition to Terrenate in the Malucos, which should be done quickly,

before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; for

he had been informed that the Dutch, who had seized the island

and fortress of Amboino, had done the same with that of Tidore,

whence they had driven the Portuguese who had settled therein, and

had entered Terrenate, where they had established a trading-post for

the clove-trade. Accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard to

this undertaking arrived from España, in June of six hundred and five,

and the men and supplies from Nueva España, which were brought at the

same time by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, the governor spent

the balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisions

that he deemed necessary for the undertaking. Leaving behind in

Manila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces of

Pintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the year

six hundred and six.

By the fifteenth day of the month of March, the governor had

thoroughly prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, four

galleys with poop-lanterns [_galeras de fanal_], three galliots, four

champans, three funeas, two English lanchas, two brigantines, one

barca chata [23] for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with high

freeboard. There were one thousand three hundred Spaniards, counting

regulars, captains and officers, substitutes [_entretenidos_], and

volunteers. Among them were some Portuguese captains and soldiers,

under charge of the chief captain of Tidore, [24] who was at that

island when the Dutch seized it. These Portuguese came from Malaca

to serve in the expedition. There were also four hundred Indian

pioneers--Tagáls and Pampangos of Manila--who went to serve at their

own cost, under their own officers, and with their own weapons. There

was a quantity of artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, and

provisions for nine months. [25] Don Pedro de Acuña left the point of

Hilohilo, which is near the town of Arevalo in the island of Panai,

[on the above day] with all this equipment, and coasting the island

of Mindanao, made port at La Caldera, in order to replenish his water,

wood, and other necessaries.

The governor embarked in the galley "Santiago" and took under

his charge the other galleys and oared vessels. The ship "Jesus

Maria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commanded

by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel. Captain and Sargento-mayor

Cristoval de Azcueta Menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which,

after attending to its necessities at La Caldera, left that port. On

setting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable to

leave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without the

others being able to help it, it grounded. It was wrecked there, but

the crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing,

were saved. After setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails and

bolts they could, so that the Mindanaos could not make use of them,

the fleet continued its voyage. The galleys coasted along the island

of Mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed in

the open sea, all making for the port of Talangame, in the island of

Terrenate. The vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather,

first sighted the islands of Maluco, after they had been reconnoitered

by a large Dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchored

at Terrenate. This vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels,

and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself under

shelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the people

of Terrenate. The master-of-camp went with his vessels to the island

of Tidore, where he was well received by the Moro chiefs and cachils;

for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of Bachan to be

married. The master-of-camp found four Dutch factors there, who were

trading for cloves. He learned from them that the ship at Terrenate

was from Holland, and was one of those which had sailed from Amboino

and seized Tidore, whence it had driven the Portuguese, and that it was

being laden with cloves. It was awaiting other vessels of its convoy,

for they had made friendship and treaties with Tidore and Terrenate,

in order to be protected against the Castilians and Portuguese. The

master-of-camp had the king of Tidore summoned immediately, and,

while awaiting Don Pedro de Acuña, rested his men and cleaned the

ships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. Don

Pedro de Acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguas

to leeward of the island of Terrenate toward the island of Celebes,

otherwise called Mateo. Recognizing that island, he returned to

Terrenate, and passing in sight of Talangame, discovered the Dutch

vessel. He tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it was

harming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-camp

was not there, he proceeded to Tidore, where he found the latter,

to the great joy of all. There they spent the remainder of the month

of March. At this juncture the king of Tidore arrived, with twelve

well-armed caracoas. He expressed joy at the governor's coming, to

whom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in which

he was kept by Sultan Zayde, [26] king of Terrenate, who was aided

by the Dutch. He offered to go in person to serve his Majesty in the

fleet, with six hundred men of Tidore. Don Pedro received him and

feasted him. Then, without any further delay at Tidore, or any more

concern about the ship at Talangame, he set about the chief purpose

for which they had come. On the last of March he started to return to

Terrenate. On that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlement

and the port, as did also the king of Tidore with his caracoas. That

same night the Dutch ship weighed anchor and went to Amboino. At dawn

of next day, April first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty,

with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very close

and narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery,

with which to bombard it. As the governor thought that mischief would

ensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landed

a number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, so

that the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be diverted

in several directions. By these efforts, he placed his camp under

the walls, although a great number of Terenatans came from various

directions to prevent him. The vanguard of the camp was in charge

of Joan Xuarez Gallinato and Captains Joan de Cuevas, Don Rodrigo

de Mendoça, Pasqual de Alarcon, Joan de Cervantes, Captain Vergara,

and Cristoval de Villagra, with their companies. The other captains

were in the body of the squadron. The rearguard was under command of

Captain Delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. The

army came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenly

began to play. The governor came to see how the troops were formed,

and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have the

pieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment for

the soldiers. Some high trees intervened between the troops and the

wall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter the

field. They were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gave

advice from above of what was being done in the fort. Captain Vergara,

and after him, Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and Alarcon, went to reconnoiter

the walls, the bastion of Nuestra Señora, and the pieces mounted on

the ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended to

the mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. It

was called Cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery and

a number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while many

other weapons peculiar to the Terenatans were placed along the wall

for its defense. Having seen and reconnoitered all this, although not

with impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with the

artillery and wounded Alferez Joan de la Rambla in the knee with a

musket-ball, the Spaniards returned to the army. A trifle past noon,

a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion of

Cachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from the

wall; and Captain Cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-five

musketeers. Having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of men

to prevent him from occupying it. A skirmish ensued, and the Moros

turned and retreated to their wall. Cuevas followed them so closely

and persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. The scouts in

the trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon Captains

Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, Alarcon, Cervantes, and Vergara reënforced

him with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. They pursued

the enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they entered

the walls behind them. However, some of the Spaniards were wounded,

and Captain Cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legs

broken, which caused his death. Captain Don Rodrigo de Mendoça,

pursuing the enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as far

as the cavalier of Nuestra Señora, while Vergara ran in the opposite

direction along the curtain of the wall to the bastion of Cachiltulo,

and went on as far as the mountain. By this time the main body of the

army had already assaulted the wall. Mutually aiding one another,

they mounted the wall and entered the place on all sides, although

with the loss of some dead and wounded soldiers. The soldiers were

stopped by a trench beyond the fort of Nuestra Señora, for the enemy

had retreated to a shed, which was fortified with a considerable number

of musketeers and arquebusiers, and four light pieces. They discharged

their arquebuses and muskets at the Spaniards, and threw cane spears

hardened in fire, and _bacacaes_, [27] after their fashion. The

Spaniards assaulted the shed, whereupon a Dutch artilleryman trying to

fire a large swivel-gun, with which he would have done great damage,

being confused did not succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned,

and fled. The enemy did the same after him, and abandoned the shed,

fleeing in all directions. Those who would do so embarked with the king

and some of his wives and the Dutch in one caracoa and four _juangas_

[28] which they had armed near the king's fort. Captain Vergara entered

the fort immediately, but found it deserted. Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and

Villagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance,

and killed many Moros. With this, at two o'clock in the afternoon,

the settlement and fort of Terrenate was completely gained. The

Spanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it having

been necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected;

and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the Spaniards. Their dead

numbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. The whole town was

reconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called Limataen--which

contained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near the

mosque on the seashore. The loot of the place was of small importance,

for already the things of most value, and the women and children,

had been removed to the island of Moro, whither the king fled and

took refuge in a fort that he had there. Some products of that land

were found, and a great quantity of cloves. In the factory of the

Dutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens,

and many weapons, while in many places were excellent Portuguese and

Dutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition,

of which possession was taken for his Majesty. [29] A guard was

placed over what was gained, and the place was put in a condition

for defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governor

ordered and provided whatever else was advisable.

