_The Caravan proceeds to Konkodoo, and crosses the Falemé River. —
Its Arrival at Baniserile, Kirwani, and Tambacunda. — Incidents on
the Road. — A matrimonial Case. — Specimen of the Shea Tree. —
The Caravan proceeds through many Towns and Villages, and arrives
at length on the Banks of the Gambia, — passes through Medina,
the Capital of Woolli, and finally stops at Jindey. — The Author,
accompanied by Karfa, proceeds to Pisania. — Various Occurrences
previous to his Departure from Africa, — takes his Passage in an
American Ship. — Short Account of his Voyage to Great Britain by
the Way of the West Indies._
On the 7th of May, we departed from Malacotta, and having crossed the
_Ba lee_, “Honey river,” a branch of the Senegal, we arrived in
the evening at a walled town called Bintingala; where we rested two
days. From thence, in one day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a small
town situated at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, from which this
district is named _Konkodoo_, “the hilly country.” These hills are
very productive of gold. I was shewn a small quantity of this metal,
which had been lately collected: the grains were about the usual size,
but much flatter than those of Manding, and were found in white quartz,
which had been broken to pieces by hammers. At this town I met with
a Negro, whose hair and skin were of a dull white colour. He was of
that sort which are called in the Spanish West Indies _Albinos_, or
white Negroes. The skin is cadaverous and unsightly, and the natives
considered this complexion (I believe truly) as the effect of disease.
May 11th. At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, and after a
toilsome day’s travel, arrived in the evening at Satadoo, the
capital of a district of the same name. This town was formerly of
considerable extent; but many families had left it in consequence of
the predatory incursions of the Foulahs of Foota Jalla, who made it
a practice to come secretly through the woods, and carry off people
from the corn-fields, and even from the wells near the town. In the
afternoon of the 12th, we crossed the Falemé river, the same which
I had formerly crossed at Bondou in my journey eastward. This river,
at this season of the year, is easily forded at this place, the stream
being only about two feet deep. The water is very pure, and flows
rapidly over a bed of sand and gravel. We lodged for the night at a
small village called Medina, the sole property of a Mandingo merchant,
who, by a long intercourse with Europeans, has been induced to adopt
some of their customs. His victuals were served up in pewter dishes,
and even his houses were built after the fashion of the English houses
on the Gambia.
May 13th. In the morning, as we were preparing to depart, a coffle
of slaves belonging to some Serawoolli traders, crossed the river,
and agreed to proceed with us to Baniserile, the capital of Dentila;
a very long day’s journey from this place. We accordingly set out
together, and travelled with great expedition, through the woods,
until noon; when one of the Serawoolli slaves dropt the load from his
head, for which he was smartly whipped. The load was replaced; but he
had not proceeded above a mile before he let it fall a second time,
for which he received the same punishment. After this he travelled
in great pain until about two o’clock, when we stopt to breathe a
little, by a pool of water, the day being remarkably hot. The poor
slave was now so completely exhausted that his master was obliged
to release him from the rope, for he lay motionless on the ground. A
Serawoolli therefore undertook to remain with him, and endeavour to
bring him to the town during the cool of the night: in the meanwhile
we continued our route, and after a very hard day’s travel, arrived
at Baniserile late in the evening.
One of our Slatees was a native of this place, from which he had been
absent three years. This man invited me to go with him to his house;
at the gate of which his friends met him, with many expressions of joy;
shaking hands with him, embracing him, and singing and dancing before
him. As soon as he had seated himself upon a mat, by the threshold
of his door, a young woman (his intended bride) brought a little
water in a calabash, and kneeling down before him, desired him to
wash his hands: when he had done this, the girl with a tear of joy
sparkling in her eyes, drank the water; this being considered as
the greatest proof she could possibly give him of her fidelity and
attachment. About eight o’clock the same evening, the Serawoolli,
who had been left in the woods to take care of the fatigued slave,
returned and told us that he was dead: the general opinion, however,
was that he himself had killed him, or left him to perish on the road;
for the Serawoollies are said to be infinitely more cruel in their
treatment of slaves than the Mandingoes. We remained at Baniserile
two days, in order to purchase native iron, Shea-butter, and some
other articles for sale on the Gambia; and here the Slatee who had
invited me to his house, and who possessed three slaves, part of the
coffle, having obtained information that the price on the Coast was
very low, determined to separate from us, and remain, with his slaves,
where he was, until an opportunity should offer of disposing of them
to advantage; giving us to understand that he should complete his
nuptials, with the young woman before mentioned, in the meantime.
May 16th. We departed from Baniserile, and travelled through thick
woods until noon, when we saw at a distance, the town of Julifunda,
but did not approach it; as we proposed to rest for the night at a
large town called Kirwani, which we reached about four o’clock in
the afternoon. This town stands in a valley, and the country, for more
than a mile round it, is cleared of wood, and well cultivated. The
inhabitants appear to be very active and industrious, and seem to
have carried the system of agriculture to some degree of perfection;
for they collect the dung of their cattle into large heaps during
the dry season, for the purpose of manuring their land with it
at the proper time. I saw nothing like this in any other part of
Africa. Near the town are several smelting furnaces, from which the
natives obtain very good iron. They afterwards hammer the metal into
small bars, about a foot in length and two inches in breadth, one of
which bars is sufficient to make two Mandingo corn paddles. On the
morning after our arrival, we were visited by a Slatee of this place,
who informed Karfa that among some slaves he had lately purchased,
was a native of Foota Jalla; and as that country was at no great
distance, he could not safely employ him in the labours of the field,
lest he should effect his escape. The Slatee was therefore desirous
of exchanging this slave for one of Karfa’s, and offered some
cloth and Shea-butter, to induce Karfa to comply with the proposal,
which was accepted. The Slatee thereupon sent a boy to order the
slave in question to bring him a few ground nuts. The poor creature
soon afterwards entered the court in which we were sitting, having no
suspicion of what was negotiating, until the master caused the gate
to be shut, and told him to sit down. The slave now saw his danger,
and perceiving the gate to be shut upon him, threw down the nuts
and jumped over the fence. He was immediately pursued and overtaken
by the Slatees, who brought him back, and secured him in irons,
after which one of Karfa’s slaves was released and delivered in
exchange. The unfortunate captive was at first very much dejected,
but in the course of a few days his melancholy gradually subsided;
and he became at length as cheerful as any of his companions.
Departing from Kirwani on the morning of the 20th, we entered the
Tenda Wilderness of two days’ journey. The woods were very thick,
and the country shelved towards the south-west. About ten o’clock we
met a coffle of twenty-six people, and seven loaded asses returning
from the Gambia. Most of the men were armed with muskets, and had
broad belts of scarlet cloth over their shoulders, and European hats
upon their heads. They informed us that there was very little demand
for slaves on the Coast, as no vessel had arrived for some months
past. On hearing this, the Serawoollies, who had travelled with us
from the Falemé river, separated themselves and their slaves from
the coffle. They had not, they said, the means of maintaining their
slaves in Gambia, until a vessel should arrive; and were unwilling to
sell them to disadvantage: they therefore departed to the northward for
Kajaaga. We continued our route through the Wilderness, and travelled
all day through a rugged country, covered with extensive thickets of
bamboo. At sunset, to our great joy, we arrived at a pool of water
near a large Tabba tree, whence the place is called Tabba-gee,
and here we rested a few hours. The water at this season of the
year is by no means plentiful in these woods; and as the days were
insufferably hot, Karfa proposed to travel in the night. Accordingly,
about eleven o’clock, the slaves were taken out of their irons,
and the people of the coffle received orders to keep close together;
as well to prevent the slaves from attempting to escape, as on account
of the wild beasts. We travelled with great alacrity until daybreak,
when it was discovered that a free woman had parted from the coffle in
the night: her name was called until the woods resounded; but no answer
being given, we conjectured that she had either mistaken the road,
or that a lion had seized her unperceived. At length it was agreed
that four people should go back a few miles to a small rivulet, where
some of the coffle had stopt to drink, as we passed it in the night;
and that the coffle should wait for their return. The sun was about
an hour high before the people came back with the woman, whom they
found lying fast asleep by the stream. We now resumed our journey,
and about eleven o’clock reached a walled town called Tambacunda,
where we were well received. Here we remained four days, on account
of a _palaver_ which was held on the following occasion: Modi Lemina,
one of the Slatees belonging to the coffle, had formerly married a
woman of this town, who had borne him two children; he afterwards
went to Manding, and remained there eight years, without sending any
account of himself, during all that time, to his deserted wife; who,
seeing no prospect of his return, at the end of three years had married
another man, to whom she had likewise borne two children. Lemina now
claimed his wife; but the second husband refused to deliver her up;
insisting that by the laws of Africa, when a man has been three years
absent from his wife, without giving her notice of his being alive,
the woman is at liberty to marry again. After all the circumstances
had been fully investigated in an assembly of the chief men, it was
determined that the wife should make her choice, and be at liberty
either to return to the first husband, or continue with the second,
as she alone should think proper. Favourable as this determination
was to the lady, she found it a difficult matter to make up her mind,
and requested time for consideration: but I think I could perceive that
_first love_ would carry the day. Lemina was indeed somewhat older than
his rival, but he was also much richer. What weight this circumstance
had in the scale of his wife’s affections, I pretend not to say.
On the morning of the 26th, as we departed from Tambacunda, Karfa
observed to me, that there were no Shea trees farther to the westward
than this town. I had collected and brought with me from Manding the
leaves and flowers of this tree; but they were so greatly bruised on
the road that I thought it best to gather another specimen at this
place; and accordingly collected that from which the annexed engraving
is taken. The appearance of the fruit evidently places the Shea tree
in the natural order of _sapotæ_, and it has some resemblance to
the _madhuca_ tree, described by Lieutenant Charles Hamilton, in the
Asiatic Researches, Vol. I. p. 300. About one o’clock, we reached
Sibikillin, a walled village, but the inhabitants having the character
of inhospitality towards strangers, and of being much addicted to
theft, we did not think proper to enter the gate. We rested a short
time under a tree, and then continued our route until it was dark,
when we halted for the night by a small stream running towards the
Gambia. Next day the road led over a wild and rocky country, every
where rising into hills, and abounding with monkeys and wild beasts. In
the rivulets among the hills, we found great plenty of fish. This
was a very hard day’s journey, and it was not until sunset, that
we reached the village of Koomboo, near to which are the ruins of
a large town formerly destroyed by war. The inhabitants of Koomboo,
like those of Sibikillin, have so bad a reputation, that strangers
seldom lodge in the village; we accordingly rested for the night
in the fields, where we erected temporary huts for our protection,
there being great appearance of rain.
[Illustration: _Shea or the Butter Tree._
_Mackenzie sculp._
_Published as the Act directs, January 1.1799. by George Nicol,
Pall Mall._]
May 28th. We departed from Koomboo, and slept at a Foulah town about
seven miles to the westward; from which on the day following, having
crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neola Koba,
we reached a well inhabited part of the country. Here are several
towns within sight of each other, collectively called Tenda, but
each is distinguished also by its particular name. We lodged at one
of them called Koba Tenda, where we remained the day following, in
order to procure provisions for our support in crossing the Simbani
woods. On the 30th we reached Jallacotta; a considerable town,
but much infested by Foulah banditti, who come through the woods
from Bondou, and steal every thing they can lay their hands on. A
few days before our arrival, they had stolen twenty head of cattle,
and on the day following made a second attempt; but were beaten off,
and one of them taken prisoner. Here, one of the slaves belonging
to the coffle, who had travelled with great difficulty for the last
three days, was found unable to proceed any farther: his master (a
singing man) proposed therefore to exchange him for a young slave
girl, belonging to one of the townspeople. The poor girl was ignorant
of her fate, until the bundles were all tied up in the morning,
and the coffle ready to depart; when, coming with some other young
women to see the coffle set out, her master took her by the hand,
and delivered her to the singing man. Never was a face of serenity
more suddenly changed into one of the deepest distress: the terror
she manifested on having the load put upon her head, and the rope
fastened round her neck, and the sorrow with which she bade adieu
to her companions, were truly affecting. About nine o’clock, we
crossed a large plain covered with _ciboa_ trees (a species of palm),
and came to the river Nerico, a branch of the Gambia. This was but a
small river at this time, but in the rainy season it is often dangerous
to travellers. As soon as we had crossed this river, the singing men
began to vociferate a particular song, expressive of their joy at
having got safe into the west country, or, as they expressed it, _the
land of the setting sun_. The country was found to be very level, and
the soil a mixture of clay and sand. In the afternoon it rained hard,
and we had recourse to the common Negro umbrella, a large ciboa leaf,
which, being placed upon the head, completely defends the whole body
from the rain. We lodged for the night under the shade of a large
tabba tree, near the ruins of a village. On the morning following,
we crossed a stream called Noulico, and about two o’clock, to my
infinite joy, I saw myself once more on the banks of the Gambia,
which at this place being deep and smooth, is navigable; but the
people told me that a little lower down, the stream is so shallow
that the coffles frequently cross it on foot. On the south side of
the river opposite to this place, is a large plain of clayey ground,
called Toombi Toorila. It is a sort of morass, in which people are
frequently lost, it being more than a day’s journey across it. In the
afternoon we met a man and two women, with bundles of cotton cloth upon
their heads. They were going, they said, for Dentila, to purchase iron,
there being a great scarcity of that article on the Gambia. A little
before it was dark, we arrived at a village in the kingdom of Woolli,
called Seesukunda. Near this village there are great plenty of nitta
trees, and the slaves in passing along had collected large bunches of
the fruit; but such was the superstition of the inhabitants, that they
would not permit any of the fruit to be brought into the village. They
had been told, they said, that some catastrophe would happen to the
place, when people lived upon nittas, and neglected to cultivate corn.
