visited by the president and members of the "International Committee for
the relief of the wounded in war." They wished to learn if possible why
the United States had declined to sign the treaty. Our position was
incomprehensible to them. If the treaty had originated with a monarchial
government they could see some ground for hesitancy. But it originated
in a Republic older than our own. To what did America object, and how
could these objections be overcome? They had twice formally presented it
to the government at Washington, once in 1864, through our Minister
Plenipotentiary at Berne, who was present at the convention; again in
1868, through Rev. Dr. Henry W. Bellows, the great head of war relief in
America. They had failed in both instances. No satisfactory nor adequate
reason had ever been given by the nation for the course pursued. They
had thought the people of America, with their grand sanitary record,
would be the first to appreciate and accept it. I listened in silent
wonder to all this recital, and when I did reply it was to say that I
had never in America heard of the Convention of Geneva nor of the
treaty, and was sure that as a country America did not know she had
declined; that she would be the last to withhold recognition of a humane
movement; that it had doubtless been referred to and declined by some
one department of the government, or some one official, and had never
been submitted to the people; and as its literature was in languages
foreign to our English-speaking population, it had no way of reaching
us.
You will naturally infer that I examined it. I became all the time more
deeply impressed with the wisdom of its principles, the good practical
sense of its details, and its extreme usefulness in practice. Humane
intelligence had devised its provisions and peculiarly adapted it to win
popular favor. The absurdity of our own position in relation to it was
simply marvelous. As I counted up its roll of twenty-two nations--not a
civilized people in the world but ourselves missing, and saw Greece,
Spain, and Turkey there, I began to fear that in the eyes of the "rest
of mankind" we could not be far from barbarians. This reflection did not
furnish a stimulating food for national pride. I grew more and more
ashamed. But the winter wore on as winters do with invalids abroad. The
summer found me at Berne in quest of strength among its mountain views
and baths.
On the fifteenth of July, 1870, France declared war against Prussia.
Within three days a band of agents from the "International Committee of
Geneva," headed by Dr. Louis Appia (one of the prime movers of the
convention), equipped for work and _en route_ for the seat of war, stood
at the door of my villa inviting me to go with them and take such part
as I had taken in our own war. I had not strength to trust for that, and
declined with thanks, promising to follow in my own time and way, and I
did follow within a week. No shot had then been fired--no man had
fallen--yet this organized, powerful commission was on its way, with its
skilled agents, ready to receive, direct and dispense the charities and
accumulations which the generous sympathies of twenty-two nations, if
applied to, might place at its disposal. These men had treaty power to
go directly on to any field, and work unmolested in full co-operation
with the military and commanders-in-chief; their supplies held sacred
and their efforts recognized and seconded in every direction by either
belligerent army. Not a man could lie uncared for nor unfed. I thought
of the Peninsula in McClellan's campaign--of Pittsburg Landing, Cedar
Mountain and second Bull Run, Antietam, Old Fredericksburg with its
acres of snow-covered and gun-covered _glacee_, and its fourth-day flag
of truce; of its dead, and starving wounded, frozen to the ground, and
our commissions and their supplies in Washington, with no effective
organization to go beyond; of the Petersburg mine, with its four
thousand dead and wounded and no flag of truce, the wounded broiling in
a July sun--died and rotted where they fell. I remembered our prisons,
crowded with starving men whom all the powers and pities of the world
could not reach even with a bit of bread. I thought of the widows' weeds
still fresh and dark through all the land, north and south, from the
pine to the palm; the shadows on the hearths and hearts over all my
country. Sore, broken hearts, ruined, desolate homes! Was this people to
decline a humanity in war? Was this a country to reject a treaty for the
help of wounded soldiers? Were these the women and men to stand aloof
and consider? I believed if these people knew that the last cloud of war
had forever passed from their horizon, the tender, painful, deathless
memories of what had been would bring them in with a force no power
could resist. They needed only to know.
As I journeyed on and saw the work of these Red Cross societies in the
field, accomplishing in four months under their systematic organization
what we failed to accomplish in four years without it--no mistakes, no
needless suffering, no starving, no lack of care, no waste, no
confusion, but order, plenty, cleanliness and comfort wherever that
little flag made its way--a whole continent marshaled under the banner
of the Red Cross--as I saw all this, and joined and worked in it, you
will not wonder that I said to myself "If I live to return to my country
I will try to make my people understand the Red Cross and that treaty."