Cachil Amuxa, the king's nephew and the greatest chief of Terrenate,

came with other cachils to make peace with the governor. He said

that he and all the Terenatans wished to be vassals of his Majesty,

and that they would have rendered homage long before, but the king

prevented them. The latter as a proud man, and, confident in his

own opinion, although he had been advised to surrender the fort to

his Majesty and render him homage, had steadily refused to do so,

having been encouraged and emboldened by the success that he had

gained upon other occasions. That was the reason that he found himself

in his present wretched condition. He offered to induce the king to

leave the fort of Moro if given assurance of life. Don Pedro de Acuña

received this Moro well, and as a Portuguese, Pablo de Lima--one of

those whom the Dutch had driven from Tidore, a man of high standing,

and well acquainted with the king--offered to accompany him, the

governor despatched them with a written passport as follows:

_Passport from Don Pedro de Acuña to the king of Terrenate_

I, Don Pedro de Acuña, governor, captain-general, and president

of the Filipinas Islands, and general of this army and fleet,

declare that, over my signature, I hereby give security of

life to the king of Terrenate, in order that he may come to

talk with me--both to him and those whom he may bring with

him--reserving to myself the disposal of all the others as

I may see fit. I certify this in his Majesty's name. And

I order that no person of this fleet molest him or any

of his possessions, and that all observe what is herein

contained. Given in Terrenate, April six, one thousand six

hundred and six.

_Don Pedro de Acuña_

Within nine days Cachilamuja and Pablo de Lima returned to Terrenate

with the king, the prince, his son, [30] and others of his relatives,

cachils and sangajes, [31] under the said passport. They placed

themselves under the governor's power, and he received them with

great affection and respect. He lodged the king and his son in a

good house in the settlement, under guard of a company. The king

restored the villages of Christians that his Majesty had possessed

in the island of Moro, when the fort of Terrenate was lost by the

Portuguese. He placed his person and kingdom in his Majesty's power,

and surrendered a quantity of muskets and heavy artillery that he had

in some forts of the said island. The governor did not despoil him

of his kingdom, but on the contrary allowed him to appoint two of his

men to govern, whose choice was to be ratified by himself. The king,

his son the prince, and their cachils and sangajes swore homage to his

Majesty. The kings of Tidore and Bachan, and the sangaje of La Bua did

the same, and covenanted and promised not to admit either the Dutch

or other nations into Maluco for the clove-trade. They promised, as

his Majesty's vassals, to go on all occasions to serve him with their

persons, men, and ships, whenever summoned by whomever commanded the

fort of Terrenate; that they would oppose no obstacles to the Moros

who wished to become Christians; that if any wicked Christian went

to their lands to turn renegade, they would surrender him; and other

suitable things. Therewith great and small were content and pleased,

since they were freed from the tyranny of the king of Terrenate. The

governor remitted to them the third part of the tributes which they

were wont to pay their king, and gave the Moros other advantages. Then

he planned a new and modern fort, in a very conspicuous and suitable

location, and began to build it. In order that the old fort might be

better defended while the new one was being completed, he reduced it

to a less size, by making new cavaliers and bastions, which he finished

and furnished with ramparts and stout gates. He commenced another fort

in the island of Tidore, on a good location near the settlement. After

placing in order whatever he judged necessary in Terrenate and Tidore,

and in the other towns and fortresses of Maluco, he returned with

his fleet to the Filipinas. He left the master-of-camp, Joan de

Esquivel, with a garrison of six hundred soldier--five hundred,

in five companies, for Terrenate--in the fort of Terrenate to act

as his assistant and as governor of Maluco; he also left there one

large forge and a number of smiths, sixty-five pioneers, thirty-five

stonecutters, two galliots, two well-armed brigantines, and crews of

rowers. The other company of soldiers [was to be stationed] in Tidore

under command of Captain Alarcon; while ammunition and provisions for

one year were left in both forts. In order to be more assured of the

[peaceful] condition of the country, he took the king of Terrenate

from it and carried him to Manila, as well as his son the prince, and

twenty-four cachils and sangajes, most of them the king's relatives,

to whom he showed every honor and good treatment. He explained to

them why he took them, and that their return to Maluco depended upon

the security and tranquillity with which the Moros should conduct

themselves in their obedience and service to his Majesty. [32] The

three Portuguese galliots returned to Malaca, taking with them the

Dutch who were in Maluco and the Portuguese captains and soldiers who

had come to take part in this expedition. The governor entered Manila

in triumph with the remainder of the fleet, on the last day of May,

six hundred and six. He was received there with acclamations of joy

and praise from the city, who gave thanks to God for so happy and

prompt result in an undertaking of so great weight and importance.

During the governor's absence in Maluco, the royal Audiencia of

the islands governed the Filipinas. The Audiencia wished to drive

a number of Japanese from the city, for they were a turbulent

people and promised little security for the country. When this

was attempted and force employed, the Japanese resisted, and the

matter came to such a pass that they took arms to oppose it, and

it was necessary for the Spaniards to take their arms also. The

affair assumed definite proportions, and some on either side wished

to give battle. However, it was postponed by various means until,

through the efforts of certain religious, the Japanese were quieted;

and afterward as many as possible were embarked in vessels, although

they resented it greatly. This was one of the greatest dangers that

has threatened Manila, for the Spaniards were few in number, and the

Japanese more than one thousand five hundred, and they are a spirited

and very mettlesome race. Had they come to blows on this occasion,

the Spaniards would have fared ill. [33]

The governor, upon entering Manila, took over immediately the affairs

of his government, especially the despatching of two vessels about to

sail to Nueva España. He was present in person in the port of Cabit

at the equipment and lading of the ships, and the embarcation of the

passengers. He was seized by some indisposition of the stomach which

compelled him to return to Manila and take to his bed. His pain and

vomiting increased so rapidly that, without its being possible to

relieve him, he died in great anguish on St. John's day, to the great

sorrow and grief of the country. Especially did the king of Terrenate

show and express his grief, for he had always received great honor

and kind treatment from the governor. It was suspected that his death

had been violent, because of the severity and the symptoms of his

illness. The suspicion increased, because the physicians and surgeons,

having opened his body, declared, from the signs that they found,

that he had been poisoned, which made his death more regrettable. [34]

The Audiencia buried the governor in the monastery of St. Augustine

at Manila, with the pomp and ostentation due to his person and

offices. Then, again taking charge of the government, the Audiencia

despatched the vessels to Nueva España, whence advice was sent to

his Majesty of the taking of Maluco and the death of the governor.

The flagship, in which Don Rodrigo de Mendoça was sailing as general

and captain, reached Nueva España quickly with this news. The

almiranta, notwithstanding that it left the islands at the same

time, delayed more than six months. Eighty persons who perished

from disease were buried in the sea, while many others stricken by

the disease died of it upon landing at the port of Acapulco. Among

these was the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of Manila,

who had been appointed auditor of Mexico.