June 2d. We departed from Seesukunda, and passed a number of villages,
at none of which was the coffle permitted to stop, although we
were all very much fatigued: it was four o’clock in the afternoon
before we reached Baraconda, where we rested one day. Departing from
Baraconda on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a few hours Medina,
the Capital of the King of Woolli’s dominions, from whom the reader
may recollect I received an hospitable reception in the beginning of
December, 1795, in my journey eastward.[25] I immediately inquired
concerning the health of my good old benefactor, and learnt with
great concern that he was dangerously ill. As Karfa would not allow
the coffle to stop, I could not present my respects to the king in
person; but I sent him word, by the officer to whom we paid customs,
that his prayers for my safety had not been unavailing. We continued
our route until sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little
to the westward of Kootakunda, and on the day following arrived at
Jindey; where, eighteen months before, I had parted from my friend
Dr. Laidley; an interval, during which I had not beheld the face of
a Christian nor once heard the delightful sound of my native language.
Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, from whence my
journey originally commenced, and learning that my friend Karfa was not
likely to meet with an immediate opportunity of selling his slaves on
the Gambia; it occurred to me to suggest to him, that he would find
it for his interest to leave them at Jindey, until a market should
offer. Karfa agreed with me in this opinion; and hired, from the chief
man of the town, huts for their accommodation, and a piece of land on
which to employ them, in raising corn, and other provisions for their
maintenance. With regard to himself, he declared that he would not
quit me until my departure from Africa. We set out accordingly, Karfa,
myself, and one of the Foulahs belonging to the coffle, early on the
morning of the 9th; but although I was now approaching the end of my
tedious and toilsome journey; and expected, in another day, to meet
with countrymen and friends, I could not part, for the last time, with
my unfortunate fellow-travellers, doomed, as I knew most of them to be,
to a life of captivity and slavery in a foreign land, without great
emotion. During a wearisome peregrination of more than five hundred
British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, these
poor slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would
commiserate mine; and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to
quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to prepare
me a bed in the Wilderness. We parted with reciprocal expressions of
regret and benediction. My good wishes and prayers were all I could
bestow upon them; and it afforded me some consolation to be told,
that they were sensible I had no more to give.
My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on the road, we reached
Tendacunda in the evening, and were hospitably received at the house of
an aged black female called Seniora Camilla, a person who had resided
many years at the English factory, and spoke our language. I was known
to her before I had left the Gambia, at the outset of my journey; but
my dress and figure were now so different from the usual appearance
of an European, that she was very excusable in mistaking me for a
Moor. When I told her my name and country, she surveyed me with great
astonishment, and seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony of
her senses. She assured me that none of the traders on the Gambia, ever
expected to see me again; having been informed long ago, that the Moors
of Ludamar had murdered me, as they had murdered Major Houghton. I
inquired for my two attendants, Johnson and Demba, and learnt, with
great sorrow, that neither of them was returned. Karfa, who had
never before heard people converse in English, listened to us with
great attention. Every thing he saw seemed wonderful. The furniture
of the house, the chairs, &c. and particularly beds with curtains,
were objects of his great admiration; and he asked me a thousand
questions concerning the utility and necessity of different articles;
to some of which I found it difficult to give satisfactory answers.
On the morning of the 10th, Mr. Robert Ainsley, having learnt that I
was at Tendacunda, came to meet me, and politely offered me the use
of his horse. He informed me that Dr. Laidley had removed all his
property to a place called Kaye, a little farther down the river,
and that he was then gone to Doomasansa with his vessel, to purchase
rice; but would return in a day or two. He therefore invited me to
stay with him at Pisania, until the Doctor’s return. I accepted
the invitation, and being accompanied by my friend Karfa, reached
Pisania about ten o’clock. Mr. Ainsley’s schooner was lying at
anchor before the place. This was the most surprising object which
Karfa had yet seen. He could not easily comprehend the use of the
masts, sails, and rigging; nor did he conceive that it was possible,
by any sort of contrivance, to make so large a body move forwards by
the common force of the wind. The manner of fastening together the
different planks which composed the vessel, and filling up the seams
so as to exclude the water, was perfectly new to him; and I found that
the schooner with her cable and anchor, kept Karfa in deep meditation
the greater part of the day.
About noon on the 12th, Dr. Laidley returned from Doomasansa, and
received me with great joy and satisfaction, as one risen from the
dead. Finding that the wearing apparel which I had left under his care
was not sold or sent to England, I lost no time in resuming the English
dress; and disrobing my chin of its venerable incumbrance. Karfa
surveyed me in my British apparel with great delight; but regretted
exceedingly that I had taken off my beard; the loss of which,
he said, had converted me from a man into a boy. Doctor Laidley
readily undertook to discharge all the pecuniary engagements which
I had entered into since my departure from the Gambia, and took my
draft upon the Association for the amount. My agreement with Karfa
(as I have already related), was to pay him the value of one prime
slave; for which I had given him my bill upon Dr. Laidley, before
we departed from Kamalia: for, in case of my death on the road,
I was unwilling that my benefactor should be a loser. But this good
creature had continued to manifest towards me so much kindness, that
I thought I made him but an inadequate recompence, when I told him
that he was now to receive double the sum I had originally promised;
and Dr. Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the goods to
that amount, whenever he thought proper to send for them. Karfa was
overpowered by this unexpected token of my gratitude, and still more
so, when he heard that I intended to send a handsome present to the
good old schoolmaster, Fankooma, at Malacotta. He promised to carry
up the goods along with his own, and Dr. Laidley assured him, that he
would exert himself in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the
best advantage, the moment a slave vessel should arrive. These, and
other instances of attention and kindness shewn him by Dr. Laidley,
were not lost upon Karfa. He would often say to me, “my journey
has indeed been prosperous!” But, observing the improved state
of our manufactures, and our manifest superiority in the arts of
civilized life, he would sometimes appear pensive, and exclaim with an
involuntary sigh, _fato fing inta feng_, “black men are nothing.”
At other times, he would ask me with great seriousness, what could
possibly have induced me, who was no trader, to think of exploring
so miserable a country as Africa? He meant by this to signify that,
after what I must have witnessed in my own country, nothing in Africa
could in his opinion deserve a moment’s attention. I have preserved
these little traits of character in this worthy Negro, not only from
regard to the man, but also because they appear to me to demonstrate
that he possessed a mind _above his condition_: and to such of my
readers as love to contemplate human nature in all its varieties,
and to trace its progress from rudeness to refinement, I hope the
account I have given of this poor African will not be unacceptable.
No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many months previous to my
return from the interior; and as the rainy season was now setting in, I
persuaded Karfa to return to his people at Jindey. He parted with me on
the 14th with great tenderness; but as I had little hopes of being able
to quit Africa for the remainder of the year, I told him, as the fact
was, that I expected to see him again before my departure. In this,
however, I was luckily disappointed; and my narrative now hastens to
its conclusion; for on the 15th, the ship Charles-Town, an American
vessel, commanded by Mr. Charles Harris, entered the river. She came
for slaves, intending to touch at Goree to fill up; and to proceed from
thence to South Carolina. As the European merchants on the Gambia,
had at this time a great many slaves on hand, they agreed with the
Captain to purchase the whole of his cargo, consisting chiefly of rum
and tobacco, and deliver him slaves to the amount, in the course of
two days. This afforded me such an opportunity of returning (though
by a circuitous route) to my native country, as I thought was not
to be neglected. I therefore immediately engaged my passage in this
vessel for America; and having taken leave of Dr. Laidley, to whose
kindness I was so largely indebted, and my other friends on the river,
I embarked at Kaye on the 17th day of June.
Our passage down the river was tedious and fatiguing; and the weather
was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, that before our arrival at Goree,
four of the seamen, the surgeon, and three of the slaves had died of
fevers. At Goree we were detained for want of provisions, until the
beginning of October.
The number of slaves received on board this vessel, both on the Gambia,
and at Goree, was one hundred and thirty; of whom about twenty-five
had been, I suppose, of free condition in Africa; as most of those,
being Bushreens, could write a little Arabic. Nine of them had become
captives in the religious war between Abdulkader and Damel, mentioned
in the latter part of the preceding Chapter. Two of the others had
seen me as I passed through Bondou, and many of them had heard of
me in the interior countries. My conversation with them, in their
native language, gave them great comfort; and as the surgeon was
dead, I consented to act in a medical capacity in his room for the
remainder of the voyage. They had in truth need of every consolation
in my power to bestow; not that I observed any wanton acts of cruelty
practised either by the master, or the seamen, towards them; but the
mode of confining and securing Negroes in the American slave ships,
(owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews,) being abundantly more
rigid and severe than in British vessels employed in the same traffic,
made these poor creatures to suffer greatly, and a general sickness
prevailed amongst them. Besides the three who died on the Gambia,
and six or eight while we remained at Goree, eleven perished at sea,
and many of the survivors were reduced to a very weak and emaciated
condition.
In the midst of these distresses, the vessel, after having been
three weeks at sea, became so extremely leaky, as to require
constant exertion at the pumps. It was found necessary, therefore,
to take some of the ablest of the Negro men out of irons, and employ
them in this labour; in which they were often worked beyond their
strength. This produced a complication of miseries not easily to be
described. We were, however, relieved much sooner than I expected;
for the leak continuing to gain upon us, notwithstanding our utmost
exertions to clear the vessel, the seamen insisted on bearing away
for the West Indies, as affording the only chance of saving our
lives. Accordingly, after some objections on the part of the master,
we directed our course for Antigua, and fortunately made that island
in about thirty-five days after our departure from Goree. Yet even
at this juncture we narrowly escaped destruction; for on approaching
the north-west side of the island, we struck on the Diamond Rock,
and got into St. John’s harbour with great difficulty. The vessel
was afterwards condemned as unfit for sea, and the slaves, as I have
heard, were ordered to be sold for the benefit of the owners.
At this island I remained ten days; when the Chesterfield Packet,
homeward bound from the Leeward Islands, touching at St. John’s for
the Antigua mail, I took my passage in that vessel. We sailed on the
24th of November; and, after a short but tempestuous voyage, arrived
at Falmouth on the 22d of December: from whence I immediately set out
for London; having been absent from England two years and seven months.
THE END.
[Footnote 25: Vide p. 34.]
A VOCABULARY
OF THE
MANDINGO LANGUAGE.
* * * * *
Above, _santo_.
Absent, _inteegee_; (_literally_, “not here.”)
Abuse, _v. anenni_.
Add, _akeejee_.
Afraid, _silantee_.
Afternoon, _oora_.
Air, _fonio_.
Alike, _beakillin_.
Alive, _a beegee_, (is here.)
All, _bea_.
Always, _toomotoma_.
And, _ning_.
Angry, _jusu bota_; (_literally_, “the heart comes out.”)
Angel, _melika_.
Arm, _boulla_; (the same for _hand_.)
Arrived, _footăta_.