But I did more than resolve, I promised other nations I would do it, and
other reasons pressed me to remember my promise. The Franco-Prussian war
and the war of the commune were both enormous in the extent of their
operations and in the suffering of individuals. This great modern
international impulse of charity went out everywhere to meet and
alleviate its miseries. The small, poor countries gave of their poverty
and the rich nations poured out abundantly of their vast resources. The
contributions of those under the Red Cross went quietly, promptly
through international responsible channels, were thoughtfully and
carefully distributed through well-known agents, returns, accurate to a
franc, were made and duly published to the credit of the contributing
nations, and _the object aimed at was accomplished_.
America, filled with German and French people, with people humane and
universal in their instincts of citizenship and brotherhood, freighted
ships with supplies and contributions in money prodigal and vast. They
arrived in Europe, but they were not under the treaty regulations. No
sign of the Red Cross authorized any one to receive and distribute them.
The poor baffled agents, honest, well meaning and indefatigable, did all
that individuals without system or organization could do. But for the
most part the magnificent charity of America was misapplied and went as
unsystematized charity always tends to go, to ruin and to utter waste.
_The object aimed at was not accomplished._
At the end of the report of the international organization of the Red
Cross occurs something like this: "It is said that the United States of
America also contributed something for the sick and wounded, but what,
or how much, or to whom, or when or where, it is impossible to tell."
In the autumn of 1873, I returned to America more broken in health than
when I left in 1869. Then followed years of suffering in which I forgot
how to walk, but I remembered my resolve and my promise. After almost
five years I was able to go to Washington with a letter from Monsieur
Moynier, president of the International Committee of Geneva, to the
President of the United States, asking once more that our government
accede to the articles of the convention. Having been made the official
bearer of this letter, I presented it in 1877 to President Hayes, who
received it kindly, referring it to his Secretary of State, Mr. Evarts,
who in his turn referred it to his assistant secretary as the person who
would know all about it, examine and report for decision. I then saw how
it was made to depend not alone upon one department, but one man, who
had been the assistant secretary of state in 1864 and also in 1868, when
the treaty had been on the two previous occasions presented to our
government. It was a settled thing. There was nothing to hope for from
that administration. The matter had been officially referred and would
be decided accordingly. It would be declined because it had been
declined. If I pressed it to a decision, it would only weigh it down
with a third refusal. I waited. My next thought was to refer it to
Congress. That step would be irregular, and discourteous to the
administration. I did not like to take it, still I attempted it, but
could not get it considered, for it promised neither political
influence, patronage, nor votes.
The next year I returned to Washington to try Congress again. I
published a little pamphlet of two leaves addressed to the members and
senators, to be laid upon their desks in the hope they would take the
trouble to read so little as that, and be by so much the better prepared
to consider and act upon a bill if I could get one before them. My
strength failed before I could get that bill presented, and I went home
again in midwinter. There then remained but a portion of the term of
that administration, and I determined, if possible, to outlive it,
hoping another would be more responsive. Meanwhile I wrote, talked, and
did whatever I could to spread the idea among the people, and March,
1881, when the administration of President Garfield came in, I went
again to Washington. The subject was very cordially received by the
President and carefully referred by him to Secretary Blaine, who
considered it himself, conferred fully with me, and finally laid it
before the President and the cabinet. Perhaps the most satisfactory
account of that transaction will be found in the letter of Mr. Blaine
addressed to me, (see page 41), which gives the assurance that President
Garfield would recommend the adoption of the treaty in his message to
Congress.
What were the provisions of that treaty which had been so conspicuously
and persistently neglected and apparently rejected by this whole
government, whose people are as humane as any people in the world, and
as ready to adopt plain and common sense provisions against evils sure
to come upon themselves and those whom they hold most dear? It was
merely the proposed adoption of a treaty by this government with other
nations for the purpose of ameliorating the conditions incident to
warfare, humanizing its regulations, softening its barbarities, and so
far as possible, lessening the sufferings of the wounded and sick who
fall by it. This treaty consists of a code of ten articles, formed and
adopted by the International Convention of Geneva, Switzerland, held
August 22, 1864, which convention was composed of delegates, two or more
from each of the civilized nations of the world, and was called at the
instance of the members of the Society of Public Utility of Switzerland.