At the arrival of these vessels, it was learned that since the death

of Don Pedro de Acuña, and the taking over of the government by the

Audiencia, no change had occurred in the affairs of the islands;

but that their commerce was restricted because of the prohibition

which forbade sending to the islands more than five hundred thousand

pesos each year of the proceeds from the sale of the merchandise in

Nueva España. On account of this the people were in need, as this

amount appeared little for the many Spaniards and for the extent

of the trade--by which all classes are sustained, as they have no

other resources or capital. Also, although the gaining of Maluco had

been so important for affairs in those islands themselves, and their

punishment for the reduction of the other rebels--especially those

of Mindanao and Jolo, from whom the Filipinas had received so great

injury--the desirable quiet and stability had not been secured. For

the Mindanaos and the Joloans were not yet discontinuing their

descents upon the provinces of the Pintados in their war-vessels, to

seize booty according to their custom--and this will continue until

a suitable expedition be sent against them--and Maluco affairs were

not failing to give Joan de Esquivel, the master-of-camp, sufficient

to do. He was acting as governor there and had but little security

from the natives, who, being a Mahometan people, and by nature easily

persuaded and fickle, are restless, and ready for disturbances and

wars. Daily and in different parts the natives were being incited

and aroused to rebellion; and although the master-of-camp and his

captains were endeavoring to punish and pacify them, they could not

do what was necessary to quiet so many disturbances as arose. The

soldiers were dying, and the food giving out; and the aid sent from

Manila could not arrive at the time or in so great quantity as was

requested, because of the perils of the voyage and the straits of

the royal treasury. [35] The coming of vessels to Maluco at this

time from Holanda and Zelanda was not less prejudicial to all our

interests; for the Dutch, having so great interests in the islands,

and having established their interests there so firmly, were coming

in squadrons by the India route, to recover what they had lost in

Amboino, Terrenate, and other islands. With their countenance, the

Moros were revolting against the Spaniards, who had their hands full

with them, and more so with the Dutch, for the latter were numerous,

and more dangerous enemies than the natives.

The Dutch interest in these regions is so vast--both in the clove-trade

and that of other drugs and spices, and because they think that

they will have a gateway there for the subjugation of the whole

Orient--that, overcoming all the toil and dangers of the voyage,

they are continually coming to these islands in greater numbers and

with larger fleets. If a very fundamental and timely remedy be not

administered in this matter, it will increase to such an extent in

a short time that afterward no remedy can be applied.

The English and Flemish usually make this voyage by way of the strait

of Magallanes. Francisco Draque [Drake] was the first to make it,

and some years later Tomas Liscander [Candish or Cavendish], who

passed by Maluco.

Lately Oliver del Nort, a Fleming, made the voyage. The Spanish fleet

fought with his fleet amid the Filipinas Islands, at the end of the

year one thousand six hundred. In this fight, after the capture of

his almiranta (which was commanded by Lamberto Biezman) the flagship,

having lost nearly all its crew, and being much disabled, took to

flight. And as it afterward left the Filipinas, and was seen in Sunda

and the Java channels, so disabled, it seemed impossible for it to

navigate, and that it would surely be lost, as was recounted above

when treating of this.

This pirate, although so crippled, had the good fortune to escape from

the Spaniards, and, after great troubles and hardships, he returned

to Amstradam with his ship "Mauricio," with only nine men alive,

reaching it on the twenty-sixth of August in the year six hundred

and one. He wrote the relation and the events of his voyage, and gave

plates of the battle and of the ships. This was afterward translated

into Latin and printed by Teodoro de Bri, a German, at Francfort, in

the year six hundred and two. Both relations are going the rounds,

and the voyage is regarded as a most prodigious feat and one of so

great hardships and perils. [36]

Bartolome Perez, a pilot, gave the same news from the island of La

Palma. He, having come from England by way of Holanda, conversed

with Oliver del Nort, and the latter narrated to him his voyage

and sufferings, as mentioned by Licentiate Fernando de la Cueva in

a letter from the island of La Palma, [37] on the last of July, of

the year six hundred and four, to Marcos de la Cueva, his brother,

who was a resident of Manila, and one of the volunteers who embarked

on the Spanish flagship which fought with the pirate. This letter is

as follows.

I answer two of your Grace's letters in this: one dated July,

six hundred and one, and the other July, six hundred and

two. In both of them your Grace relates to me the shipwreck

that befell you and how you saved yourself by swimming. Long

before I saw your Grace's letters, I had learned of your

mishap, whereat I was very anxious and even quite grieved;

because of what was reported here, I imagined that your Grace

had a part in it. Consequently, I was singularly overjoyed

at the assurance that your Grace still possessed life and

health. Having them, one can conquer other things; and

without them human treasure has no value. By way of Flandes

(whence ships come daily to this island), I learned much,

nay, all the event, although not so minutely. For Oliver de

Nort, who was the Dutch general, with whom the engagement

occurred, arrived safely in Holanda, with eight men--and he

made nine--and without money. His purpose when he left the

rebellious states of Holanda and Zelanda, with five armed

vessels laden with merchandise--which were worth, principal

and merchandise, one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand

ducados--was to trade and carry on commerce through the strait

(and such were his orders), in whatever parts he should

be, with friends or enemies. He was not to attack anyone,

but only to defend himself and to incline the Indians to

trade and exchange with him. All the vessels having reached

the strait together, three of them became separated there

because of storms, and must have been wrecked; for up to the

present nothing has been heard of them. Having seen himself so

abandoned, and that he could not restore his loss by trade,

or else because he did not receive a hospitable reception

from the inhabitants of Piru, he determined to exceed his

orders, and make that voyage one of plundering. Accordingly

he stationed himself at the mouth of the river to await

ships. The rest that befell, your Grace knows. Oliver de Nort

is a native of the city of Roterdam, and he reached it with

an anchor of wood. [38] He had no other with which to anchor,

nor indeed had he any other left. It is said that this is a

very heavy wood of the Indias, and he has placed it at the

door of his house, as a mark of distinction. He arrived,

as I say, with nine men, all told, very much worn out,

and as by a miracle. He has printed a book of his voyage,

with engravings of his vessels, and many other details of

what happened to him, and the hardships that they endured

in the fight and throughout the voyage, both to show his own

glory and to incite others to similar deeds. A pilot of this

island, one Bartolome Perez, was seized and taken to Inglaterra

before the peace or truce. He came through Holanda, where he

conversed at great length with Oliver. The latter told him

all that had happened to him, which is known to all, and was

discussed in this island before that voyage. Bartolome Perez

says that Oliver de Nort praised the Spaniards greatly, and

said they were the bravest men he had seen in his life. They

had gained the deck of his ship, and all the upper works,

when he cried out from below deck to set fire to the powder,

whereupon he believes that the Spaniards left for fear of

being blown up. The Dutch then had an opportunity to escape,

but so crippled were they that their reaching port seems a

miracle. The pilot says that he saw the anchor and the book,

and what pertains to the book is stated here. I have recounted

this to your Grace, because of the statements in your letter,

namely, that people considered them as lost, and so that so

singular a case may be known there.

Now the Dutch make the voyage more quickly and more safely, going

and coming, by way of India, but not touching at its ports or coasts,

until they reach the islands of the Javas [39]--Java major and Java

minor--and Samatra, Amboino, and the Malucas. Since they know the

district so well, and have experienced the immense profits ensuing to

them therefrom, it will be difficult to drive them from the Orient,

where they have inflicted so many losses in both spiritual and

temporal affairs.

¶ _Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of their natives, antiquity,

customs, and government, both during the period of their paganism

and after their conquest by the Spaniards, and other details._

¶ _Chapter Eighth_

The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia,

belonging to the crown of España, are generally called, by those who

navigate thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and Castilla's

seas and lands of America, "the Western Islands;" for from the time

that one leaves España, he sails in the course of the sun from east

to west, until he reaches them. For the same reason they are called

"Eastern Islands" by those who sail from west to east by way of

Portuguese India, each of them circumscribing the world by voyaging

in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which are

numerous and of varying size; they are properly called Filipinas,

and are subject to the crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropic

of Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to the

equinoctial line, which cuts the islands of Maluco. There are many

others on the other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn,

which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. [40] The ancients

affirmed that each and all of them were desert and uninhabitable, [41]

but now experience has demonstrated that they deceived themselves;

for good climates, many people, and food and other things necessary

for human life are found there, besides many mines of rich metals,

with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature

has not stinted.

It is impossible to number all the islands--counting larger and

smaller--of this vast archipelago. Those comprised in the name and

government of Filipinas, number about forty large islands, besides

other smaller ones, all consecutive. The chiefest and best known are

Luzon, Mindoro, Tendaya, [42] Capul, Burias, Mazbate, Marinduque,

Leite, Camar, Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calamianes,

Mindanao, and others of less renown.