Arrow, _binni_.
Ascend, _silli_.
Asleep, _sinouta_.
Assist, _maquoi_.
Axe, _terang_.
Back, _ko_.
Bad, _jou_.
Bag, _bota_.
Barter, _v. fallan_.
Bastard, _janka ding_; (_literally_, “nobody’s child.”)
Beads, _connoo_.
Beard, _bora_.
Beat, _v. agossi_.
Bees, _leekissi_.
Bed, _larong_.
Beer, _dolo_; (the same for strong liquor of any kind.)
Before, _neata_; (“within sight.”)
Behind, _kofi_.
Belly, _konno_.
Big, _awarata_.
Bind or tie, _aseeti_.
Bird, _cono_.
Bite, _v. keeng_.
Black, _fing_.
Blood, _jollie_.
Blue, _fingma_; (blackish.)
Boil, _v. fagee_.
Bone, _cooloo_.
Book, _kittāba_.
Borrow, _la_.
Bottom, _joo_.
Bow, _kalla_.
Boy, _kea ding_; (_literally_, “male child”.)
Brave, _fattee_.
Bread, _munko_.
Break, _v. affāra_; (the same word signifies “to kill” or
“to destroy.”)
Breasts, _sonjoo_.
Bring, _insambo_.
Brother, _ba-ding-kea_; (_literally_ “mother’s male child.”)
Burn, _v. agēni_.
Buy (or sell), _saun_.
Call, _v. akilli_.
Carry, _asāmbo_.
Cat, _neancon_.
Catch, _v. amuta_.
Chest or coffer, _koonio_.
Child, _ding_; (if very young, _dingding_)
Cloth, _fauno_.
Cold, _ninno_.
Come, _na_.
Coming _abenāli_.
Completely, _betiki_.
Cook, _v. tabbee_.
Corn, _neo_.
Country, _doo_.
Cow, _nessee moosa_.
Crowd, _n. setima_.
Cry, _v. akumbo_.
Cunning, _n. a. kissee_.
Cut, _v. tegi_.
Danger, _torro_.
Dark, _dibbie_.
Daughter, _ding moosa_; (_literally “female child.”_)
Day, _teelee_.
Dead, _asāta_.
Deep, _adoonta_.
Desist, _attoo_.
Dew, _combi_.
Die, _v. sa_.
Dirt, _no_.
Disease, _jankra_.
Dispute, _degama_.
Dog, _woola_.
Door, _da_; (this is a word of very extensive use, being applied
to whatever opens and shuts.)
Down, _ad. dooma_.
Dream, _v. sibota_.
Dream, _n. s. sibo_.
Drink, _v. ameen_.
Dry, (arid) _ajāta_.
Ear, _toola_.
Earth, (soil) _banko_.
Earth, (globe) _banko kang_.
East, _teelee bo_; (“sunrise.”)
Eat, _adummo_.
Elephant, _samma_.
Empty, _fing tigee_; (“nothing here.”)
Enough, _keyento_.
Entertain, (a guest) _fanda_.
Expert, _cumering_; (“active, clever, &c.”)
Eye, _nea_.
Face, (the same as for the eye.)
Fall, _v. bui_.
Far off, _jangfata_.
Fast, _v. soong_.
Fat, _keng_.
Father, _fa_.
Fear, _v. seelan_.
Feather, _tee_; (it signifies also _hair_ and _wool_.)
Female, _moosa_.
Fever, _candea_.
Few, _do_.
Fight _v. akilli_.
Fill, _afundi_.
Finger, _boulla konding_.
Fire, _deemba_.
Fish, _yeo_.
Flesh, _sooboo_.
Food, _kinnee_.
Fool, _fooring_.
Foot, _sing_; (signifies also “the leg.”)
Forget, _neānata_.
Free, _horea_.
Fresh, _kinde_ (signifies also, _healthy_).
Friend, _barrio_.
Fruit, _eree ding_; (“child of the tree.”)
Full, _affāta_.
Give, _insong_.
Glad, _lāta_.
Go, _v. ta_.
God, _alla_.
Gold, _sanoo_.
Good, _bettie_.
Great, _baa_.
Grass, _bing_.
Gray, _aqueta_.
Guard, _v. tenkoong_.
Half, _tella_.
Handsome, _aniniāta_.
Hang up, _deng_.
Hate, _v. akoong_.
He, _etti_.
Head, _koon_.
Hear, _moi_.
Heart, _jusu_.
Heaven, _santo_; (the Mahomedan Negroes commonly say, _il jinna_.)
Heavy, _acooliata_.
Hell, _johaniba_.
Hen, _soosee moosa_.
Herb, _jambo_.
Here, _jang_.
Hide, _n. goolo_.
Hill, _konko_.
Hog, _lea_.
Hole, _dinka_.
Honey, _lee_.
Horn, _bini_.
Horse, _soo_.
Hot, _candiāta_.
House, _boong_.
Hungry, _konkola_.
I, _inta_.
Idle, _nare_.
Increase, _aboonia_.
Industrious, _sayāta_.
Interpret, _konno sor_; (literally, _to pierce the belly_.)
Iron, _nega_.
Island, _jouio_.
Jump, _v. soun_.
Kill, _affāra_.
King, _mansa_.
Knife, _mooro_.
Know, _alla_.
Lamp, _fitina_.
Laugh, _v. jilli_.
Lend, _infoo_.
Lie (down), _v. la jang_.
Lie (falsity) _fonio_.
Lift, _achicka_.
Lightning, _sanfata_.
Lion, _jatta_; (in the interior countries, _wara_.)
Little, _miessa_.
Long, _jang_.
Look, _v. affille_.
Lose, _afeele_.
Lost, _affeeleeta_.
Love, _v. konie_.
Make, _v. dada_.
Male, _kea_.
Man (homo) _mo_.
Man (vir) _fato_.
Many, _sitimata_.
Market, _loe_.
Master, _marree_.
Mat, _basso_.
Meet, _v. beng_.
Middle, _taima_.
Milk, _nunno_.
Milk, _v. beetee_.
Mine, _pr. talem_.
Money, _naphula_; (it signifies also _merchandize_, or any _effects
of value_.)
Month, _korro_; (the same word signifies _the moon_.)
Morning, _somo_.
Mother, _ba_.
Mouth, _da_.
Narrative, _dentigi_.
Name, _atto_.
Near (nigh), _mun jang_; (not far.)
Neck, _kang_.
Never, _abada_.
Night, _sooton_.
No, _inta_; (literally, _is not_.)
Noon, _teelee kooniata_; (literally, the _sun over head_.)
North, _saheel_.
Nose, _noong_.
Now, _seng_.
Oil, _toulou_.
Obtain, _sutto_.
Old, _accottata_.
Only, _kinsing_.
Open, _v. yelli_.
Out of, _banta_.
Pain, _deeming_.
Paper, _coitoo_.
Pass, _v. tambi_.
Past, _atambita_; (gone by.)
Pay, _v. jo_.
Pen, _kalla_.
People, _molo_.
Pierce, _sor_.
Pity, _v. dimi_.
Pleasure, _di_.
Pleasant, _adiāta_.
Plenty, _asiāta_.
Poor, _doiāta_.
Present (gift), _boonia_.
Promise, _v. moindee_.
Proud, _telingabalia_; (literally, _strait bodied_.)
Pull, _asabba_.
Push, _āneury_.
Put down, _alondi_.
Quarrel, _quiāta_.
Quick, _catăba_.
Quiet, _dea_.
Quiver, _n. s. toong_.
Rain, _sangee_; (literally, _water from above_.)
Rat, _nīnee_.
Read, _akarra_.
Red, _woolima_.
Release, _affering_; (untie.)
Rest, _lo_.
Restore, _serrat_.
Return, _v. n. ascita_.
Ripe, _mota_.
Rise, _v. wooli_.
River, _ba_; (the same as for _mother_.)
Road, _seelo_.
Rob, _boitāca_.
Rock, _kooro_.
Rope, _julie_.
Rotten, _accorata_.
Row, _v. ajah_.
Run, _boorie_.
Sad, _doi_.
Safe, _torro inteege_; (literally, _no danger_.)
Salt, _ko_.
Sand, _kini kini_.
Sandals, _samata_.
Say, _affo_.
Sea, _babagee_.
Seat, _serong_.
See, _eāgee_.
Send, _kee_.
Separate, _atulla_.
Shake, _jiggi jiggi_.
Shame, _māla_.
Shew, _aita_.
Ship, _caloon_.
Short, _sutta_.
Shut, _tou_.
Sick, _mun kinde_.
Side, _carra_.
Silent, _dering_.
Silver, _cody_.
Sing, _jilli_; (the same _to dance_.)
Sister, _ba ding moosa_; (mother’s female child.)
Sit, _see_.
Sky, _sang_.
Slave, _jong_.
Sleep, _v. sinoo_.
Smell, _v. soomboola_.
Smoke, _seisee_.
Snake, _sau_.
Something, _fenke_.
Son, _ding kea_; (male child.)
Soon, _sang sang_; (now now.)
Sour, _accoomiata_.
South, _boulla ba_; (literally, _the right hand_.)
Speak, _akummo_.
Spear, _tamba_.
Spin, _v. a. worondi_.
Spoon, _dosa_.
Star, _lolo_.
Steal, _soonia_.
Stink, _v. n. kassa_.
Stone, _birro_
Stop, _munia_.
Stranger, _leuntōng_.
Strike, _abooti_.
Sun, _teelee_.
Swear, _kolli_.
Sweet, _teemiāta_.
Swell, _foonoo_.
Swim, _noo_.
Sword, _fong_.
Tail, _finnio_.
Thief, _soon_.
Thin, _feata_; (slender.)
Think, _meira_.
Thirst, _mindo_.
Thread, _bori_.
Throw, _fy_.
Thunder, _sangfata_. (In contradistinction to lightning, it is
_Kallam Alla_ (Arab.) “the voice of God.”)
Tie, _v. asseetee_.
To-day, _bee_.
To-morrow, _sinny_.
Tongue, _ning_.
Touch, _v. ma_.
Town, _kunda_.
Trade, _v. feeree_.
Tree, _eree_.
True, _tonia_.
Trust, _v. la_.
Turn, _aelima_.
Understand, _moi_.
Until, _hāning_.
Walk, _tāma_.
War, _killi_.
Wash, _v. coo_.
Water, _gee_.
Weary, _umbatata_.
Weep, _akussi_.
Weigh, _simang_.
Well, _n. a. awa_.
Well, _n. s. cullong_.
West, _teelee gee_.
Wet, _sinunta_.
What, _mun_.
Where, _minto_.
White, _qui_.
Who, _jema_.
Why, _munkang_.
Wind, _n. funnio_.
Wolf, _soolo_.
Woman, _moosa_.
Wilderness, _woolla_.
Yes, _awa_.
Yesterday, _koona_.
You, _eeta_, when simply pronounced; when joined to any other word,
it is _ee_.
Young, _juna_.
* * * * *
_The following_ QUESTIONS _and_ ANSWERS _may be useful in the
West Indies._
Do you understand Mandingo? _ee Mandingo kummo moi?_
I understand it, _ya moi_.
I do not understand you, _ma moi_.
Come hither, _nā nā re_.
Is your Father or Mother living? _ee fā, ou ee bā abeegee?_
—— alive, _abeegee_.
—— dead, _asāta_.
Have you any brothers or sisters? _ee bā ding abeegee?_
Where are they? _biminto?_
Are they in Africa? _abbe fato fing doo?_
Are they on board the ship? _abbe Tobaubo Caloon o konno?_
Point them out _aitanna_.
What is the matter with you? _mun bela?_
Are you in health? _ko ee kinde?_
I am sick. _mun kinde_.
Shew me your tongue. _ee ning aitanna_.
Give me your hand. _ee boulla adima_.
Are you hungry? _konkolabinna?_
I am hungry. _konkolabinna_.
Are you thirsty? _mindolabinna?_
I am thirsty. _the same word repeated_.
I am not hungry. _konko inteegee_.
I am not thirsty. _mindo inteegee_.
Does your head ach? _ee koon bideemina?_
It does ach. _bideemina_.
It does not ach. _intadeeming_.
Does your stomach pain you? _ee konno bideemina?_
Do you sleep well? _ko ee sinoo betiki?_
Are you feverish? _acandeata?_
Do not be afraid. _kanna seelan_.