The sittings of the convention occupied four days, and resulted, as
before stated, in a code of ten articles, to be taken by the delegates
there present, back to the governments of their respective countries for
ratification. Four months were allowed for consideration and decision by
the governments, and all acceding within that time were held as having
signed at the convention. At the close of this period, it was found that
twelve nations had endorsed the terms of the treaty and signed its
articles. The protocol was left open for such as should follow. The
articles of this treaty provide, as its first and most important
feature, for the entire and strict neutrality of all material and
supplies contributed by any nation for the use of the sick and wounded
in war; also that persons engaged in the distribution of them, shall
not be subject to capture; that all hospitals, general or field, shall
be neutral, respected and protected by all belligerents; that all
persons comprising the medical service, surgeons, chaplains,
superintendents, shall be neutral, continuing their work after the
occupation of a field or post the same as before, and when no longer
needed be free to retire; that they may send a representative to their
own headquarters if needful; that field hospitals shall retain their own
equipments; that inhabitants of a country who entertain and care for the
wounded of either side, in their houses, shall be protected; that the
generals of an army shall so inform the people; that commanders-in-chief
shall have the power to deliver immediately to the outposts of the enemy
soldiers who have been wounded in an engagement, both parties consenting
to the same; that the wounded, incapable of serving, shall be returned
when healed; that all transports of wounded and all evacuations of posts
or towns shall be protected by absolute neutrality. That the sick and
wounded shall be entertained regardless of nationality; and that
commanders-in-chief shall act in accordance with the instructions of
their respective governments, and in conformity to the treaty. In order
that all may understand, and no mistake be possible, it also provides
that one uniform international flag shall mark all hospitals, all posts
of sick and wounded, and one uniform badge or sign shall mark all
hospital material, and be worn by all persons properly engaged in the
hospital service of any nation included within the treaty; that this
international flag and sign shall be a red cross on a white ground, and
that the nations within the compact shall not cease their endeavors
until every other nation capable of making war shall have signed this
treaty, and thus acceded to the general principles of humanity in
warfare recognized by other peoples.
Thirty-one governments have already signed this treaty, thirty-one
nations are in this humane compact. The United States of America is not
in it, and the work to which your attention is called, and which has
occupied me for the last several years, is to induce her to place
herself there.
This is what the Red Cross means, not an order of knighthood, not a
commandery, not a secret society, not a society at all by itself, but
the powerful, peaceful sign and the reducing to practical usefulness of
one of the broadest and most needed humanities the world has ever known.
These articles, it will be observed, constitute at once a treaty
governing our relations with foreign nations, and additional articles of
war governing the conduct of our military forces in the field. As a
treaty under the constitution, the President and Senate are competent to
deal with them; as additional articles of war, Congress must sanction
and adopt them before they can become effective and binding upon the
government and the people. For this reason I have appealed to Congress
as well as to the Executive Department.
On the breaking up of the original convention at Geneva, the practical
work of organizing its principles into form and making them understood
and adopted by the people, devolved upon seven men, mainly those who had
been instrumental in calling it. These men were peculiarly fitted for
this work by special training, enlarged views, and a comprehensive
charity, no less than by practical insight, knowledge of the facts and
needs of the situation, and a brave trust in the humane instincts of
human nature. They are known to-day the world over as "The International
Committee of Geneva for the relief of the sick and wounded in war." This
committee is international, and is the one medium through which all
nations within the treaty transact business and carry on correspondence.
The first act of each nation subsequent to the treaty has been to
establish a central society of its own, which of course is national, and
which has general charge and direction of the work of its own country.
Under these comes the establishment of local societies. It will be
perceived that their system, aside from its international feature, is
very nearly what our own war relief societies would have been had they
retained permanent organizations. Indeed, it is believed that we
furnished for their admirable system some very valuable ideas. The
success of the Red Cross associations consists in their making their
societies permanent, holding their organizations firm and intact,
guarding their supplies, saving their property from waste, destruction
and pillage, and making the persons in charge of the gifts of the people
as strictly responsible for straightforward conduct and honest returns,
as they would be for the personal property of an individual, a business
firm, or a bank.
In attempting to present to the people of this country the plan of the
Red Cross societies, it is proper to explain that originally and as
operating in other countries they recognize only the miseries arising
from war. Their humanities, although immense, are confined to this war
centre. The treaty does not cover more than this, but the resolutions
for the establishment of societies under the treaty, permit them to
organize in accordance with the spirit and needs of their nationalities.
By our geographical position and isolation we are far less liable to
the disturbances of war than the nations of Europe, which are so
frequently called upon that they do well to keep in readiness for the
exigencies of war alone. But no country is more liable than our own to
great overmastering calamities, various, widespread and terrible. Seldom
a year passes that the nation from sea to sea is not, by the shock of
some sudden, unforeseen disaster, brought to utter consternation, and
stands shivering like a ship in a gale, powerless, horrified, and
despairing. Plagues, cholera, fires, flood, famine, all bear upon us
with terrible force. Like war these events are entirely out of the
common course of woes and necessities. Like death they are sure to come
in some form and at some time, and like it no mortal knows where, how or
when.
