accorded me to represent the government in each of these conferences.
Some of the questions therein discussed, being of both national and
international importance, will be later submitted for the consideration
of your honorable legislative body.
The foregoing explanations made, I will, with your kind permission,
gentlemen, venture to name to you some of the more personal features, of
our _own_ national branch of this world-wide organization, touching its
conditions, positions, relations and requirements, inviting your
thoughtful consideration to the same. I must do this, not only as its
chief executive officer, but as the person who has been wholly
responsible for our ever having had any connection with it. I alone
brought this subject before the government, as the official
representative of the International Committee, asking its adoption as a
treaty, if found desirable; and was shown the exceptional courtesy of a
unanimous accord in a most unfamiliar subject, by the largest, and, as
I hold, the highest legislative body in the world.
[H] Since, then, however, the international conferences have numbered
six and the relief fields twenty.
During the intervening seven years, I have done my best and my utmost to
properly test the value of the obligation taken, and to learn, from
actual and practical experience, if the results would warrant a
continuance of effort on the part of the national committee, and to some
extent the encouragement and active co-operation of our government,
without which the objects of the treaty would be misapplied, and its
results practically lost.
These efforts have been made in the face of the open world. No action
has been covered, none exaggerated. On its own fair merits, the American
branch of the Red Cross stands before the government and the people it
has served for their judgment.
If it has been an idle body?
If a parasite, drawing sustenance from others?
If it has promised and not performed?
If its work has been actual, or merely appeared upon paper?
If it has found favor with the people it has gone to aid?
If it has gained or lost in public estimation?
If in any way it has disappointed the expectations of the country or the
people?
If it has given cause to the government to regret its admission?
If it has sustained its national standing in good repute with the
affiliating nations of the world?
If it has been a costly adjunct to the government?
Like a gleaner it brings in its sheaves at the end of its seven years of
faithful trial, and asks that its work be judged. If for any cause, the
organization be looked upon as _not_ meriting or justifying
encouragement and co-operation of the government, which its peculiar
relations to it demand, and it is thought wisest or best to withhold
them, it will be a simple and perhaps welcome thing to let go and rest.
Unless one is actually going down hill with a load, it is always easier
to stop than to go on. In this case vastly so.
It is now thirteen years ago, during the administration of President
Hayes, that I first brought this matter to the attention of our
government, believing it to be, perhaps, the work of a month. From that
day to this, I have found time for nothing else. I learned that its
broad humanities were the belt that spanned the world. Dependent, as it
is, upon the co-operation of the government, being substantially a link
between it and the people at large, I should not have been justified in
proceeding to organize great bodies of persons under its regulations,
until I was assured what position the government would take in regard to
it. I could not _ask_ this decision of the government until actual
results had proven to it, and to myself as well, that the position
required was one worthy to _be_ taken. Thus the trial has been made
single handed. Not a penny of tax nor dues has ever been asked for the
expenses of the National Red Cross.
The general impression prevails that it is actively a branch of the
government, and of course, provided for by it. This impression has,
pecuniarily, been heavily against us, as it enters no philanthropic mind
to extend a generosity to the Red Cross, any more than to the War, or
State, or Navy Departments, or any other branch of protected government
service. No freight bill on shipments has ever been remitted, nor agent
ever passed free over a road up to this time; and no bequest has ever
been made to it. Postage is not even paid.
The government is supposed to do all these things, and it is generally
believed that its officers have large salaries. In one way this
impression has been helpful. It has doubtless given prestige; but it is
a costly luxury, and not to be _forever_ afforded.
The actual expenses of the government since the first, have been as
follows: an appropriation in 1883 of one thousand dollars, expended in
government printing of a little pamphlet history of the Red Cross,
written by me, at the request of the Senate committee, for circulation
after the adoption of the treaty--two thousand copies. As neither frank
nor postage were provided for the mailing, the transmission of each copy
cost some ten cents. The issue is exhausted. Appropriations of $1000 and
$2000 respectively for expenses of governmental delegates to the
International Conferences of 1884 and 1887, held at Geneva and
Carlsruhe, the delegates giving their time and services, and meeting all
costs, excepting those actually incurred en route, and provable by
vouchers. Thus making an aggregate of six thousand dollars in eight
years expended in its own behalf, with as much in value, in each
instance, added by the committee, as otherwise appropriated. These are
the only demands ever made upon the government. This balances our
accounts to date.
We now reach a point where I may name some directions in which the
government might properly extend its protecting and its helping hand.