There is no danger. _torro inteegee_.
Drink this medicine. _ning borri ameen_.
It will do you good. _aee kissi_.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS
OF
MR. PARK’S JOURNEY.
BY
MAJOR RENNELL.
* * * * *
[Illustration: A MAP, _shewing the_ Progress _of DISCOVERY_ &
_IMPROVEMENT, in the_ GEOGRAPHY _of NORTH_ AFRICA: _Compiled by_
J. Rennell. _1798_.
_J. Walker Sculp._
_Published according to Act of Parliament by James Rennell May
25th. 1798._]
GEOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS.
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
_Concerning the Ideas entertained by the Ancient Geographers, as
well as the Moderns, down to the Times of Delisle and D’Anville,
respecting the Course of the River Niger._
The late journey of Mr. PARK, into the interior of WESTERN AFRICA, has
brought to our knowledge more important facts respecting its Geography
(both _moral_ and _physical_), than have been collected by any former
traveller. By pointing out to us the positions of the sources of the
great rivers SENEGAL, GAMBIA, and NIGER,[26] we are instructed where
to look for the elevated parts of the country; and even for the _most
elevated_ point in the western quarter of Africa, by the place from
whence the Niger and Gambia turn in opposite directions to the east
and west. We are taught, moreover, the common boundary of the desert
and fruitful parts of the country, and of the MOORS and NEGROES;
which latter is the more interesting, as it may be termed a boundary
in _moral_ geography; from the opposite qualities of mind, as well
as of body, of the Moors and Negroes: for that physical geography
gives rise to habits, which often determine national character,
must be allowed by every person, who is a diligent observer of mankind.
It must be acknowledged, that the absolute extent of Mr. Park’s
progress in Africa, compared with the amazing size of that continent,
appears but small, although it be nearly 1100 British miles in a
direct line, reckoned from its western extremity, Cape Verd. But
considered in itself, it is no inconsiderable line of travel; being
more extensive than the usual southern tour of Europe.
But moreover, it affords a triumph to the learned, in that it confirms
some points of fact, both of geography and natural history, which have
appeared in ancient authors, but to which our own want of knowledge
has denied credit. I allude more particularly to the _course_ of
the _Niger_, and the history of the _Lotophagi_. That the Greeks
and Romans, who had formed great establishments in Africa, and the
latter in particular, who had penetrated to the Niger[27] should
have had better opportunities of knowing the interior part of the
country, than we, who live at a distance from it, and possess only
a few scattered factories near the sea coast, is not to be wondered
at: but the proof of such facts should teach us to be less hasty in
decrying the authority of ancient authors; since the fault may arise
from a want of comprehension on our parts, or from an assumption of
false principles on theirs.
Few geographical facts have been more questioned in modern times, than
the course of the great inland river of Africa, generally understood
by the name of NIGER; some describing it to run to the _west_,
others to the _east_; but of these opinions, I believe the former
has been espoused by the most numerous party, by far.[28] Although
Mr. Park’s authority, founded on ocular demonstration, sets this
question _for ever_ at rest, by determining the course of the river
to be from _west_ to _east_, as Major Houghton’s information had
previously induced a belief of, yet it may not be amiss to trace the
history of the opinions, concerning the course of this celebrated
river, from the earliest date of profane history.
HERODOTUS,[29] more than twenty-two centuries ago, describes,
from the information of the Africans, a great river of Africa,
far removed to the south of the Great Desert, and abounding with
crocodiles. That it flowed from _west_ to _east_, dividing _Africa_,
in like manner as the Danube does _Europe_. That the people from the
borders of the Mediterranean, who made the discovery, were carried
to a great city on the banks of the river in question; and that the
people of this quarter were _black_; that is, much blacker than their
visitors. Our author, indeed, took this river to be the remote branch
of the Egyptian Nile, and reasons on the circumstance, accordingly:
but even this argument serves to express in a more forcible manner,
the supposed direction of its course.
PLINY also believed that the _Nile_ came from the west; but he is
far from identifying it with the _Niger_, which he describes as a
distinct river. But we have at least his negative opinion respecting
its western course; for he speaks of the _Bambotus_ river as running
into the Western ocean; meaning to express by it either the Gambia
or Senegal river, and not the Niger.[30]
PTOLEMY is positive in describing the Niger as a separate stream
from the Senegal and Gambia, which two rivers are designed by him
under the names of _Daradus_ and _Stachir_; and they are by no
means ill expressed; falling into the sea on different sides of the
_Arsinarium_ promontory, or Cape Verd.[31] The Niger of Ptolemy is
made to extend from west to east, over half the breadth of Africa,
between the Atlantic ocean, and the course of the Nile.
These may suffice for the ancient authorities, which in very early
times fixed the course of the Niger in the systems of geography, to be
_from west to east_. Who it was that first led the way, in the opposite
opinion, I know not; but we find EDRISI, in the twelfth century,
not only conducting the _Nile of the Negroes_, or Niger, _westward_,
and into the _Atlantic_, but also _deriving_ it from the _Egyptian_
Nile; which is diametrically opposite to the opinion of Herodotus.
Such an opinion marks the very imperfect state of his knowledge of
African geography; and should induce a degree of caution in receiving
other opinions of the same author, where they rest absolutely on his
own authority. It is very probable that the waters which collect on
the _west_ of _Nubia_, may _run to the west_, and be lost in lakes:
and it is possible, though very improbable, that a branch of the
Nile may take the same course: but fortified by the present state of
our knowledge, we may certainly pronounce the general scope of the
intelligence communicated by Edrisi, respecting the course of the
Niger, to be erroneous.
I conceive, however, that his error may easily be accounted for, in
this way. He was probably told, that the waters on the west of Nubia,
&c. ran to the westward. He also knew that a great river (the Senegal)
discharged itself into the Atlantic, nearly in the same parallel; and
moreover, that a great river, whose _line of direction_ lay between
the _east_ and _west_, and between Nubia and the just mentioned
_embouchure_, watered a very extensive tract, in the midland part
of Africa. Now, what so natural (admitting the fact of the western
waters from Nubia, and which I trust, I shall go near to prove in
the sequel) as to suppose, when he had found a _head_, and a _tail_
of a great river, together with a long extent of course of a river
between them, that they were parts of each other? It must also be
taken into the account, that he supposed the continent of Africa to
be about 1000 miles narrower than it really is, in the line between
Nubia and the mouth of the Senegal.
ABULFEDA followed Edrisi in the same opinion, respecting the Niger;
which he calls a _twin_ river with that of Egypt. He also calls
it the _Nile of Gana_. Abulfeda also knew, and has described, the
general form of the continent of Africa: and, of course knew that it
was surrounded by the sea.[32] But his descriptions are limited to
the north and north-east parts. He wrote in the fourteenth century.
It was Edrisi, probably, who influenced and determined the opinions
of the moderns, respecting this question. An author, long supposed
to be of the same region with that which he describes,[33] and
who had entered more into the _detail_ of the African geography,
than any other, would, according to the usual mode of decision, on
such pretensions, be preferred to those who went before him, and had
treated the subject in a more general way. Mankind had no criterion
by which to judge of the truth.
Since then the Arabian geographer, who had written the most extensively
on the subject, had conducted the Niger into the Atlantic, we cannot
wonder that the early Portuguese discoverers, who doubtless learnt
from the Arabian authors the particulars of African geography, should
adopt the same idea; and that they should regard the _Senegal_ river
as the _Niger_; as we find it, in the histories of their discoveries
in the fifteenth century. The Portuguese, who at this period took the
lead, in matters of navigation and discovery, might well be expected
to set the fashion, in what related to African geography. So that in
despite of Ptolemy, and of the ancients in general, the great inland
river of Africa was described to run _to_ the _west_; and to form
the head of the Senegal river. Nay more, it was at last supposed to
be the _parent stock_ of all the great _western_ rivers of Africa.
Sanuto, whose Geography of Africa, is dated 1588, describes one branch
of the Niger to be the _Rio Grande_, the other the river of _Sestos_;
regarding the Senegal as a different river.
M. DELISLE’s map of Africa (1707) gives the Niger a direct course
through Africa, from _Bornou_, in the east, and terminating in the
river of Senegal on the west. But in his maps of 1722 and 1727, this
was corrected: the source of the Senegal was placed at a shallow lake
named _Maberia_, between the 14th and 15th degrees of longitude east
of Cape Verd; and in latitude 12°; whilst the river of TOMBUCTOO,
named _Guien_, was described to issue from another lake, in the same
neighbourhood, and to flow _towards_ Bornou, where it terminated in
a third lake.
The cause of this change, may be easily traced, in the intelligence
collected by the French traders and settlers in GALLAM:[34] the
substance of which is to be found in Labat’s collection, published
in 1728; although the detail differs in some points. He says,
Vol. ii. p. 161, _et seq._ that the MANDINGA merchants report that
the Niger (by which he always means the Senegal river) springs from
the lake Maberia, whose situation could not be ascertained. That the
Gambia river was a branch of the Niger; separating from it at Baracota
(a position also unknown) and that it passed through a marshy lake,
in its way to _Baraconda_; where the English and Portuguese had
settlements. That the Niger, at a point below Baracota, sent forth
another branch, namely the _Falemé_ river; which encompassed the
country of _Bambouk_, and afterwards joined the _Niger_ in the country
of _Gallam_. And finally, that the same Niger, by its separation into
two branches, formed a very considerable island above Kasson. It may
be remarked, that a belief of these circumstances, manifests a gross
state of ignorance respecting the interior of the country; since
such derivations from rivers, are found only in _alluvial_ tracts:
and it happens, that scarcely any levels vary more than those, through
which the rivers in question pass; as will appear in the sequel.
They likewise report (p. 163) that on the east of the lake Maberia
lies the kingdom of _Guinbala_; within which, is the river of _Guien_,
which passes near the city of Tombuctoo. Again (Vol. iii. p. 361 to
364) it is said that Tombuctoo is not situated on the bank of the
Niger, but at about 6 leagues inland from it: and that in passing
to it, from Gallam (which is reported to be a journey of thirty-two
days only), they go through Timbi, five journies short of Tombuctoo;
where they leave the bank of the river, to avoid too great a _detour_.
Labat does not state in positive terms that the Niger or river of
Senegal affords a continuous navigation, from the falls of Govinea
(above Gallam) to Tombuctoo: but that he believed it, is strongly
implied, by what appears afterwards, in p. 367, 368; that is, a
project of a trade to Tombuctoo; “by keeping an establishment of
vessels above the falls; which vessels might ascend the Niger to a
point opposite to Tombuctoo, thereby saving the great expence and
fatigue of a land journey.”
Here then, we trace the idea of the lake of Maberia, the supposed head
of the Niger; and the river of Tombuctoo, under the name of Guien;
and moreover, (although these are not expressly said to communicate)
a continued navigation from Gallam to Tombuctoo. But it must surely
have struck those on the spot, to inquire whether any boats ever
descended from Tombuctoo to the falls of Govinea?
It is certain that Delisle, (as well as D’Anville, whose general
ideas are much the same, in this particular[35]) regards the river
Guien, as having no communication with the lake Maberia, but makes it
flow from a different lake, at no great distance to the northward: so
that these geographers so far understood the matter right; and denied
the practicability of a continuous navigation to Tombuctoo: but then,
they erred very greatly in placing the head of the Senegal, either so
remotely, or in the eastern quarter; since it rises in the south-east.
We must regard the geography of M. D’Anville, as the most perfect
of all, previous to the inquiries made by the AFRICAN ASSOCIATION. The
researches made under the direction of this Association, have already
established on record, from the reports of Major Houghton, and of
Mr. Magra, although in a vague way, the general position of the
sources of the Joliba, or Niger, in or near the country of Manding;
as well as its easterly or north-easterly course, towards Tombuctoo;
the position of Bammakoo, situated near the highest navigable point of
its course; of Sego, and Jenné, along its banks; the separation of its
waters, into two channels, in the quarter of Tombuctoo; together with
a vague idea of the position of that city itself. It will be shewn,
in the sequel, that Mr. Park’s observations do not contradict, but
establish these positions; drawing them out of the obscurity in which,
by the very nature of the information, they were necessarily involved;
and fixing, in some degree of just relative position and proportion,
those particulars which before remained at large, considered in a
geographical sense.