The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards was

Sebu. [43] From there the conquest was started and continued in all

the neighboring islands. Those islands are inhabited by people,

natives of the same islands, called Viçayas; or by another name,

Pintados--for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo

their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and then

throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures

becoming indelible. But, as the chief seat of the government, and the

principal Spanish settlement, was moved to the island of Luzon--the

largest island, and that one nearest and opposite to Great China and

Japon--I shall treat of it first; for much that will be said of it is

similar in the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive

details I shall pass in due time.

This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head where

one enters the Filipinas Islands (by the channel of Capul, which

lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the other

point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape Bojeador (and located

opposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. In

some parts its width is more constricted than in others, especially in

the middle of the island, where it is so narrow that it is less than

thirty leguas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. The

whole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference.

The climates of this island are not harmonious; on the contrary, they

present a great diversity in its different districts and provinces. The

head and beginning of the island, in the region of the channel, is more

temperate in the interior, although the coasts are hot. The site of

the city of Manila is hot, for it is on the coast and is low; but in

its vicinity, quite near the city, there are districts and settlements

much cooler, where the heat is not oppressive. The same is true of the

other head of the island, opposite China, named Cagayan. The seasons

of the year--winter and summer--are contrary to those in Europe; for

the rains generally last in all these islands from the month of June

until the month of September, and are accompanied by heavy showers,

whirlwinds, and storms on sea and land. The summer lasts from October

to the end of May, with clear skies and fair winds at sea. However,

the winter and rainy season begins earlier in some provinces than

in others. [44] In Cagayan winter and summer almost coincide with

those of España, and come at the same seasons.

The people inhabiting the province of Camarines and almost as far as

the provinces of Manila, in this great island of Luzon, both along

the coast and in the interior, are natives of this island. They are

of medium height, with a complexion like stewed quinces; and both

men and women are well-featured. They have very black hair, and

thin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake,

keen and passionate, and of great resolution. All live from their

labor and gains in the field, their fishing, and trade, going from

island to island by sea, and from province to province by land.

The natives of the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan are

of the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learned

by tradition that those of Manila and its vicinity were not natives

of this island, but came thither in the past and colonized it; and

that they are Malay natives, and come from other islands and remote

provinces. [45]

In various parts of this island of Luzon are found a number of

natives black in color. Both men and women have woolly hair, and their

stature is not very great, although they are strong and robust. These

people are barbarians, and have but little capacity. They possess no

fixed houses or settlements, but wander in bands and hordes through

the mountains and rough country, changing from one site to another

according to the season. They support themselves in certain clearings,

and by planting rice, which they do temporarily, and by means of the

game that they bring down with their bows, in the use of which they

are very skilful and certain. [46] They live also on honey from the

mountains, and roots produced by the ground. They are a barbarous

people, in whom one cannot place confidence. They are much given to

killing and to attacking the settlements of the other natives, in which

they commit many depredations; and there is nothing that can be done

to stop them, or to subdue or pacify them, although this is always

attempted by fair or foul means, as opportunity and necessity demand.

The province of Cagayan is inhabited by natives of the same complexion

as the others of the island, although they are better built, and more

valiant and warlike than the others. They wear their hair long and

hanging down the back. They have been in revolt and rebellion twice

since the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plenty

to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them.

The apparel and clothing of these natives of Luzon before the

entrance of the Spaniards into the country were generally, for the

men, certain short collarless garments of _cangan_, sewed together

in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly below

the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs had

some red ones, called _chinanas_. [47] They also wore a strip of

colored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs,

so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh;

these are called _bahaques_. [48] They go with legs bare, feet unshod,

and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called _potong_ [49]

just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. About

their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, [50]

and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their arms

they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call _calombigas_,

and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wear

strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue

and white stones, which they esteem highly. [51] They wear around

the legs some strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered

with black pitch in many foldings, as garters. [52]

In a province called Zambales, they wear the head shaved from the

middle forward. On the skull they have a huge lock of loose hair. [53]

The women throughout this island wear small jackets [_sayuelos_]

with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors, called

_varos_. [54] They wear no shifts, but certain white cotton garments

which are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet, while other

dyed cloths are wrapped about the body, like kirtles, and are very

graceful. The principal women have crimson ones, and some of silk,

while others are woven with gold, and adorned with fringe and other

ornaments. They wear many gold necklaces about the neck, calumbigas

on the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears, and rings

of gold and precious stones. Their black hair is done up in a very

graceful knot on the head. Since the Spaniards came to the country many

Indians do not wear _bahaques_, but wide drawers of the same cloths and

materials, and hats on their heads. The chiefs wear braids of wrought

gold containing many designs, while many of them wear shoes. The chief

women also wear beautiful shoes, many of them having shoes of velvet

adorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats.

Men and women, and especially the chief people, are very clean and neat

in their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. They

dress their hair carefully, and regard it as being more ornamental when

it is very black. They wash it with water in which has been boiled

the bark of a tree called _gogo_. [55] They anoint it with aljonjoli

oil, prepared with musk, and other perfumes. All are very careful of

their teeth, which from a very early age they file and render even,

with stones and iron. [56] They dye them a black color, which is

lasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old,

although it is ugly to look at. [57]

They quite generally bathe the entire body in the rivers and creeks,

both young and old, without reflecting that it could at any time be

injurious to them; [58] for in their baths do they find their best

medicines. When an infant is born, they immediately bathe it, and

the mother likewise. The women have needlework as their employment

and occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of

sewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in the houses

of their husbands and fathers. They pound the rice for eating,

[59] and prepare the other food. They raise fowls and swine, and

keep the houses, while the men are engaged in the labors of the

field, and in their fishing, navigation, and trading. They are not

very chaste, either single or married women; while their husbands,

fathers, or brothers are not very jealous or anxious about it. Both

men and women are so selfish and greedy that, if they are paid, they

are easily won over. When the husband finds his wife in adultery,

he is smoothed and pacified without any trouble--although, since they

have known Spaniards, some of those who assume to be more enlightened

among them have sometimes killed the adulterers. Both men and women,

especially the chiefs, walk slowly and sedately when upon their

visits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; and

are accompanied by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols

of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain. The

women walk ahead and their female servants and slaves follow them;

behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with their

man-servants and slaves. [60]

Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked--this

is called _morisqueta_, [61] and is the ordinary bread of the whole

country--boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine,

deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call _carabaos_). Meat and fish

they relish better when it has begun to spoil and when it stinks. [62]

They also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans,

_quilites_ [63] and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas,

pineapples, custard apples, many varieties of oranges, and other

varieties of fruits and herbs, with which the country teems. Their

drink is a wine made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of which

there is a great abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards,

although without so much toil and labor. Drawing off the tuba, [64]

they distil it, using for alembics their own little furnaces and

utensils, to a greater or less strength, and it becomes brandy. This is

drunk throughout the islands. It is a wine of the clarity of water,

but strong and dry. If it be used with moderation, it acts as a

medicine for the stomach, and is a protection against humors and all

sorts of rheums. Mixed with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liquor,

and one very palatable and healthful.

In the assemblies, marriages, and feasts of the natives of these

islands, the chief thing consists in drinking this wine, day and night,

without ceasing, when the turn of each comes, some singing and others

drinking. As a consequence, they generally become intoxicated without

this vice being regarded as a dishonor or disgrace. [65]

The weapons of this people are, in some provinces, bow and arrows. But

those generally used throughout the islands are moderate-sized spears

with well-made points; and certain shields of light wood, with their

armholes fastened on the inside. These cover them from top to toe,

and are called _carasas_ [_kalasag_]. At the waist they carry a

dagger four fingers in breadth, the blade pointed, and a third of

a vara in length; the hilt is of gold or ivory. The pommel is open

and has two cross bars or projections, without any other guard. They

are called _bararaos_. They have two cutting edges, and are kept in

wooden scabbards, or those of buffalo-horn, admirably wrought. [66]

With these they strike with the point, but more generally with the

edge. When they go in pursuit of their opponent, they show great

dexterity in seizing his hair with one hand, while with the other

they cut off his head with one stroke of the bararao, and carry

it away. They afterward keep the heads suspended in their houses,

where they may be seen; and of these they make a display, in order

to be considered as valiant, and avengers of their enemies and of

the injuries committed by them. [67]

Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of the

natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before the

arrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other pieces

of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and settlements,

although their powder is not so well refined as that of the Spaniards.

Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and creeks

inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one log,

and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built up

on keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain quick

and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little

wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow, and they

can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vessels

with _bucçeyes_ or paddles, and with _gaones_ [68] on the outside

of the vessel; and they time their rowing to the accompaniment of

some who sing in their language refrains by which they understand

whether to hasten or retard their rowing. [69] Above the rowers is

a platform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the fighting-men

stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. In

accordance with the capacity of the vessels is the number of men on

these gangways. From that place they manage the sail, which is square

and made of linen, and hoisted on a support or yard made of two thick

bamboos, which serves as a mast. When the vessel is large, it also

has a foresail of the same form. Both yards, with their tackle, can be

lowered upon the gangway when the weather is rough. The helmsmen are

stationed in the stern to steer. It carries another bamboo framework

on the gangway itself; and upon this, when the sun shines hot,

or it rains, they stretch an awning made from some mats, woven from

palm-leaves. These are very bulky and close, and are called _cayanes_

[70] Thus all the ship and its crew are covered and protected. There

are also other bamboo frameworks for each side of the vessel, which

are so long as the vessel, and securely fastened on. They skim the

water, without hindering the rowing, and serve as a counterpoise,

so that the ship cannot overturn nor upset, however heavy the sea,

or strong the wind against the sail. It may happen that the entire

hull of these vessels, which have no decks, may fill with water and

remain between wind and water, even until it is destroyed and broken

up, without sinking, because of these counterpoises. These vessels have

been used commonly throughout the islands since olden times. They have

other larger vessels called caracoas, _lapis_, and _tapaques_, which

are used to carry their merchandise, and which are very suitable,

as they are roomy and draw but little water. They generally drag

them ashore every night, at the mouths of rivers and creeks, among

which they always navigate without going into the open sea or leaving

the shore. All the natives can row and manage these boats. Some are

so long that they can carry one hundred rowers on a side and thirty

soldiers above to fight. The boats commonly used are barangays and

vireys, which carry a less crew and fighting force. Now they put

many of them together with iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and

the joints in the planks, while the helms and bows have beaks like

Castilian boats. [71]

The land is well shaded in all parts by trees of different kinds,

and fruit-trees which beautify it throughout the year, both along

the shore and inland among the plains and mountains. It is very full

of large and small rivers, of good fresh water, which flow into the

sea. All of them are navigable, and abound in all kinds of fish,

which are very pleasant to the taste. For the above reason there

is a large supply of lumber, which is cut and sawed, dragged to the

rivers, and brought down, by the natives. This lumber is very useful

for houses and buildings, and for the construction of small and large

vessels. Many very straight thick trees, light and pliable, are found,

which are used as masts for ships and galleons. Consequently, vessels

of any size may be fitted with masts from these trees, made of one

piece of timber, without its being necessary to splice them or make

them of different pieces. For the hulls of the ships, the keels,

futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and any other kinds of supports and

braces, compass-timbers, transoms, knees small and large, and rudders,

all sorts of good timber are easily found; as well as good planking

for the sides, decks, and upper-works, from very suitable woods. [72]

There are many native fruit-trees, such as the _sanctors_, _mabolos_,

tamarinds, _nancas_, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere

many oranges, of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour;

citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and

palatable bananas. [73] There are many cocoa-palms bearing fruit

of pleasant taste--from which is made wine and common oil, which

is a very healing remedy for wounds; and other wild palms of the

forests--that do not yield cocoa-nuts, but serve as wood, and from

whose bark is made bonote, a tow for rigging and cables, and also for

calking ships. Efforts have been made to plant olives and quinces,

and other fruit-trees of España, but as yet they have had no success,

except with pomegranates and grapevines, which bear fruit the second

year. These bear abundance of exceedingly good grapes three times a

year; and some fig-trees have succeeded. Vegetables of every kind

grow well and very abundantly, but do not seed, and it is always

necessary to bring the seeds from Castilla, China, or Japon.

In the Cagayan provinces are found chestnut-trees, which produce

fruit. In other districts are found pines and other trees which yield

certain very large pine-nuts, with a hard shell and a pleasant taste,

which are called piles. [74] There is abundance of cedar which is

called _calanta_, a beautiful red wood called _asana_, [75] ebony of

various qualities, and many other precious woods for all uses. The meat

generally eaten is that of swine, of which there is a great abundance,

and it is very palatable and wholesome.

Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stock-farms in

many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those

of China and Nueva España. [76] The Chinese cattle are small, and

excellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some

cattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and

are very manageable beasts. There are plenty of fowls like those of

Castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought

from China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of

these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are

pleasant to the taste. [77] Many geese are raised, as well as swans,

ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China. There is abundance of

flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts

porcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which

are raised in the fields and are very spirited; others are brought

tame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. These

last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more

palatable than that of cows.

Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because

of the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that

reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams,

although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently

there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not

as yet seemed suitable for them. [78] There were no horses, mares, or

asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China

and brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare,

but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with

them, and those born there (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out

well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and

are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong,

good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses

of good colors are brought from Japon. They have well-shaped bodies,

thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which makes

them look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their

mouths hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited,

and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout

the year of green provender, [79] besides rice in the husk, which

keeps them very fat. [80]

There are many fowls and field birds, and wild birds of wonderful

colors and very beautiful. There are no singing birds suitable for

keeping in cages, although some calendar larks [_Calandrias_] called

_fimbaros_, [81] smaller than those of España, are brought from Japon,

whose song is most sweet. There are many turtle-doves, ring-doves;

other doves with an extremely green plumage, and red feet and beaks;

and others that are white with a red spot on the breast, like a

pelican. Instead of quail, there are certain birds resembling them,

but smaller, which are called _povos_ [82] and other smaller birds

called mayuelas. [83] There are many wild chickens and cocks, which

are very small, and taste like partridge. There are royal, white, and

grey herons, flycatchers, and other shore birds, ducks, lavancos, [84]

crested cranes, sea-crows, eagles, eagle-owls, and other birds of prey,

although none are used for hawking. There are jays and thrushes as in

España, and white storks and cranes. [85] They do not rear peacocks,

rabbits, or hares, although they have tried to do so. It is believed

that the wild animals in the forests and fields eat and destroy them,

namely, the cats, foxes, badgers, and large and small rats, which

are very numerous, and other land animals. [86]

Throughout these islands are found a great number of monkeys, of

various sizes, with which at times the trees are covered. There are

green and white parrots, but they are stupid in talking; and very

small parroquets, of beautiful green and red colors, which talk as

little. The forests and settlements have many serpents, of various

colors, which are generally larger than those of Castilla. Some have

been seen in the forests of unusual size, and wonderful to behold. [87]

The most harmful are certain slender snakes, of less than one vara

in length, which dart down upon passersby from the trees (where they

generally hang), and sting them; their venom is so powerful that

within twenty-four hours the person dies raving.