The International Committee of Geneva makes the National Committee of
America the recognized medium of communication with our government. It
sends its official communications to the president of the American
National Red Cross, with directions that this officer present the same
to our government, and duly transact the required business. But
unfortunately, there is opened no legalized medium through which the Red
Cross is expected to confer with the government, through either its
executive or its legislative branches. "What is everybody's business is
nobody's business." The entire system has each time to be explained to
busy men, precedents to be found, and, however willing and anxious, no
one can be quite certain if he is right. The naming of two or three
gentlemen from your own honorable body to act permanently as a committee
on the affairs of the Red Cross would remedy all this, and render simple
and efficient what is now complicated and awkward. It would then be
_some_body's business. The subject would be understood, the needs
comprehended, suitable advantages taken, mistakes avoided, time saved,
prestige given both at home and abroad, and the unavoidable
communications between the committee and government officials come to be
regarded as legitimate business, and not as favors personally sought and
graciously listened to.
I regard the appointment of this committee as a most important step, if
_any_ steps are to be taken--perhaps indispensable, in view of certain
measures which must come officially before Congress.
At the last two International Conferences resolutions were passed
requesting that each government within the treaty take firm measures for
the protection of the international insignia of the Red Cross, from
misuse and abuse by unauthorized persons and parties, as methods of
popular advertising for speculation and gain. The patent office is
besieged by applicants demanding the Red Cross for trademarks.
It becomes our duty on behalf of these conferences to present these
resolutions to the government, together with the statements of the
various countries through their delegates, and to ask its consideration,
and its official action, in common with that of other nations. Our duty
to the government demands this as well.
The great query which confronts us, and often with a tinge of seeming
reproach, is: "Why is so little known of your organization? Why is it
not written up, and circulated among the people for general information?
Even the army knows nothing of it. Where shall we find something
published about it?" And these inquiries come from the officers of the
Regular Army, the National Guard, the Grand Army, and the medical
fraternity in general, not to mention the people at large.
There is probably no one in the land who would more gladly see these
questions favorably met, and the information go out, than the parties
supposed to be responsible for this dereliction. It has sometimes
occurred to me that a little "dangerous surplus" might be safely
disposed of in that way without compromising any leading issues.
Governmental bureaus, with full powers, have been commenced requiring
less of actual labor, method, skill, clerical ability, and official
expenses than are expected and provided yearly at the private
headquarters of the American National Red Cross, and with less of
general demand for them, and smaller visible results.
Fortunately its president has been always able to furnish space for the
Red Cross headquarters in her home, and as it was her child, she has
naturally and willingly provided for it. But, gentlemen, children grow!
In no other country does the organization of the Red Cross stand as an
ordinary benevolent society. In all others its relation to the
government is defined, pronounced, and its prestige assured. This is
wise and just, and only this can make it of greatest service to the
government and to the people.
It is a peculiar institution, without nationality, race, creed or sect,
embracing the entire world in its humanizing bond of brotherhood,
without arbitrary laws or rules, and yet stronger than armies, and
higher than thrones.
I desire to have it better comprehended and more fittingly appointed in
our great and advancing country. I would like to see for it a
headquarters which, in point of activity, would be a national honor to
us. The Red Cross of America should successfully undertake some
difficult problems. Hospital and emergency work naturally fall to it. It
has come to be the first thought of by any community suddenly overtaken
by disaster.
With all our misdirected, criminal and incendiary immigration, which
nothing seems to hinder, with our dangerous foreign leaders and
teachers, our strikes, mobs and dynamite, who can foresee the moment
when the United States flag shall be called to make peace and hold it?
And wherever that symbol goes, the Red Cross must follow, and only one
step in the rear. The first man who falls must see it on the arm that
raises him, and the last must know it has not left him. The National Red
Cross of America is not without possibilities for occupation, and these
neither theoretical nor sentimental.
Gentlemen, there are some points in reference to which I desire to guard
against misapprehension on your part. Of all things, I would not have
you get the impression that I desire to foist the Red Cross upon the
government for support. That, because I say it is liable to equal a
government bureau in point of work and care, I desire to have it made a
government bureau. Nothing is more impossible. I would not have you
feel that we have carried it to a certain extent, and now want the
government to take it up. These things could not be; it would at once
defeat the very objects of the organization, which mean _people's help
for national needs_, _not_ national help for people's necessities.
Still, there is a certain fitting and customary connection between the
two, which it is proper to recognize. Certain protection of the rights
and welfare of the organization, which it is suitable and for the
interest of the government to maintain, as, for instance, the protection
of the insignia. Its acts of incorporation--some aid in the circulation
of information respecting it, its charters, etc., through its official
printing bureaus, and some direct channel of communication, and advice
opened between the government and the organization, as customary in
other countries, and without which I think we cannot reasonably hope to
stand upon a respectable basis in their estimation.
If Germany can place Count Stolberg, one of its highest official
dignitaries and officers, at the _active_ head of its Red Cross, we can
scarcely do less than to permit a small advisory committee of our
legislature to at least _confer_ with ours.
These are all very small and inexpensive demands upon a government like
ours, and from their apparent unimportance, likely to remain
unconsidered. Still, they _are_ important to the work that seeks them.