Concerning the errors of former geographers, they are more easily
detected than the _causes_ of them. They must, however, be ascribed,
partly to the ignorance of the African merchants; but, in all
probability, in a much greater part, to the want of understanding each
other’s language; a defect that has led to many errors, that are
oftentimes charged to the account of wilful falsehood, or, at least,
to an indifference to the cause of truth.
I can easily conceive that the caravan merchants, in passing
from Tombuctoo to Gallam (or the contrary), might have _deceived
themselves_ into a belief, that the principal rivers which they had
either crossed or skirted in their way, might communicate with each
other: for it appears clearly, by Mr. Park’s observations, that the
eastern branch of the Senegal, and the western branch of the Joliba,
approach very near to each other, in the early part of their courses;
so that, during the whole journey, the merchants might never be farther
distant from _a river_ to the southward of them, than a few journies.
As to the story, so long credited, of the Niger being the parent river,
from whence all the western rivers were derived, we may remark,
that ignorance, in every country through which large rivers take
their course, is very ready to derive them _all_ from _one source_;
and that source very probably, a _lake_. Within our own times, the
_Burrampooter_ and _Ava_ rivers were thus described in the maps. Pliny
reports, that the Euphrates and Tigris are united in Armenia, by the
medium of a lake:[36] and Edrisi, as we have seen, derived the Nile
and Niger, from one and the same lake.[37]
It will appear that the lake Maberia, taken by D’Anville and Delisle
for the head of the Senegal river, or that which runs to the _west_,
is meant for no other than the lake of _Dibbie_, formed by the river
Joliba, or that which runs to the _east_, and which Mr. Park’s
inquiries have brought to our knowledge. Again, we recognize the
river Guien, or Guin, of Labat, of D’Anville, and of Delisle, in the
northern branch of the same Joliba, issuing out of the lake Dibbie;
and which, together with the southern branch from the same lake, forms
an island, reported to be 90 or 100 miles in length, named Jinbala
by Mr. Park. There is a town on the side of the northern branch, also
named Jinbala; but whether the island may take its name from this town,
or from the river, whose _proper name_, from about this point, seems
to be _Guin_, or _Jin_, I know not. M. D’Anville has described,
in this position, the country of Guinbala, subject to Tonka Quata:
the same who is said by Labat to be sovereign of the country which
contains the lake of Maberia, and the river of Guien.[38]
Here, then, we have an explication of the error of those, who, from
the supposed information of the Mandinga merchants, supposed the lake
Maberia (answering to the Dibbie of Park), to form the source of
the Senegal river; and who took the river of Guin, or Jinbala, for
a distinct river, instead of a branch, issuing from that lake. The
Mandingas might very truly have informed the French settlers, that
the lake Maberia, and the rivers Joliba and Guin would convey them
to Tombuctoo; but did they say also, that the river of Senegal would
convey them to the lake Maberia? The French merchants, perhaps, taking
for granted that the navigation was continuous, might never inquire
whether their informants were speaking of _one_ or of _two_ rivers:
and the others might at the same time be speaking of _two_ distinct
rivers, and be ignorant of the prepossessions of their inquirers!
It may be added, that, whether from the difficulties that grew out of
the subject, when the geographical documents came to be analyzed, or
whether it was from actual information, both Delisle and D’Anville
describe _two_ lakes, near each other; one at the supposed head
of the Senegal river, the other at that of the Tombuctoo river. I
think it most probable, that it was occasioned by the want of their
being made to comprehend, that the waters ran _eastward to_, and not
_westward from_ the lake Maberia; so that when they were told that
the Tombuctoo river issued from a lake, they concluded it must be a
different one from that at the head of the Senegal. Certain it is,
however, that these geographers believed, that the waters ran to the
_west_, from this lake.
I have now brought to a conclusion, what was meant to be said on the
subject of the descriptions, and mistakes, of former geographers; in
the course of which it may be observed, that a period of twenty-two
centuries has brought matters round again to the same point. And
having thus cleared the ground, I next proceed to the more important
part of the subject, the proper discoveries of Mr. Park.
[Footnote 26: I here use the word NIGER, as being the best understood
by Europeans; but the proper name of this river in the country seems
to be _Guin_ or _Jin_. (Hartmann’s Edrisi, p. 32. 48. 51.) At the
same time, it is more commonly designed by the term JOLIBA, meaning
the _Great Water_, or great river. In like manner, the GANGES has
two names, _Padda_, the proper name; _Gonga_, the great river.
The Moors and Arabs call it NEEL ABEED, the _River of Slaves_;
but they have also a name to express the great water, that is, NEEL
KIBBEER. _Neel_ appears to be employed in Africa, as _Gonga_ in India,
to express any great river.
By _Niger_, the ancients meant merely to express the River of the
Black People, or _Ethiopians_. The term was Roman: for the Greeks
believed it to be the head, or a branch, of the _Egyptian Nile_.]
[Footnote 27: Pliny, lib. v. c. 4.]
[Footnote 28: M. J. Lalande, almost at the moment of Mr. Park’s
investigation, has determined its course to be to the west;
notwithstanding the forcible reasoning of his countryman
D’Anville. (Mémoire sur l’Intérieur de l’Afrique.) Mr. Bruce
was of the same opinion. Vol. iii. p. 720. 724.]
[Footnote 29: Euterpe, c. 32.]
[Footnote 30: Lib. v. c. 9.]
[Footnote 31: Probably a corruption of _Senhagi_; or _Assenhagi_, as
the early Portuguese discoverers write it. These were a great tribe.]
[Footnote 32: This was previous to the Portuguese discoveries.]
[Footnote 33: He was commonly called the _Nubian_ Geographer.]
[Footnote 34: Gallam is one of the names of the country in which Fort
St. Joseph is situated; and is often applied to the settlement itself.]
[Footnote 35: D’Anville differs from Delisle in extending very
greatly, the distance between Gallam and Tombuctoo; and by representing
the Maberia lake, as one source alone, and that the least distant,
of those of the river Senegal.]
[Footnote 36: Pliny, lib. vi. c. 27.]
[Footnote 37: Thomson believed it. After speaking of the Nile,
he says,—
His _brother Niger_ too, and all the floods
In which the full-form’d maids of Afric lave
Their jetty limbs.------
_Summer_, 811.
]
[Footnote 38: Labat, Vol. ii. p. 161. 163. and iii, p. 361.]
CHAPTER II.
_Concerning the Geographical Discoveries of Mr. Park._
Since the scope and design of Mr. Park’s routes have been already
set forth in the beginning of the present work, it would be useless
to say more on that head; and as the particular map of his progress
will explain the relative circumstances of the Geography, nothing more
will be necessary, than to call the attention of the reader to such
particulars as may not readily occur to him on inspection of the Map;
or which, from their nature, cannot well be inserted in it.
The discoveries of this gentleman (as has been said before), give a
new face to the _physical_ geography of _Western_ Africa. They prove,
by the courses of the great rivers, and from other notices, that a belt
of mountains, which extends from west to east, occupies the parallels
between 10 and 11 degrees of north latitude, and at least between the
2d and 10th degrees of west longitude (from Greenwich). This belt,
moreover, other authorities extend some degrees still farther to
the west and south, in different branches, and apparently of less
height. One of these, follows the upper part of the Gambia river;
another the Rio Grande, to a low point of its course; and a third
appears to shut up the western coast of Guinea.[39] Accordingly,
this chain approaches much nearer to the equatorial parts of Africa,
than was before supposed; and thus we are enabled to understand fully
what Abulfeda[40] meant, when he said, that after the continent of
Africa has extended southward[41] from the Strait of Gibraltar, to the
neighbourhood of the Equator, it turns to the east, _passing at the
back of the mountains of Komri_, which give rise to the _Nile_.[42] The
mountains in question, then, ought to be those intended by Abulfeda;
who by the name _Komri_, evidently meant to express the _Mountains_
of the _Moon_; from which Ptolemy derives the remote source of the
Nile.[43] As Abulfeda supposed the source of the Nile to be very far
to the south or south-west (in which I agree generally with him), this
chain may be supposed to pass onward from the abovementioned quarter,
to the _east_, and _south_ of _east_, shutting up Abyssinia on the
south. This, at least, seems the only way in which we can fairly
understand Abulfeda; in confirmation of whose description, _a part_
of the ridge has been actually found by Mr. Park.[44] According to Leo
(p. 249), the country of _Melli_ is bordered on the south by mountains;
and these must be nearly in the same parallel with the mountains of
_Kong_, seen by Mr. Park.
Mr. BEAUFOY was informed that the countries on the south and south-west
of the Niger, lying opposite to, and to the westward of, Kassina,
were also _mountainous_ and _woody_. In particular in the line
between Kassina and Assentai, the country is said to be formed of a
succession of hills, with woods of vast extent, and some mountains
of a _stupendous height_.[45]
As the source of the Nile is confessedly very far to the south of the
parallel of 10 degrees north, this chain of mountains, admitting it
to continue its general easterly course, must bend to the southward,
after it passes Kong and Melli, in order to pass _above_ the sources
of the Nile; the principal of which I conceive to be situated in the
country of DARFOOR.
The highest part of the portion of this chain, pointed out by
Mr. Park’s discoveries, is situated between the 5th and 9th
degrees of west longitude; for within this space are situated the
sources of the Gambia, which run to the west-north-west; of the
Senegal, running to the north-west; and of the Joliba (or Niger)
to the east-north-east.[46] There is, however, a general slope of
the country, extending to a great distance northward, formed by a
gradation of summits of lesser mountains and hills, as is shewn by
the early part of the courses of the rivers; in particular, that of
the Niger, which appears to run near 100 miles on a northerly course,
before it turns finally to the eastward.
A large portion of the tract bordering on the northern foot of the
mountains, from whence the branches of the Senegal river issue,
is covered with thick forests. Mr. Park’s track on his return
lay through these woods; one part of which is named the _Jallonka
Wilderness_, in which no habitations were seen during five days of
forced marching. The hardships endured, even by the _free_ men of
this caravan, almost exceed belief.[47]
The head of the principal branch of the Senegal river is about 80
geographical miles to the west of that of the Joliba; and the head of
the Gambia, is again, about 100 west of the Senegal. The branches of
the latter are very numerous, and intersect the country for about
200 miles from east to west, in the line of the caravan route:
and it was this circumstance that detained Mr. Park, during a great
part of the periodical rainy season, in Manding; a state of things,
perhaps little expected, in a country regarded _here_, as the most
thirsty on the globe.[48]
We may conclude that similar circumstances take place, with respect
to the Joliba; only that as its course is such as to intercept all
the streams that descend from the Kong mountains on the south, whilst
Mr. Park’s travels along it, were confined to the northern bank, he
had no opportunity of knowing it, any farther than by seeing various
openings on that side; and by being told that he could not possibly
_make his way_ there. No doubt, it receives some large streams also,
when its course diverges far enough from the mountains as to allow
the waters room to collect.
At the lowest point to which Mr. Park traced it, and which (although
about 420 British miles in direct distance from its source) could only
be reckoned the early part of its course, it was a very considerable
body of water; the largest, he says, that he had seen (in Africa,)
and it abounded with crocodiles. The rainy season was but just begun;
and the river might have been forded at Sego, where its bed expands
to a vast breadth. Still, however, we must not estimate the bulk of
the Niger, that _Niger_ which was in the contemplation of Pliny and
the Romans, by the measure of its bulk at Sego, and Silla.[49] If we
suppose it to be the same river which passes by Kassina (and we know
of no other), which place is 700 miles, or more, to the eastward
of Silla, it would doubtless receive by the way great additional
supplies of water, and be at least a much deeper river than where
Mr. Park saw it. And here it may not be amiss to remark, for the use
of those who are not conversant with the subject, that rivers make
the greatest display of their waters, in proportion to their bulk, at
a moderate distance from their sources; and are often wider _above_,
than _below_.[50]
There can be no doubt but that the _Joliba_, is a noble stream; and
the prince of the _western_ rivers of Africa, as the _Nile_ of the
_eastern_: but the African rivers, however, rank lower than those of
Asia and America.