There are many very large scorpions in the rivers and creeks, and a

great number of crocodiles, which are very bloodthirsty and cruel. They

quite commonly pull from their bancas the natives who go in those

boats, and cause many injuries among the horned cattle and the horses

of the stock-farms, when they go to drink. And although the people fish

for them often and kill them, they are never diminished in number. For

that reason, the natives set closely-grated divisions and enclosures

in the rivers and creeks of their settlements, where they bathe. There

they enter the water to bathe, secure from those monsters, which they

fear so greatly that they venerate and adore them, as if they were

beings superior to themselves. All their oaths and execrations, and

those which are of any weight with them (even among the Christians)

are, thus expressed: "So may the crocodile kill him!" They call the

crocodile _buhaya_ in their language. It has happened when some one

has sworn falsely, or when he has broken his word, that then some

accident has occurred to him with the crocodile, which God, whom he

offends, has so permitted for the sake of the authority and purity

of the truth, and the promise of it. [88]

The fisheries of sea and rivers are most abundant, and include all

kinds of fish; both of fresh and salt water. These are generally used

as food throughout the entire country. There are many good sardines,

sea-eels, sea-breams (which they call _bacocos_), daces, skates,

_bicudas_, _tanguingues_, soles, _plantanos_, [89] _taraquitos_,

needle-fish, gilt-heads, and eels; large oysters, mussels, [90]

_porçebes_, crawfish, shrimp, sea-spiders, center-fish, and all kinds

of cockles, shad, white fish, and in the Tajo River of Cagayan, [91]

during their season, a great number of _bobos_, which come down to

spawn at the bar. In the lake of Bonbon, a quantity of tunny-fish,

not so large as those of España, but of the same shape, flesh, and

taste, are caught. Many sea-fish are found in the sea, such as whales,

sharks, _caellas_, _marajos_, _bufeos_, and other unknown species

of extraordinary forms and size. In the year of five hundred and

ninety-six, during a furious storm in the islands, a fish was flung

into shallow water on one of the Luzon coasts near the province of

Camarines. It was so huge and misshapen, that although it lay in

more than three and one-half braças of water, it could not again

get afloat, and died there. The natives said that they had never

seen anything like it, nor another shaped like it. Its head was of

wonderful size and fierce aspect. On its frontal it bore two horns,

which pointed toward its back. One of them was taken to Manila. It

was covered with its skin or hide, but had no hair or scales. It was

white, and twenty feet long. Where it joined the head it was as thick

as the thigh, and gradually tapered proportionally to the tip. It

was somewhat curved and not very round; and to all appearances,

quite solid. It caused great wonder in all beholders. [92]

There is a fresh-water lake in the island of Luzon, five leguas from

Manila, which contains a quantity of fish. Many rivers flow into this

lake, and it empties into the sea through the river flowing from it

to Manila. It is called La Laguna de Bay ["Bay Lake"]. It is thirty

leguas in circumference, and has an uninhabited island in its middle,

where game abounds. [93] Its shores are lined with many native

villages. The natives navigate the lake, and commonly cross it in

their skiffs. At times it is quite stormy and dangerous to navigate,

when the north winds blow, for these winds make it very boisterous,

although it is very deep.

Twenty leguas from Manila, in the province of Bonbon, is another lake

of the same name [Bonbon], not so extensive as the former, but with

a great abundance of fish. The natives' method of catching them is

by making corrals [94] of bejucos, which are certain slender canes

or rushes, solid and very pliant and strong; these are employed

for making cables for the natives' boats, as well as other kinds

of ropes. They catch the fish inside these corrals, having made the

enclosures fast by means of stakes. They also catch the fish in wicker

baskets made from the _bejucos_, but most generally with _atarrayas_,

[95] _esparaveles_, other small _barrederas_, [96] and with hand

lines and hooks. [97] The most usual food of the natives is a fish

as small as _pejerreyes_. [98] They dry and cure these fish in the

sun and air, and cook them in many styles. They like them better than

large fish. It is called _laulau_ among them. [99]

Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit,

like walnuts, which they call _paos_. [100] Some are small, and others

larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They also

prepare _charas_ [101] in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables

and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and it

is eaten green, pickled, and preserved. There are also quantities

of _cachumba_ [102] instead of saffron and other condiments. The

ordinary dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms of

the mainland of those regions, is _buyo_ [betel]. This is made from

a tree, [103] whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. The

fruit resembles an oak acorn, and is white inside. [104] This fruit,

which is called _bonga_, is cut lengthwise in strips, and each strip is

put into an envelope or covering made from the leaf. With the _bonga_

is thrown in a powder of quick lime. [105] This compound is placed

in the mouth and chewed. It is so strong a mixture, and burns so

much, that it induces sleep and intoxication. It burns the mouths of

those not used to it, and causes them to smart. The saliva and all

the mouth are made as red as blood. It does not taste bad. After

having been chewed [106] for a considerable time it is spit out,

when it no longer has any juice, which is called çapa [sapá]. They

consider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has gone

into the stomach, for strengthening it, and for various diseases. It

strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations,

decay, and aches. They tell other wonderful effects of it. What has

been seen is that the natives and Spaniards--laymen and religious,

men and women--use it so commonly and generally that mornings and

afternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses,

all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served on

heavily-gilded and handsomely adorned plates and trays like chocolate

in Nueva España. In these poison has been often administered from

which the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly.

The natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave their

houses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos--which they

call _buccetas_ [107]--ready to use, and the leaf, _bonga_, and quick

lime, separately. With these handsome boxes, which are made of metal

and of other materials, they carry the scissors and other tools for

making the buyo with cleanliness and neatness. Wherever they may stop,

they make and use their buyo. In the pariáns, or bazars, buyos are

sold ready made, and the outfit for making them. [108]

The natives of these islands quite commonly use as venoms and poisons

the herbs of that class found throughout the islands. They are so

efficacious and deadly that they produce wonderful effects. There

is a lizard, commonly found in the houses, somewhat dark-green in

color, one palmo long, and as thick as three fingers, which is called

_chacon_. [109] They put this in a joint of bamboo, and cover it

up. The slaver of this animal during its imprisonment is gathered. It

is an exceedingly strong poison, when introduced as above stated, in

the food or drink, in however minute quantities. There are various

herbs known and gathered by the natives for the same use. Some of

them are used dry, and others green; some are to be mixed in food,

and others inhaled. Some kill by simply touching them with the hands

or feet, or by sleeping upon them. The natives are so skilful in

making compounds from these substances, that they mix and apply them

in such a manner that they take effect at once, or at a set time--long

or short, as they wish, even after a year. Many persons usually die

wretchedly by these means--especially Spaniards, who lack foresight,

and who are tactless and hated because of the ill-treatment that they

inflict upon the natives with whom they deal, either in the collection

of their tributes, or in other matters in which they employ them,

without there being any remedy for it. There are certain poisonous

herbs, with which, when the natives gather them, they carry, all ready,

other herbs which act as antidotes. In the island of Bohol is one herb

of such nature that the natives approach it from windward when they

cut it from the shrub on which it grows; for the very air alone that

blows over the herb is deadly. Nature did not leave this danger without

a remedy, for other herbs and roots are found in the same islands, of

so great efficacy and virtue that they destroy and correct the poison

and mischief of the others, and are used when needed. Accordingly,

when one knows what poison has been given him, it is not difficult,

if recourse be had in time, to cure it, by giving the herb that is

antidotal to such poison. At times it has happened that pressure has

been put upon the person suspected of having committed the evil to

make him bring the antidote, by which it has been remedied. There are

also other general antidotes, both for preservation against poison and

for mitigating the effects of poison that has been administered. But

the most certain and efficacious antidotes are certain small flies or

insects, of a violet color, found on certain bushes in the islands

of Pintados. These are shut up in a clean bamboo joint, and covered

over. There they breed and multiply. Ground rice is put in with them,

and they exist thereon. Every week they are visited [110] and the old

rice removed and new rice put in, and they are kept alive by this

means. If six of these insects are taken in a spoonful of wine or

water--for they emit no bad odor, and taste like cress--they produce

a wonderful effect. Even when people go to banquets or dinners where

there is any suspicion, they are wont to take with them these insects,

in order to preserve and assure themselves from any danger of poison

and venom.