With these assured, the National Committee can safely permit the people
to take their place in the work, and if the time never comes when the
country has need of the help for which they organize, it will be only a
too fortunate land.
The part which I have thus far been privileged to take in this work has
but one merit. It has been faithful, and I believe, unselfish. With
better judgment, greater strength, wealth, power and prestige, or the
ready help of those who had, I might have accomplished more. I have
nothing to gain from it, and never have had. I have no ambitions to
serve, and certainly no purposes. I regret only the years which have
gone by in feeble, unaided effort, which, I feel, with stronger help,
might have been more serviceable.
All I am worth to it to-day is the experience I have gained. I have no
more time for trials, nor proof, and of these, no more are needed. The
facts are established. I have stated what is needed of the government,
before it can go on, and I ask your kind consideration of the same.
TO THE COMMITTEES OF THE RED CROSS.
AN ACKNOWLEDGMENT.
To our tireless Executive Committee, and to the great and energetic Red
Cross Relief Committee of New York, who undertook the concentration of
the war relief and the administration of the generous gifts of the
people, and who have so faithfully stood by me in the work during all
these months, no words can adequately express my gratitude and the
appreciation of the National Committee.
For them no task was too great; no requisition was ever refused. To
their zealous labors is due, in a great measure, whatever success may
have attended the Red Cross in its mission for the relief of the sick
and the wounded.
[Illustration: By Courtesy of General Lawton.
VIEW OF MORRO CASTLE, SANTIAGO DE CUBA, AS SEEN ON
ENTERING THE HARBOR.]
[Illustration: By Courtesy of General Lawton.
VIEW OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA FROM THE HARBOR.]
TO THE AUXILIARIES OF THE RED CROSS
AND
THE NURSES WHO WENT TO THE WAR.
To the army of women, brave, generous and true, who either as
auxiliaries at home, or as nurses at the field, who made up that
magnificent array of womanhood, ready for sacrifice on the altar of
humanity and their country--no words of mine can do justice. The
monument deserved and traced in that glowing pen picture of the melting
tribute of another pen, I beg to place here with my tears of
acquiescence, to sanction every line.
A TRIBUTE TO THE RED CROSS NURSES.
By FRANKLIN B. HUSSEY, of Chicago.
* * * * *
The war is over. Now let us rejoice. Now erect your tablets and
monuments to the heroes of the war--the living and the dead. Write their
names on the long roll of honor: Dewey, Schley, Hobson and Wainwright,
Roosevelt, Lee, Wheeler and all the rest, and alongside their names
write those of the private soldier and the "man behind the guns." They
"remembered the Maine." And while we rear our symbols of marble and of
bronze to commemorate their brave deeds, there is one we must not, we
cannot, forget.
When our brave boys left home and marched proudly down to war they did
not go alone, for the gentle presence of woman walked beside them, to
assuage with her soft touch the grim horrors of carnage. A few days ago
the busy thoroughfares of our city resounded with the music and fanfares
of a great jubilee. I saw the towering fronts of the thronging palaces
of trade put off their accustomed garb of work-a-day gray and drab and
bedeck themselves in carnival attire, while stretched across from roof
to roof for miles hung festoons of glittering lights, banners and flags
in a bewildering chaos of red, white and blue. I saw triumphal arches
spanning the streets, adorned with the portraits and names of patriots,
but I saw not hers of whom I speak.
Under those arches, attended by all the pomp and splendor of the
trappings of war, keeping step to the glad music of victory, marched ten
thousand men, at their head the Chief Executive of the nation. I saw
senators and judges, diplomatic representatives and statesmen, generals
and heroes of the army and navy, veterans and volunteer soldiers pass in
glittering procession, while a million voices shouted loud huzzas that
told of a nation's tribute of gratitude to all those who had contributed
to the great victory; but for her I looked in vain.
At night I saw a great feast spread, honored by the presence of the
nation's leader and all those who had ridden in the grand pageant. The
toasts went round and the glasses clinked, but never a word of her of
whom I speak.