Mr. Park judged that the Senegal river below the falls of _F’low_,
or _Félou_ (as Labat writes it), was about the bulk of the _Tweed_
at _Melross_, in summer. This was indeed, in the dry season; but as
the river does not begin to swell periodically till many months after
that, Mr. Park, did not of course see it, at its lowest pitch. And yet
this was the assemblage of all the principal branches of the river,
save the _Falemé_, which was itself about three feet deep at the same
season. But the Senegal is even fordable in some places _below_ the
conflux of the Falemé, according to Labat:[51] for the Moors cross
it in the dry season, and commit depredations on some of the lands
to the south. However, almost the whole of the towns and villages
are placed on the south side, with a view of being in security for
the longest possible term.
The Senegal river then, is by no means a very capital stream,
except in the rainy season; when, like all the other tropical rivers,
its bed is filled, and very commonly will not contain the additional
waters. Mr. Park observed by the mark of the highest point of swelling
of the river _Kokoro_ (or eastern branch of the Senegal), that it had
been twenty feet higher than when he crossed it, in the line of the
southern route. The _main_ branch of this river, the _Ba-fing_, or
Black River, was not fordable, and was crossed over a temporary bridge
of a very singular construction. Alligators, or crocodiles are found
in all these branches, at the height at which Mr. Park passed them.
The Falemé river has also a remote source, and drains a great extent
of country.
Concerning the Gambia Mr. Park had fewer notices. It is remarkable
that the position pointed out to him for the source of this river,
agrees very nearly with that found in Dr. Wadstrom’s map; from
notices collected from another quarter. This is very satisfactory. I
learn also from Dr. Afzelius that the distance across, between the
approximating parts of the courses of the Gambia and Rio Grande,
is four journies.
Mr. Park crossed in his way, six different streams that fall into
the Gambia from the north-east. Amongst these the principal one is
the Nerico, which flows from the quarter of Bondou; and is reckoned
the eastern boundary of a tract which the Africans of this region
style the Country of the _West_, expressed by that of the _setting
sun_. This tract is on a lower level than that to the east; is flat,
and the soil composed of clay and sand. It appears that the whole
tract through which Mr. Park _returned_ is covered with wood, cleared
only in certain inhabited spots (_Numidian fashion_): of which, the
great tract, named the Jallonka Wilderness, is composed of primeval
forests.[52]
The Bambara and Kaarta countries are also exceedingly woody, but less
so than the other tract; and the woods are of an inferior growth.
According to the ideas collected from Mr. Park’s observations,
the general levels of the countries, near the sources of the great
rivers are thus distributed:
Between the countries of Bondou and Neola on the west, Bambara
and Kaarta on the east, the country forms a very elevated level,
falling _rapidly_ to the eastward; but only _by degrees_, to the
westward: and narrowing in breadth, from 330 miles in the south (in
the line between Bambara and Neola) to the narrow space of 60 or 70
in the north, between Kaarta and Kajaaga; and probably diminishing to
nothing, as it advances into the _Great Desert_; thus forming a great
triangular space, whose vertex is on the north of the little kingdom of
Kasson. This vast upland tract is divided into other degrees of level,
of which the highest comprizes the eastern and largest part of the
whole. The eastern boundary of this particular level, is, of course,
that of the upper level, generally, in the part where it overlooks
Kaarta and Bambara: and its termination, in the opposite quarter, is at
a _great descent_, west of the principal branch of the Senegal river,
in Woradoo; from which place, the edge of it may be conceived to run
northward, to join _another descent_ of the same kind, which forms
the falls of _Govinea_, over which the great body of the Senegal river
is precipitated, from this _upper_ level, to the intermediate one.
The upper level contains the political divisions of Manding,
Jallonkadu, Fooladu, Kasson, Gadou, and some other smaller states. And
the second, or intermediate level, contains Bambouk, Konkadoo, Satadoo,
Dentila, and some others; and is bounded on the south-west, by the
great slope of country at Kirwanney, where the waters first begin to
flow towards the west. On the north-west it is bounded by the great
descent which forms the _second_ or _lower_ fall of the Senegal river,
named F’low. This fall is about 30 miles below Govinea, 48 above
Fort St. Joseph: and here the river being arrived at the lowest level
of the country, continues navigable with little interruption to the
sea.[53] The Falemé river of course, must run on a far lower level
than the other heads of the Senegal river.
The Gambia has a small impediment to its navigation at Baraconda, in
the country of Woolli; but although this is usually termed a _fall_,
Mr. Park was informed that it did not impede the passage of canoes:
so that it ought more properly to be termed a _rapide_, according
to the _American_ phrase; that is to say, a _slope_, down which the
water runs, with more than ordinary rapidity, but which does not,
however, totally impede the passage of canoes, or small boats.
The Joliba (Niger) descends from the high level of Manding, into
Bambara, on the eastward, with a rapid and furious course, at Bammakoo,
about 150 miles below its source; after which it glides smoothly along,
and affords an uninterrupted navigation to Houssa, and probably by
Kassina to Wangarah; by the two first of which places, a very large
and navigable stream does certainly pass, under the same name as is
applied by the Arabs and Moors to the Joliba, that is, Neel Abeed,
or River of Slaves: a name that marks the idea of the people of the
country through which it flows, in the minds of those people.
Mr. Watt was informed, when at _Teembo_, the capital of the FOULAH
kingdom, in 1794, that in the way from thence to Tombuctoo, (concerning
which his inquiries were pointed) a part of the road, lay along the
side of a _Great Water_, to which they came in about thirty days
from Teembo. There can be no question but that the _Great Water_ was
the _Joliba_ river; whose very name, as we have said, in the Manding
language literally imports the same meaning: or more properly, the
_Great River_. Some have concluded that the Foulahs intended by it a
great _inland sea_; but this is highly improbable, although there are,
no doubt, such in other quarters of Africa, which serve as receptacles
for those rivers which do not reach the sea. But, in the present case,
the distance itself points to the Joliba; for, a month’s journey
from Teembo, would reach beyond Yamina, but fall short of Sego: and we
are told from the same authority, that in order to go to Tombuctoo,
they pass through the countries of Beliah, Bowriah, Manda, Sego,
&c. Beliah, we know not the situation of, but may conceive it to lie
on the north-east, or east-north-east of Teembo; because Mr. Park
points out Bowriah, under the name of Boori, adjacent to Manding,
which is obviously recognized in the Manda of Mr. Watt: and Sego,
there can be no doubt about. What is farther said concerning the
great breadth of the water, may either apply to the lake Dibbie,
or may be African hyperbole. The sense appears clear enough.
I have extracted in a note, the intelligence concerning the Great
Water: and also that, concerning the _Nyalas_. Mr. Park has also
heard of the _Nyalas_, or _Gaungays_, but is clearly of opinion that
the interpreter of Mr. Watt, either misunderstood the story, or was
himself misinformed.[54]
[Footnote 39: Meaning Serra Leona, &c. &c.]
[Footnote 40: Prolegomena.]
[Footnote 41: Abulfeda in effect, _literally_ meant _southward_; for,
like Ptolemy, and Strabo, he had no idea that the coast of Africa
projected to the _westward_, beyond the Straits, but rather supposed
it to trend to the _eastward_ of south.]
[Footnote 42: When the above is considered, we can understand that
Abulfeda supposed the bays of Benin and St. Thomas to be 11 or 12
degrees more to the _east_, than they really are; and he might well
suppose that “the sea came in at the back of the mountains that
gave rise to the Nile.”
That the _Nile of Egypt_, and not the _Niger_, is meant, we learn in
another place in the same author, where he speaks of the _Egyptian_
Nile, and traces it to Egypt. Prolegomena, article Rivers.]
[Footnote 43: _Komri_, or rather _Kummeree_, is the Arabic term for
_lunar_; and is the adjective of _Kummer_, the moon. [Mr. Hastings.]]
[Footnote 44: The mountains of Kong were seen by Mr. Park; but no
other part of the chain.]
[Footnote 45: African Association, 1790, and 1791, quarto
ed. p. 117. 123; octavo, 176. 186. Also quarto, 174; octavo, 260.
As two editions of this work are in the hands of the public, I have
referred to both throughout this work; distinguishing them respectively
by Q and O.]
[Footnote 46: The Rio Grande has its source very far to the south of
this chain; first running to the north, till it touches the foot of
this very ridge of mountains, by which it is turned to the west. [Vide
Mr. Watt’s Plan and Journal.]]
[Footnote 47: The caravan in question was composed chiefly of slaves
going from Manding to the ports of the Gambia.]
[Footnote 48: There is in Africa, a rainy season; and also a
periodical change of wind, as in the same latitudes in India: in
effect, a MONSOON.]
[Footnote 49: It may be conceived that the Romans, who, according
to Pliny, (lib. v. 4.), held the dominion of the countries as far
as the Niger, penetrated to it by the route of Gadamis, Fezzan,
Taboo, and Kassina, as the most direct, and convenient one, from the
Mediterranean. There are very clear proofs of the conquest of the
three former by Balbus. (Pliny, lib. v. 5.) It was known to Pliny
that the Niger swelled periodically like the Nile, and at the same
season; which we have also in proof from Major Houghton’s _Report_;
and from Mr. Park’s _Observations_. Pliny says, moreover, that its
productions were the same with those of the Nile. (Lib. v. c. 8.)]
[Footnote 50: In the Proceedings of the African Association, (Q
p. 122; O. 183, _et seq._) the river of Kassina is described to run
_to the west_, and _to pass on to_ Tombuctoo; where it is said to
be named _Gnewa_; possibly intended for Joliba, for the _n_ and _l_
are more commonly interchanged than the _m_ and _n_.[a] It will very
probably turn out that there is an error in the above statement,
and that it runs from W to E in the country of Kassina as well as
at Tombuctoo. It would seem also to be a larger river in the _east_,
than in the _west_; a presumption in favour of an easterly course. But
perhaps, the best argument is, that it certainly runs _from_ Tombuctoo
to the _east_. It must then either be one and the same river, or
there must be a receptacle common to both, lying between Tombuctoo
and Kassina! and we have not heard of any such. Much more will be
said concerning this subject, in the latter part of the Memoir.]
[Footnote a: Abderachman Aga calls it Gülbi; (or Julbee). Hartmann’s
Edrisi, quarto ed. p. 22.
It is incumbent on me to acknowledge the obligations I owe to
M. Hartmann, for his arrangement of the matter of Edrisi’s Africa;
and for his invaluable Elucidations, and Notes.]
[Footnote 51: See Labat, Vol. ii. p. 172, where the impediments to the
navigation are described. They do not appear to arise from differences
in the general level, but to a ledge of rocks.]
[Footnote 52: Thomson seems to have understood this, when he says,
------beneath _primeval_ trees, that cast
Their ample shade o’er NIGER’s yellow stream.
_Summer_, v. 705.
]
[Footnote 53: Labat, Vol. ii. p. 172. See his description of the
navigation.]
[Footnote 54: “I had a good deal of conversation with some men
of a particular tribe of Mandingas called _Nyalas_. These are great
travellers, and much respected by all the nations of Africa. It is
from _this nation_ that all the _Gaungays_ or workers in leather,
come; and they are likewise employed as the speakers on all embassies:
as they are not only good orators, but are so far privileged, that no
one, not even kings, can take offence at any thing they say. Any one
who travels with them, is sure of being protected; and, to use their
own terms, they can pass between contending armies, who will defer
the battle till they have passed. I inquired about Tombuctoo,”
&c.—One of them said, that “about a month’s journey beyond
Teembo, we should come to a _large Water_, which our eyes would not
be able to reach across; but which to the taste was sweet and good;
that we should then coast along, touching at different towns for
refreshment; but that there was one country inhabited by bad people,
who would rob and murder us, if they could; where we should not stop,
but keep far out, at a distance from the shore;” &c. They engaged to
carry him thither for the price of _four slaves_. [Watt’s Journal,
MS. p. 181.]]
CHAPTER III.
_Construction of the Geography of Mr. Park’s Expedition into Africa._
I next proceed to the detail of Mr. Park’s geographical
materials. Should it be objected that I have been too diffuse and
particular, in this part, I can only say, that since the information
itself could not, from its nature be correct, it became the more
necessary to investigate it closely, and also to place, not only the
_result_ but the _detail_ of the investigation, together with the
_original documents_ themselves, in the form of notes, in the hands
of the public, that the true grounds of the construction, might be
known. For whether it may happen, that no further lights should ever
be obtained, concerning the subject; or whether some other traveller,
more _fortunate_ (for he cannot possess more zeal, enterprize, temper,
or firmness) should complete Mr. Park’s work; in either case, the
original documents, as well as the mode of working them up, should
be recorded; in the _former_, that we may know how to _appreciate_
them; in the _latter_, how best to _improve_ them. The successor of
Mr. Park, cannot have too extensive a knowledge of the detail of his
predecessor’s work; in order that he may know what parts require
correction; and how to avoid delays, from a useless attention to
objects, that are already attained.