All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines

of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since the

advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly

in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in

jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited from

their ancestors. [111] This is considerable, for he must be poor and

wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas [bracelets], and earrings.

Some placers and mines were worked at Paracali in the province of

Camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodity

is also traded in the Ylocos, for at the rear of this province,

which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains

which extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains,

in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom

no incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These natives

possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont to

dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descend

to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining

or preparation), with the Ylocos; there they exchange it for rice,

swine, carabaos, cloth, and other things that they need. [112] The

Ylocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it

is distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has been

made with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work

them, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has

been learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go to

seek them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in

the earth than in their houses. [113]

There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands,

especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao,

and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. If

the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into

the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of

these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the

world. But since they attend to other means of gain rather than

to this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the proper

attention to this matter.

In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially in

the Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large and

exceedingly clear and lustrous. [114] Neither is this means of profit

utilized. In all parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters,

and there are oysters as large as a buckler. From the [shells of the]

latter the natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are also

very large sea turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized

by the natives, and sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese

and Portuguese, and other nations who go after them and esteem them

highly, because of the beautiful things made from them.

On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white

snail shells, called _siguei_. The natives gather them and sell them

by measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples

of the mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade

with it, as they do with cacao-beans in Nueva España. [115]

Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; and

deerskins and dye-wood with Japon. The natives make use of everything

in trading with those nations and derive much profit therefrom.

In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of Manila,

Panpanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, certain earthenware jars [_tibores_]

are found among the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color,

and not handsome. Some are of medium size, and others are smaller,

and they have certain marks and stamps. The natives are unable to

give any explanation of where or when they got them, for now they are

not brought to the islands or made there. The Japanese seek them and

esteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant called _cha_

[tea]--which is drunk hot, as a great refreshment and medicine, among

the kings and lords of Japon--is preserved and keeps only in these

tibors. These are so highly valued throughout Japon, that they are

regarded as the most precious jewels of their closets and household

furniture. A tibor is worth a great sum, and the Japanese adorn them

outside with fine gold beautifully chased, and keep them in brocade

cases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes of

eleven reals to the tae, or for less, according to the quality of

the tibor. It makes no difference if they are cracked or chipped,

for that does not hinder them from holding the tea. The natives of

these islands sell them to the Japanese for the best price possible,

and seek them carefully for this profit. However, few are found now,

because of the assiduity with which the natives have applied themselves

to that search. [116]

At times the natives have found large pieces of ambergris on the

coasts. When they discovered that the Spaniards value it, they gathered

it, and have made profit from it. The past year of six hundred and

two, some natives found in the island of Sebu a good-sized piece of

ambergris, and when their encomendero heard of it, he took it, and

traded with them secretly for it, on the account of their tribute. It

is said that it weighed a good number of libras. Afterward he brought

it out and sold it by the ounce at a higher rate. [117]

In the province and river of Butuan--which is pacified and assigned

to Spaniards, and is located in the island of Mindanao--the natives

practice another industry, which is very useful. As they possess

many civet cats, although smaller than those of Guinea, they make

use of the civet and trade it. This they do easily, for, when the

moon is in the crescent, they hunt the cats with nets, and capture

many of them. Then when they have obtained the civet, they loose the

cats. They also capture and cage some of them, which are sold in the

islands at very low prices. [118]

Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun and

sold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to

get it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the

natives also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñaques, are woven

from the banana leaf. [119]

The islands of Babuytanes [120] consist of many small islands lying

off the upper coast of the province of Cagayan. They are inhabited

by natives, whose chief industry consists in going to Cagayan, in

their tapaques, with swine, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears,

for exchange. The islands are not assigned as encomiendas, nor is

any tribute collected from them. There are no Spaniards among them,

as those natives are of less understanding and less civilized [than

the others]. Accordingly no Christians have been made among them,

and they have no justices.

Other islands, called the Catenduanes, lie off the other head of

the island of Luzon, opposite the province of Camarines, in fourteen

degrees of north latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo. They

are islands densely populated with natives of good disposition, who

are all assigned to Spaniards. They possess instruction and churches,

and have an alcalde-mayor who administers justice to them. Most of

them cultivate the soil, but some are engaged in gold-washing, and

in trading between various islands, and with the mainland of Luzon,

very near those islands. [121]

The island of Luzon has a bay thirty leguas in circumference on

its southern coast, situated about one hundred leguas from the cape

of Espiritu Santo, which is the entrance to the Capul channel. Its

entrance is narrow, and midway contains an island called Miraveles

[_i.e._, Corregidor] lying obliquely across it, which makes the

entrance narrow. This island is about two leguas long and one-half

legua wide. It is high land and well shaded by its many trees. It

contains a native settlement of fifty persons, and there the watchman

of the bay has his fixed abode and residence. There are channels at

both ends of the island, where one may enter the bay. The one at the

south is one-half legua wide, and has a rock in its middle called El

Fraile ["the friar"]. The one on the north is much narrower, but any

ships of any draft whatever can enter and go out by both channels. The

entire bay is of good depth, and clean, and has good anchorages in all

parts. It is eight leguas from these entrances to the colony of Manila

and the bar of the river. A large harbor is formed two leguas south

of Manila, with a point of land that shelters it. That point has a

native settlement called Cabit, [122] and it gives name to the harbor,

which is used as a port for the vessels. It is very capacious and well

sheltered from the vendavals--whether the southeast, and southwest, the

west, and west-southwest, or the north-northeast and north winds. It

has a good anchorage, with a clean and good bottom. There is a good

entrance quite near the land, more than one and one-half leguas wide,

for the ingress and egress of vessels. All the shores of this bay are

well provided with abundant fisheries, of all kinds. They are densely

inhabited by natives. Above Manila there is a province of more than

twenty leguas in extent called La Pampanga. This province possesses

many rivers and creeks that irrigate it. They all flow and empty

into the bay. This province contains many settlements of natives, and

considerable quantities of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods.

[123]

The bar of the river of Manila, which is in the same bay, near the

colony of Manila on one side and Tondo on the other, is not very deep

because of certain sand shoals on it, which change their position at

the time of the freshets and obstruct it. Consequently, although the

water is deep enough for any vessel past the bar, still, unless they

are fragatas, vireys, or other small vessels, they cannot pass the bar

to enter the river. In respect to galleys, galliots, and the vessels

from China, which draw but little water, they must enter empty, and

at high tide, and by towing. Such vessels anchor in the bay outside

the bar, and, for greater security enter the port of Cabit.

There is another good port called Ybalon, [124] twenty leguas from

the channel of the same island of Luzon, which is sheltered from the

vendavals, and has a good entrance and anchorage. There the vessels

that enter to escape the vendaval find shelter, and wait until the

brisa returns, by which to go to Manila, eighty leguas away.

On the coasts of Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, there are some

ports and bars, where ships can enter and remain, such as the harbor

of Marihuma, [125] the port El Frayle ["the friar"], [126] that of

Bolinao, the bar of Pangasinan, that of Bigan, the bar of Camalayuga,

at the mouth of the Tajo River (which goes up two leguas to the

chief settlement of Cagayan)--besides other rivers, bars, harbors,

and shelters of less account for smaller vessels throughout the coasts

of this island.