What have we in readiness to meet these emergencies save the good heart
of our people and their impulsive, generous gifts? Certainly no
organized system for collection, reception nor distribution; no agents,
nurses nor material, and, worst of all, no funds; nowhere any resources
in _reserve_ for use in such an hour of peril and national woe; every
movement crude, confused and unsystematized, every thing as unprepared
as if we had never known a calamity before and had no reason to expect
one again.
Meanwhile the suffering victims wait! True, in the shock we bestow most
generously, lavishly even. Men "on Change" plunge their hands into their
pockets and throw their gold to strangers, who may have neither
preparation nor fitness for the work they undertake, and often no
guaranty for honesty. Women, in the terror and excitement of the moment
and in their eagerness to aid, beg in the streets and rush into fairs,
working day and night, to the neglect of other duties in the present,
and at the peril of all health in the future--often an enormous outlay
for very meagre returns. Thus our gifts fall far short of their best,
being hastily bestowed, irresponsibly received and wastefully applied.
We should not, even if to some degree we might, depend upon our ordinary
charitable and church societies to meet these great catastrophes; they
are always overtaxed. Our communities abound in charitable societies,
but each has its specific object to which its resources are and must be
applied; consequently they cannot be relied upon for prompt and abundant
aid in a great and sudden emergency. This must necessarily be the case
with all societies which organize to work for a specific charity. And
this is as it should be; it is enough that they do constantly bestow.
Charity bears an open palm, to give is her mission. But I have never
classed these Red Cross societies with charities, I have rather
considered them as a wise national provision which seeks to garner and
store up something against an hour of sudden need. In all our land we
have not one organization of this nature and which acts upon the system
of conserved resources. Our people have been more wise and thoughtful in
the establishment of means for preventing and arresting the destruction
of property than the destruction of human life and the lessening of
consequent suffering. They have provided and maintain at an immense
cost, in the aggregate, a system of fire departments with their
expensive buildings and apparatus, with their fine horses and strong men
kept constantly in readiness to dash to the rescue at the first dread
clang of the fire bell. Still, while the electric current may flash upon
us at any moment its ill tidings of some great human distress, we have
no means of relief in readiness such as these Red Cross societies would
furnish.
I beg you will not feel that in the presentation of this plan of action
I seek to add to the labors of the people. On the contrary, I am
striving to lessen them by making previous, calm preparation do away
with the strain and confusion of unexpected necessities and haste. I am
providing not weariness, but rest.
And, again, I would not be understood as suggesting the raising of more
moneys for charitable purposes; rather I am trying to save the people's
means, to economize their charities, to make their gifts do more by the
prevention of needless waste and extravagance. If I thought that the
formation of these societies would add a burden to our people I would be
the last to advocate it. I would not, however, yield the fact of the
treaty. For patriotism, for national honor, I would stand by that at all
cost. My first and greatest endeavor has been to wipe from the scroll of
my country's fame the stain of imputed lack of common humanity, to take
her out of the roll of barbarism. I said that in 1869 there were
twenty-two nations in the compact. There are now thirty-one, for since
that date have been added Roumania, Persia, San Salvador, Montenegro,
Servia, Bolivia, Chili, Argentine Republic and Peru. If the United
States of America is fortunate and diligent she may, perhaps, come to
stand No. 32 in the roll of civilization and humanity. If not, she will
remain where she at present stands, among the barbarians and the
heathen.
In considering this condition of things it seemed desirable to so extend
the original design of the Red Cross societies operating in other lands
as to include not only suffering by war, but by pestilence, famine,
fires or floods--in short, any unlooked-for calamity so great as to
place it beyond the means of ordinary local charity, and which by
public opinion would be pronounced a national calamity; but that this
addition should in no way impair the original functions of the society,
and that for their own well being they should be held firm by the
distinguishing feature of the international constitution, which provides
that local societies shall not act except upon orders from the National
Association, which is charged with the duty of being so fully informed
upon all such subjects, both at home and abroad, as to constitute it the
most competent judge of the magnitude and gravity of any catastrophe.
During all these years no societies under the true banner of the Red
Cross of Geneva were or could be organized, for the government had not
yet ratified the treaty and no department of the government had then
intimated that it ever would be ratified. It could not be a responsible
or quite an honest movement on my part to proceed to the formation of
societies to act under and in conformity to a treaty of special
character so long as our government recognized no such treaty and I
could get no assurance that it ever would or indeed could recognize it.