Two new Maps have been constructed for the occasion. The one contains
the PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY AND IMPROVEMENT in various parts of North
Africa; the other, the GEOGRAPHY of Mr. PARK’S EXPEDITION, as well
as the result of his particular inquiries in the same quarter; on
a more extended scale. The _present_ remarks and discussions refer
particularly to the latter.
In the construction of this map, it is first required to state those
points, on which Mr. Park’s _outset_ depends; as also those which
affect the position of Fort St. Joseph, near to which he passed; as
they differ from the maps in present use. And, as some positions in
the journey of Mess. Watt and Winterbottom, serve very much to aid the
improvement of the geography, it will be proper to speak of them also.
Cape Verd, and Fort St. Louis, at the mouth of the Senegal river, are
placed according to the observations and results of M. Fleurieu.[55]
Jillifrey, on the Gambia river is, from the mean of the longitudes
set forth by D’Anville, D’Apres, and Woodville, and which do not
differ amongst themselves, more than 4½ minutes.[56]
The detail of the coasts, as well as the lower parts of the rivers
between Cape Verd, and Cape Verga, are also from the charts of
M. Woodville. That part between Cape Verd and latitude 18°,
is adjusted to M. Fleurieu’s result of longitude, whilst the
particulars are from D’Anville and Woodville.
The course of the Rio Grande from the sea to the _break_ near the
river Dunso, is from Dr. Wadstrom’s map. The Dunso river, crossed
by Mr. Watt, appears evidently to be a continuation of the same river;
several branches of which flow from the south-east. And the high tract
of mountainous land beyond it, is no doubt a branch of the great ridge
above commemorated, under the name of Komri, in the work of Abulfeda.
The route of Mr. Watt is described from a sketch communicated by the
late Mr. BEAUFOY,[57] in which the scale appears, on a reference to the
original journal, to be intended for _British_ miles. I have regarded
them accordingly; whence Laby and Teembo are placed much nearer to
the coast, than Dr. Wadstrom’s map represents: for it appears by
the Journal, that Kissey, at the head of the river of the same name,
is no more than eight journies from Teembo. Nor has the map more than
120 geographic miles between them, admitting the scale to be British
miles, as I have concluded.[58]
The nearest point in Mr. Park’s route falls at 112 G. miles to the
northward of the extreme point of Mr. Watt’s; and the river Gambia
lay nearly midway between them. Thus, the map of Mr. Watt forms a
most useful point of comparison; and adds confirmation to the report
of the natives, respecting the course of the Gambia; for Mr. Park
was told, that it was _crossed_ in the way from the Falemé river,
to Foota Jallo, of which Teembo is the capital.
Pisania, on the Gambia (called also Kuttijar Factory), the place
of Mr. Park’s outset[59] is stated by D’Anville to be 170
G. miles above Jillifrey, by the difference of longitude; but by
M. Woodville’s map, no more than 156; which answers better to the
statement of the land journey; for Mr. Park was told that it was no
more than 6½ journies of a messenger.[60]
Pisania then, is placed in longitude 13° 28′, according to this
result; and in latitude 13° 35′ north, according to Mr. Park’s
observation, by sextant.
The causes of the _apparent wanderings_ of Mr. Park having been
explained in the former part of this work, it will be no farther
necessary to trace his course, than merely to explain the connection
of the different parts of the _data_ for the general construction.
Since the scale of the Map is fixed by the computed distances arising
on the intervals of time employed in Mr. Park’s route, it is
possible that some readers may be startled at the idea of following
such an apparently vague authority. Those, however, who have been
much in the habit of observing their rate of travelling, will be
easily convinced that distances _may be_ approximated; and those
in particular who have been much accustomed to travel in countries,
where _time_ regulates the _distance_; or who have been in habits of
working up geographical materials of this kind, will be the most easily
convinced. It will of course be understood, that calculations of this
kind can only be received from persons of judgment and experience:
and also, that when opportunities of checking them, occur, they are
always resorted to; after which, of course, no alternative remains,
but to adopt the corrected distance.
In the present case, the _rate of travelling of camels_,[61] does not
apply; as Mr. Park’s journey outwards was made on horseback, and his
return chiefly on foot. Nor are camels, indeed, in use in that line of
route. The checks to be employed, are the number of journies reported
by the travelling merchants, from different points of Mr. Park’s
route to Sego and Tombuctoo; and also those from the quarters of
Morocco, Tunis, and Fezzan, to Tombuctoo; using as a scale, the rate
arising on the route between Fezzan and Egypt, Morocco and Jarra, as
the _best known_ lines of distance. These, altogether, furnish such
kind of authority as will, I trust, lead to a satisfactory conclusion;
as the general coincidence is certainly very striking.
My mode of procedure has been, to calculate, in the first instance,
Mr. Park’s bearings and distances, and then to correct the bearings
by his observed latitudes, as far as these extend: and beyond that, I
have taken his bearing by compass, and allowed the _supposed quantity_
of variation.
The result of these calculations, together with the addition of his
line of distance from Sego to Tombuctoo, was then compared with the
popular report of the distance between the several stations of Woolli,
Fort St. Joseph, Bambouk, and Tombuctoo. It was found that these
reports did not materially differ from the aggregate distance given
by Mr. Park; although they fell short of it; a difference which might
naturally have been expected, and which I have ventured to alter. The
difference, however, does not exceed twenty-four geographic miles;
a mere trifle in African geography. The position of Tombuctoo, so
obtained, differs only half a degree in latitude, and still less in
longitude, from that arising from the intersection of the lines of
distance from Morocco on the NW, and Fezzan on the NE: of which a
particular account will be given in the sequel.
A great part of Mr. Park’s geographical memorandums are totally
lost: but fortunately his bearings by compass during a great part of
the way, are preserved. In other parts, he has preserved only the
calculation of latitude and longitude, arising from them; which,
however, of course furnish the means of obtaining the bearings,
if necessary. As he omitted to take observations to determine the
quantity of the variation of the compass, after he lost the means
of correcting his course by observations of latitude, which was at
Jarra, about midway in his route:[62] it becomes a question of some
importance, what quantity to allow on those long lines of distance
between Jarra and Silla; Silla and Manding.
It appears on inquiry, that the quantity of variation is no more
known, any where _within_ the continent of _Africa_, than within that
of _New Holland_. And it happens moreover, that the _lines of equal
quantities_ of variation, do not run across Africa with that degree of
regularity and parallelism, which takes place over great part of the
Atlantic and Indian oceans (at least this is what appears clearly to
my judgment): so that it became necessary to inquire, what quantity
prevails in the surrounding seas; and what the general direction,
as well as the _particular nature_, and _tendency_, of the curves,
of the lines of equal quantities?
The variation lines on the globe have occupied a good deal of
my attention at different periods of my life, and therefore the
application of such new observations as the assiduity and kindness of
my friends had procured for me on this occasion, was less difficult,
than if the subject had been new to me. A dissertation on the
subject, would be out of place here; and therefore I shall only give
the result of my inquiries, in abstract; after premising, that the
theoretical part belonging to the interior of Africa, is founded on
a _supposed continuation_ of those lines of equal quantities, whose
_tendency_ has been already ascertained, in the surrounding seas. I
am perfectly aware, that some may regard the assumption as too great:
but they will no doubt admit, at the same time, that it is difficult
to conceive a more probable arrangement: and what is much more to
the purpose, is, that if we are compelled to abandon the system,
in the gross, the quantity of variation in the line of Mr. Park’s
travels, cannot be greatly different from what we have assumed. For,
whether the line of 18° in the _south Atlantic_, be a continuation
of that in the _north_ Atlantic, or of that in the _Indian sea_,
much the same result will follow: only that in the former case,
the quantity will be somewhat greater.
[Illustration: CHART _of the_ Lines _of_ Magnetic VARIATION, _in the
Seas around AFRICA_.
_Published by James Rennell May 18th. 1798._]
It would appear, that between the East Indies and South America,
Europe and South Africa, there are _four_ distinct sets of what may
be termed _concentric curves_ of variation lines, on the globe,
and whose highest points of convexity are opposed to each other,
within the great body of Northern Africa. The accompanying sketch
will best explain it.[63] It would appear moreover, that from the
place of opposition of these curves, in Africa, where the quantity of
variation is 18°, it _decreases_ with great rapidity, and finally
to nothing, in going _eastwards_ to _India_, or _south-westward_
to _south America_: and that from the same point, it _increases_,
in going _NNW_, towards _Ireland_, or to the _opposite quarter_,
towards the coast of _Caffraria_. But the change is not in any
proportion so rapid in the _increase_, in going _north_ or _south_,
as in the _decrease_, in going _east_ or _west_. Such are the outlines
of this system; by which, if a person was to set out from Cape Verd,
or Cape Blanco, to traverse Africa from WSW to ENE, to Upper or Lower
Egypt, he would find at setting out, from 15½ to 16½ degrees of
westerly variation, which would increase to 18° about the centre of
the continent, and afterwards decrease to a less quantity than at
his setting out. Mr. Park’s travels being comprized between Cape
Verd and the centre of Africa, will therefore be in the quarter that
has from 16 to 18 degrees; and the part more particularly, where,
from the want of observations of latitude, we must depend on his
compass bearings, nearer 18° than 17°.[64] I shall now proceed to
the detail of Mr. Park’s materials.
Leaving Pisania, Mr. Park proceeded eastward to Medina,[65] the capital
of Woolli; and thence to the ENE, through the countries of Bondou,
Kajaaga, and Kasson; the two latter of which are separated by the
river of Senegal.
In his way, he took observations of latitude at Kolor, Koorkoorany,
and Joag, on this side the river: by which means we are enabled to
correct the parallels. The _distance_ at _present_ is left as it
stands in the Journal, with a view of correcting it afterwards. The
result of these bearings and distances (the particulars of which appear
below),[66] places Joag at 247 miles east of Pisania; and the latitude,
by two different observations, was found to be 14° 25′.[67]
At Joag Mr. Park was informed that Dramanet, which is about 2½ miles
to the _eastward_ of Fort St. Joseph, was 10 miles to the _westward_
of him. That fort is said to be in 14° 34′, or 9 min. north of Joag;
so that it ought to lie to the north-west, rather than to the west:
and accordingly, there is found, in the map in Labat,[68] a place named
Gacouva, no doubt meant for Joag, on the SE of St. Joseph; and in point
of distance answering to it. Other places in the same map of Labat,
are also recognized in the route of Mr. Park; so that the connection
between it and the French settlement on the Senegal, is very clearly
made out; which is a circumstance of some importance in this geography.
It will appear that the _reckoning_ kept by Mr. Park gave 89
min. difference of latitude between Pisania and Joag, whilst the
observation gave 50 only. About 9 minutes may be placed to the
account of _excess of distance_, and 30 will then remain, on the
whole distance of 253 geographic miles. In other words, the _dead
reckoning_, corrected by allowing 17 degrees of westerly variation,
gave a course of E 20°½ N; which, however, by the observations of
latitude, is shewn to be E 11°¼ N (or E by N) making a difference
of 9¼ degrees. But this I regard as coming very near, considering
the circumstances under which the reckoning was kept.
From Joag we accompany Mr. Park to Kooniakarry and Jarra. The
reckoning between the two first gives about 23¼ min. difference of
latitude, 55 of easting.[69] And hence the latitude of Kooniakarry
will be 14° 48′ by account; but the observation taken at Jumbo,
in its neighbourhood, giving only 14° 34′, the account is 14 to
the north; equal to about a point and quarter in bearing. The same
mode of correction has been applied here, as in the former part of
the route; that is, the _whole distance_ has been (for the present)
allowed; with the difference of latitude by observation; and hence
Kooniakarry will fall 59½ geographic miles to the east of Joag.
The route from Kooniakarry to Jarra[70] may be divided into two parts;
first, to Feesurah, a place of _observation_, south-eastward; and
secondly, to Jarra, north-eastward.