Quite near this large island of Luzon, many other islands, large

and small, are located; they are inhabited by the same natives as

Luzon, who have gold placers, sowed fields, and their trading. Such

are Marinduque, Tablas Island, Mazbate, Burias, Banton, Bantonillo,

and others of less importance. The nearest of them to Manila is the

island of Mindoro. It is more than eighty leguas long and about two

hundred in circumference. It has many settlements of the same natives,

and the side lying next the provinces of Balayan and Calilaya is so

near and close to the island of Luzon, that it forms a strait which

contains powerful currents and races, through which the ships going

to and from Manila enter and leave. The winds and currents there are

very strong. It is about one-half a legua wide. In that part is the

chief town of this island of Mindoro. It has a port that is called El

Varadero ["the place for laying up ships"] for large vessels. There

are also other anchorages and bars throughout this island for smaller

vessels; and many settlements and natives on all the coasts of this

island. All of the settlements abound in rice, food, and gold-placers,

and all kinds of game and timber. [127]

The cape of Espiritu Santo, which is sighted by ships entering the

Filipinas Islands on the way from Nueva España, is in an island called

Tendaya, [128] in about thirteen degrees. Twenty leguas south after

turning this cape of Espiritu Santo lie the island of Viri, and many

others which are sighted. Through them an entrance opens to the island

of Sebu by a strait called San Juanillo, which is formed by these

islands. It is not very good or safe for the larger ships. But toward

the north after leaving this course, one reaches the island of Capul,

which forms a strait and channel of many currents and rough waves,

through which the ships enter. Before reaching the strait there is a

rock, or barren islet, called San Bernardino; this strait is formed by

the coast of the island of Luzon and that of the island of Capul. Its

channel is about one legua long and less wide.

On leaving this strait, after having entered by it, three small islets

form a triangle. They are called the islands of Naranjos ["Oranges"],

and are lofty and inaccessible with steep rocks. Upon them ships are

wont to be driven by the powerful currents, even though they try to

escape them. These are not inhabited, but the others [Capul, Viri,

etc.] are large islands containing many settlements of natives and

all kinds of provisions and food.

South of this district lie the islands of Biçayas, or, as they are

also called, Pintados. They are many in number, thickly populated with

natives. Those of most renown are Leite, Ybabao, [129] Camar [Samar],

Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo, and the Calamianes. All

the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured,

of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in their

actions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity.

They differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue,

like the ancient style in España. Their bodies are tattooed with many

designs, but the face is not touched. [130] They wear large earrings

of gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certain

scarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans,

and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. They wear also a

loose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach half

way down the leg. These garments are fastened in front and are made

of medriñaque and colored silks. They wear no shirts or drawers, but

bahaques [_i.e._, breech-clouts] of many wrappings, which cover their

privy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. The women are

good-looking and graceful. They are very neat, and walk slowly. Their

hair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. Their robes

are wrapped about the waist and fall downward. These are made of all

colors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. Both

men and women go naked and without any coverings, [131] and barefoot,

and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets.

Their weapons consist of large knives curved like cutlasses, spears,

and caraças [_i.e._, shields]. They employ the same kinds of boats as

the inhabitants of Luzon. They have the same occupations, products,

and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. These

Visayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilful

in navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty,

which they call _mangubas_. [132] This means "to go out for plunder."

Near the principal settlement of the island of Sebu, there is a fine

port for all manner of vessels. It has a good entrance and furnishes

shelter at all times. It has a good bottom and is an excellent

anchorage. There are also other ports and bars of less importance

and consideration, as in all these islands, for smaller vessels.

This island of Sebu is an island of more than one hundred leguas in

circumference. It has abundance of provisions, and gold mines and

placers, and is inhabited by natives.

Beyond it lie other islands, very pleasant and well populated,

especially the island of Panay. Panay is a large island, more

than one hundred leguas in circumference, containing many native

settlements. [133] It produces considerable quantities of rice,

palm-wine, and all manner of provisions. It has flourishing and

wealthy settlements, on what is called the river of Panay. The

chief one is Oton, which has a bar and port for galleys and ships,

shipyards for building large ships, and a great amount of timber for

their construction. There are many natives, who are masters of all

kinds of shipbuilding. Near this island lies an islet eight leguas

in circumference, which is densely populated by natives who are all

carpenters. They are excellent workmen, and practice no other trade

or occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this whole

islet, they practice this art with great ability. From there all the

islands are furnished with workmen for carpentry. The island is called

that of the Cagayanes.

After the island of Sebu follow immediately the island of Mindanao,

an island of more than three hundred leguas in circumference, and

Joló, which is small. Lower down is the island of Borneo, a very

large island, more than five hundred leguas in circumference. All of

these islands are densely populated, although that of Borneo is not

subdued. Neither is that of Mindanao in entirety, but only the river

of Botuan, Dapitan, and the province and coast of Caragan.

Below this island [Mindanao], before reaching that of Borneo, lie

the islands of the Calamianes. They are very numerous, and consist of

islands of various sizes, which are densely inhabited with natives;

they have some supply of provisions and engage in certain kinds

of husbandry. However the most usual occupation is that of their

navigations from island to island in pursuit of their trading and

exchange, and their fisheries; while those who live nearest the island

of Borneo are wont to go on piratical raids and pillage the natives

in other islands.

The flow- and ebb-tides, and the high and low tides among these

islands are so diverse in them that they have no fixed rule,

either because of the powerful currents among these islands, or

by some other natural secret of the flux and reflux which the moon

causes. No definite knowledge has been arrived at in this regard,

for although the tides are highest during the opposition of the moon,

and are higher in the month of March than throughout the rest of the

year, there is so great variation in the daily tides that it causes

surprise. Some days there are two equal tides between day and night,

while other days there is but one. At other times the flow during the

day is low, and that of the night greater. They usually have no fixed

hour, for it may happen to be high-tide one day at noon, while next day

high-tide may be anticipated or postponed many hours. Or the tide of

one day may be low, and when a smaller one is expected for next day,

it may be much greater.

The language of all the Pintados and Biçayas is one and the same,

by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing

with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. These

resemble those of the Arabs. The common manner of writing among the

natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. Throughout the

islands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints,

and lower part is a very thick and solid tree. [134]

The language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely

from that of the Bicayas. [135] The language of the island of Luzon

is not uniform, for the Cagayans have one language and the Ylocos

another. The Zambales have their own particular language, while the

Pampangos also have one different from the others. The inhabitants of

the province of Manila, the Tagáls, have their own language, which

is very rich and copious. By means of it one can express elegantly

whatever he wishes, and in many modes and manners. It is not difficult,

either to learn or to pronounce.

The natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certain

characters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These characters are

fifteen in all. Three are vowels, which are used as are our five. The

consonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine with

certain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write,

as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The method

of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the lines

at the right and running to the left, in the Arabic fashion. Almost

all the natives, both men and women, write in this language. There

are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly.

This language of the province of Manila [_i.e._, the Tagál] extends

throughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguous

to Luzon. There is but little difference in that spoken in the various

districts, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provinces

than in others. [136]

The edifices and houses of the natives of all these Filipinas

Islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements;

for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers

and creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlements

where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and

banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing

and sailing. A small number inhabit the interior, and are called

tinguianes; they also seek sites on rivers and creeks, on which they

settle for the same reasons.

The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set upon

stakes and _arigues_ [_i.e._, columns] high above the ground. Their

rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with wood

and bamboos, [137] and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Each

house is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower

part are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where their fowls

and cattle are reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends

into the houses by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are

made from two bamboos. Above are their open _batalanes_ [galleries]

used for household duties; the parents and [grown] children live

together. There is little adornment and finery in the houses, which

are called _bahandin_. [138]

Besides these houses, which are those of the common people and those

of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built

upon trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They are

well constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. They

are furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much

finer and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however,

as are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa. These keep out

the water and the sun more than do shingles or tiles, although the

danger from fires is greater.

The natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, because

they raise their fowls and cattle there, and because of the damp

and heat of the earth, and the many rats, which are enormous and

destructive both in the houses and sowed fields; and because, as

their houses are generally built on the sea shore, or on the banks of

rivers and creeks, the waters bathe the lower parts, and the latter

are consequently left open.