Not that she was forgotten; not but that cheers would have rung out at
the mention of her name; but because she went about her duty of
self-sacrifice so simply, so modestly, without even a thought or
expectation that any one would ever know or care whether she lived to
come back from the death-laden fever swamp, or not, her part in the
great victory had been, for the time being, overlooked; and while gifted
tongues are paying their tributes of burning eloquence to our heroes,
without seeking to detract one whit from their glory and fame, which
they so richly deserve, may I draw nigh, with uncovered head, and cast a
flower at _her_ feet? She asks no recognition. She seeks no praise; but
on some sunny slope of one of our wooded parks I want to see a simple
shaft uplifted in memory of the girl with a red cross on her arm. She
went forth to war with no blare of trumpets or beat of drums; the first
to go, the last to return; she carried neither sword nor musket, but
only the gentle ministrations of a woman's hand and heart; not to make
wounds, but to heal them. If you seek fitting words in which to embody
her record, go ask those whose fevered brows her cooling palms have
pressed, whose bloody wounds her hands have stanched, but the lips that
could best tell her noblest deeds lie cold and still, wrapped in the
sleep that heeds no bugle call. She carried balm and healing not only to
broken and bleeding bodies, but to broken and bleeding hearts as well,
and stood through long pestilential nights, like a ministering angel of
heaven, beside the weary pillow of pain, and when all that human hands
could do had been done, and the dying soldier murmured last words to
mother, wife or sweetheart, hers the ear that caught the last faint
whisper, hers the fingers that penned the last letter home, hers the
voice that read from the thumb-worn page, "The Lord is my Shepherd, I
shall not want.... Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow
of death"--while with his hand clasped in hers, his soul passed on
through the "valley" and the "shadow" up to "the sandals of God." Yes,
raise aloft her statue in the streaming sunlight. Let some great
sculptor, catching aright the inspiration of his theme, outline that
slender form--that woman's form, with melting heart and nerves of steel,
against the soft blue of the summer sky, with her lint and bandages in
one hand and her Bible in the other, the sign of the cross upon her
sleeve, and the glory of the countenance of the "Son of Man" reflected
on her face, and underneath let these words be traced:
To the nurses of the Red Cross--those angels of the battlefield--who
ministered to our soldiers and sailors, the thanks of a grateful
nation; for "Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of
these, ye have done it unto Me."
* * * * *
AS THE SUN WENT DOWN.
Two soldiers lay on the battlefield
At night when the sun went down,
One held a lock of thin, gray hair
And one held a lock of brown.
One thought of his sweetheart back at home,
Happy and young and gay,
And one of his mother left alone,
Feeble and old and gray.
Each in the thought that a woman cared,
Murmured a prayer to God,
Lifting his gaze to the blue above
There on the battle sod.
Each in the joy of a woman's love,
Smiled through the pain of death,
Murmured the sound of a woman's name,
Tho' with his parting breath.
Pale grew the dying lips of each,
Then, as the sun went down,
One kist a lock of thin, gray hair,
And one kist a lock of brown.
ANON., in _Town Talk_.
UNWRITTEN THANKS.
Dear readers, I pray you accept this last word from me: "Poor even in
thanks"--the thanks with which the heart is burdened but cannot speak.
The acts of kindness shown during these waiting, and oft weary years,
that crowd and clamor for expression, would duplicate this volume many
times, and the cherished names that the hand struggles to write, would
turn these pages into a biographical dictionary.
Let me pray, then, that every person who takes up this volume and
recalls a kind act done me, or a friendly, encouraging word spoken in
all the years of the busy period which it covers, shall read between the
lines, the cherished memory, the thanks, and the blessing so richly
deserved and so fully given.
A WORD OF EXPLANATION.
May this book before quite leaving the hands of its author be permitted
this word of explanation.
Its subject took its rise in, and derived its existence from, war.
Without war it had no existence. The watchword, indeed one might almost
say, the "war cry" of our country and of our people was "_peace_." War
was obsolete--out of date--out of taste--in fact, out of the question:
hence there existed no need for providing relief for it; and thus the
Red Cross has stood, unrecognized in the shadows of obscurity all the
eighteen years of its existence among us, waiting for the sure, alas,
too sure, touch of war, to light up its dark figure, and set in motion
the springs of action.
A few believed, and like disciples, waited with it. If at any time,
during that period, one had presumed to offer to the American public a
book treating exclusively upon the Red Cross, the production would have
found neither publishers nor readers; but now that the stroke of war has
fallen and the interest comes home to ourselves, neither can wait for
the book to be properly written, hence the unfinished and unsatisfactory
condition in which it must present itself.
CONCLUSION.
In the foregoing pages is outlined the history of the American National
Red Cross in peace and in war.
We have seen it grow year by year, from the persistent, almost
unaccountable rejection of the Treaty of Geneva by our government for
eighteen years. We have seen it beginning in the cordial recognition of
Blaine, and Garfield, and Arthur, gradually increasing in the amount and
scope of its labors, growing, in the slowly gained influence and support
of public confidence, to its present condition of general recognition in
all parts of our own country, and in the warm appreciation of all the
nations that have acceded to the Treaty of the Red Cross. There is, we
are happy to believe and to assure our readers everywhere, a warmth and
an enthusiastic appreciation of the Red Cross that brings added honor to
the country, and that everywhere recommends the principles and the
practices for which the sacred symbol stands. No American citizen will
hereafter travel in foreign lands any less securely since the American
National Red Cross has been before him in Russia, and in Armenia, and in
the high conferences where the treaty nations by their representatives
from time to time assemble.