The account to Feesurah agrees very nearly with the bearings and
distance. The latitude by observation was 14° 5′, and the easting
from Kooniakarry, corrected, 47 miles. Then, to Jarra, the account
also agrees very nearly; the latitude was 15° 5′, that is, just
one degree north of Feesurah; and the easting from thence 33 miles.
The aggregate of easting, between Joag and Jarra, is then 139½
miles.[71]
It may be observed, that throughout this journey, generally, the
reckoning has been to the northward of the observations; and that,
by about _ten_ degrees on the _whole_ traverse, when 17 degrees of
variation have been allowed. It will hardly be supposed that the
difference arises from allowing too much variation by _ten_ degrees;
but it is singular, that the error should, in all cases but _one_, lie
the same way. I do not by any means regard the error as considerable,
circumstances considered:[72] nor is it of any consequence in the
parts where the observations of latitude serve to correct it: as
between Pisania and Jarra.
Mr. Park was plundered of his sextant at Jarra, which accident
of course put an end to his observations of latitude; and thus,
unfortunately, left the remaining _half_ (very nearly) of his geography
in a state of uncertainty, as to parallel. This point, therefore, must
be regarded as the most advanced geographical station, that rests on
any _certain basis_ of parallel. However, the remaining part of the
route will not appear to be much out, when it is seen how nearly the
bearing of Sego, as determined by Mr. Park, agreed with the line of
direction pointed out from Jarra.
It is, no doubt, a favourable circumstance, that the instrument was
not lost at an earlier period, and before the commencement of the
intricate route between the pass of the Senegal river and Jarra;
to which may be added, the advantage of a _known parallel_, from
whence to set off the very important bearing of Tombuctoo. In effect,
the bearing was pointed out from Benowm, but this place being nearly
east from Jarra, and the bearing in question E ½ N, no error of any
magnitude can be looked for.
Jarra (called also Yarra), has already appeared in the Maps drawn for
the Association, and was originally taken from M. Delisle’s Map;
but was neglected, or overlooked, by M. D’Anville. In the former
Map it was placed somewhat more to the west, and in a higher parallel
by about ¼ of a degree.
Between Jarra and Wassiboo, Mr. Park’s reckoning, as it appears
wrought up in his table of day’s works, gives 41 min. diff. of
latitude N, and 1° 31′ diff. longitude E; which reduced to
departure, in miles, is 89, and produces a course of E 26° S. But he
allowed _no variation_ after he left Jarra: and as I allow 17°, the
course must be taken at E 9° S, distance 96½ geographic miles. From
this arises a diff. lat. of 16′ only; departure 95: and, hence,
Wassiboo should be in latitude 14° 49′, and 95 east of Jarra.[73]
Mr. Park was so lucky as to preserve his original bearings,[74]
between Wassiboo, and Diggani (a place about 15′ short of Sego);
and _these alone_, out of all that were taken during the route. These
give a course of E 27°½ S, 174 geographical miles; so that when
17° of variation are allowed, the true course will be E 10½ S;
the diff. lat. 31,7; departure 171,1; whence Diggani should be in
lat. 14° 17′, and 266,1 east of Jarra.
Between Diggani and Sego (returning again to the table of latitude
and longitude), Mr. Park’s account gives E 43 S 15′; or corrected
E 26 S, which gives diff. lat. 6,6; departure 13,5: so that Sego,
the capital town of Bambara, falls, by this account, in lat. 14°
10′ 30″ and 279,6 east of Jarra.[75]
In this position, it bears E 10½ S from Jarra, distant 284
geographical miles. It is important to mention, that whilst at Jarra,
the bearing of Sego was pointed out to Mr. Park by compass, ESE, or E
22°½ S. His route made it E 27°½ S, or 5° more to the south. This
difference, so trifling in a distance of about 330 of our miles, on a
straight line (in other words, the distance from London to Edinburgh),
is not worth investigating. If we could suppose the report of the
natives to be true, it would place Sego nearly 25 minutes more to the
north. For my own part, I do not believe that any person, from mere
judgment, unassisted by geographical records, and so far removed as
to be out of the hearing of cannon, and of the view of conflagrations
(two circumstances that aid the most in fixing the line of direction
between distant places), could ever come nearer than _several_ degrees
of the bearing of two places that are 330 British miles asunder.[76]
Having at length reached the banks of the _long sought for_ river
NIGER (or JOLIBA), near which the city of Tombuctoo stands, Mr. Park
proceeded along it several days’ journey, towards the city in
question, on a course E 15½ N by compass, but corrected E 32½ N
70 G. miles; which giving a diff. lat. of 37½, departure 59, places
Silla, the extreme point of his expedition, in latitude 14° 48′;
and longitude by reckoning 0° 59′ west of Greenwich; but, as will be
hereafter shewn, when corrected, 1° 24′ west. Here, then, terminates
his journey eastward, at a point somewhat more than 16 degrees east of
Cape Verd, and precisely in the same parallel. The line of distance
arising from this difference of longitude is about 941 G. miles, or
1090 British, within the western extremity of Africa; a point which,
although short by 200 miles of the desired station, Tombuctoo, the
attainment of which would unquestionably have been attended with great
_eclat_, was yet far beyond what any other European, whose travels
have been communicated to the European world, had ever reached.[77]
[Footnote 55: That is, Cape Verd in latitude 14° 48′, longitude
17° 34′ west of Greenwich: St. Louis in latitude 16° 5′ (by
D’Anville), longitude 16° 8′ by Fleurieu.]
[Footnote 56:
D’Anville 16° 9′ 30″ }
}
D’Apres 16 5 0 } Mean, 16° 7′
}
Woodville 16 8 3 }
Latitude 13° 16′
]
[Footnote 57: The public cannot but recollect the obligations due
to this gentleman, on the score of his persevering industry, and
laudable zeal, in the work of extending our knowledge of the interior
parts of Africa. Accordingly his loss to society, in this department,
is likely to be felt for some time, if not for ever: the researches
in Africa being a path of his own choosing; a path which, more than
any other person, he had contributed to open, and to render smooth;
and in which he seemed destined to succeed!]
[Footnote 58: Dr. Afzelius supposes that the town of Kissey may be,
in direct distance, about 36 geographical miles to the north-east by
east of Serra Leona. Hence, Teembo should be no more than 156 from
Serra Leona. On the general map it is 170. I have adhered to the
bearing lines on Mr. Watt’s map; but think it probable that Teembo,
and the whole route may be _more to the south_.]
[Footnote 59: This is the residence of Dr. LAIDLEY, a gentleman to
whom Mr. PARK and the ASSOCIATION are under great obligations. He
received Mr. Park into his house, and treated him more like a child
of the family than a stranger. He cured Mr. Park of a serious illness,
which confined him for many weeks: and when Mr. Park was disappointed
of the goods necessary for his expences, which were to have been sent
out with Consul Willis, the Doctor supplied him with every possible
necessary, he had occasion for; taking his bills upon the Association
for the amount.]
[Footnote 60: A journey of an ordinary traveller may be taken at about
17 geographical miles in direct distance; that of messengers in India,
is equal to about 25, or 100 English miles by the road, in three days.]
[Footnote 61: See Phil. Trans. for 1791.]
[Footnote 62: The places of observation are marked on the Map by
asterisks.]
[Footnote 63: This sketch is not pretended to be minutely accurate;
it being morally impossible to procure recent observations in every
part, from the rapid change that takes place in the quantity of the
variation, in one and the same spot. However, the observations that
determine the course of the lines in the Atlantic (and which are
marked on the sketch) are from observations so late as 1793. The same
is to be said of those in the western quarter of the Mediterranean;
and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope, to longitude 30° east,
are of the year 1789.
It is obvious that a critical knowledge of the _quantity_ of the
variation in any particular place, and at a given time, is of less
importance to the present question, than that of the _bearing_ of the
_lines_ of equal quantities, at any _recent_ period: and this object
is, I think, tolerably well obtained, by the materials before me. Any
change that may have taken place since 1793, is in favour of a greater
quantity of variation, within the limits of Mr. Park’s travels.
In the Atlantic, the increase appears to be about a degree in seven
years. In the Indian ocean, less: and in the Red Sea, there seems to
have been little alteration between 1762, and 1776.
The lines, as far as they are founded on _authority_, are _continuous_;
but _broken_ in the parts _assumed_.]
[Footnote 64: It is in proof of the existence of this quantity of
variation, that, on closing Mr. Park’s route at Woolli, there
appeared to be only a small deficiency of distance on the Map, when
17° variation were allowed. Had the quantity allowed been less,
this ought not to have happened, as Jarra is placed according to
its latitude.]
[Footnote 65: Major Houghton’s point of outset in 1791 was
Medina. His route falls into that of Mr. Park at several points,
and finally branches off from it about 30 miles short of the Falemé
river, which the Major crossed at Calcullo, near 20 miles higher up
than Naye, where Mr. Park crossed it.]
[Footnote 66:
-----------+-----+-------+--------+----------+-------+----------------
| | G. |Bearings| | Lat. |
|Hours| Miles | by | Country |by obs.| REMARKS.
| |direct.|compass.| | |
-----------+-----+-------+--------+----------+-------+----------------
Pisania } | | | | |13° 35′|
} | | | | | |
to } | 6 | 16 |SE by E | Yani | |On these
} | | | | | |bearings 17°
Jindey } | | | | | |westerly
| | | | | |variation were
Kootacunda | 5 | 13 | E |} | |allowed. The
| | | |} | |diff. lat. was
Tabajang | 2½ | 6 | E ½ N |} | |then 89;
| | | |} | |departure
Medina | 5¼ | 15 | ditto |} | |easterly 237.
| | | |} | |But the diff.
Konjour | 3 | 8 | E ½ S |} | |lat. by obs.
| | | |} | |being only 50,
Mallaing | 2 | 6 | E by S |} Woolli | |the course
| | | |} | |should be
Kolor | 5 | 12 | ENE |} |13° 49′|E. 11¼ N.
| | | |} | |instead of
Tambacunda | 5¼ | 14 |SE by E |} | |E. 20½, as
| | | |} | |before; and the
Kooniakarry| 5 | 13 | E by N |} | |departure 247.
| | | |} | |But I have
Koojar | 3 | 9 | E ½ N |} | |finally
| | | | | |corrected
At a well | 13 | 34 | E by N | Woods | |the easting, by
| | | | | |reducing it 24
Tallica | 4 | 10 | E |} | |miles, or to
| | | |} | |223.
Ganada | 4 | 10 | E ½ N |} | |
| | | |} | |
Koorkoorany| 4½ | 12 | ESE |} |13° 53′|
| | | |} | |
Dooggi | 1 | 3 | E by N |} | |
| | | |} | |
Buggil | 4½ | 14 | E ½ N |} Bondou | |
| | | |} | |
Soobroodka | 7 | 18 | E by N |} | |
| | | |} | |
Naye | 7 | 16 | ENE |} | |
| | | |} | |
Fattyacunda| 3¼ | 7 | ditto |} | |
| | | |} | |
Kimmoo | 4½ | 12 | ditto |} |14° 25′|
| | | | | |
Joag | 6 | 16 | E by N | Kajaaga | |
]
[Footnote 67: According to this result, Joag would be in longitude 9°
12′, and Fort St. Joseph in 9° 21′; which is about 38 min. more
easterly than M. D’Anville’s Map of the Senegal allows: of which
more in the sequel.]
[Footnote 68: In Vol. iv. p. 92.]
[Footnote 69:
------------+-----+---------+-----------+----------+----------
|Hours|G. miles | Bearings | Lat. by |Country.
| | direct. |by compass.| observ. |
------------+-----+---------+-----------+----------+----------
Joag to } | — | — | — | 14° 25′ }|
} | | | | }|
} | 7 | 18 | E by N | }|Kajaaga
} | | | | |
Sammee } | | | | }|
| | | | }|
Kayee | 3½ | 9 | Ditto | }|
| | | | }|
Teesee | 7½ | 18 | NE by N | }|
| | | | }|
Medina | — | 12 | SE by E | }| Kasson
| | | | }|
Jumbo | — | 12 | Ditto | 14° 34′ }|
| | | | }|
Kooniakarry | — | 3 | E by S | }|
]
[Footnote 70: The register of the bearings and distance between
Kooniakarry and Jarra, being lost or mislaid, Mr. Park gave them from
memory only; but the observations of latitude at two places within
that space, were preserved, as well as the latitude by account at
two other places.