REWARDS OF MERIT 220
APPENDIX.
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER OF MR. WELD’S HISTORY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY 251
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
One of the most frequent sources of mistaken views in economical
science, arises from confounding the nature of _universal_ with that of
_general principles_.
§ _Universal principles_, such as the fact that every number ending with
the figure five is itself divisible by five, rarely occur except in the
exact sciences. Universal principles are those which do not admit of a
single exception.
_General principles_ are those which are much more frequently obeyed
than violated. Thus it is generally true that _men will be governed by
what they believe to be their interest_. Yet it is certainly true that
many individuals will at times be governed by their passions, others by
their caprice, others by entirely benevolent motives: but all these
classes together, form so small a portion of mankind, that it would be
unsafe in any inquiry to neglect the great principle of self-interest.
Notwithstanding, however, all the exceptions we may meet with, it is
impossible to take any just views of society without the admission of
general principles, and on such grounds they will be used in these
pages.
Self-interest, combined in various degrees with knowledge, assumes the
most diversified forms. It excites our contempt or raises our
admiration, according to the littleness or the greatness of the object
it pursues—according to the temporary or the more distant advantages it
seeks. On the one hand, it governs the minister of a party on his
doubtful eminence, whilst on the other it guides the enlightened
statesman to the object of his distant ambition.
§ Again, it is admitted as a general principle that _each man is the
best judge of his own wants and of his own interest_. Now although many
individuals, and even whole classes of society, have at times been
thought by more enlightened men to have formed erroneous opinions as to
their true interest, yet, when it is remembered, that every man must see
many views of his own case, and must know many facts connected with it,
which he has not communicated even to his most confidential adviser,
those who have had most experience are most inclined to believe that the
exceptions are much less frequent than at first sight would appear.
Another source of erroneous opinions arises from neglecting causes
apparently insignificant.
In taking a comprehensive view of any subject, it is very desirable to
throw into the shade all its minor points; but in estimating the
consequences of any set of facts, there is another condition which must
be fulfilled, before we can arrive at accurate conclusions. If we are
about to neglect a cause on account of its apparent insignificance, it
is _essential_ that it should not be one of _frequent_ recurrence. Thus,
if a labourer inconsiderately lift his shovel but an inch or two more
than is necessary to throw its load into his barrow, although the
exertion of force is trivial in each instance, its repeated occurrence
during the whole day, will produce at its conclusion a very sensible
difference either in fatigue or in the amount of the work done. Napoleon
is said to have remarked of Laplace, when he was Minister of the
Interior, that he was too much occupied with considering _les infiniment
petites_. To dwell upon small affairs which are isolated, is not the
province of a statesman; but to integrate the effect of their constant
recurrence is worthy of the greatest.
One of the most important processes in all inquiry, is to divide the
subject to be considered into as many different questions as it will
admit of, and then to examine each separately, or in other words to
suppose that each single cause successively varies whilst all the others
remain constant.
But this most obvious doctrine of common sense has frequently been
contested in questions of economical science, and has been often
characterized as theoretical, and as entirely inapplicable to the
affairs of life. It is certain that very little progress can be made in
any subject without this aid, and it is hopeless for those whose minds
are incapable of mastering the simpler questions, ever to institute
successfully an investigation into their united action.
A familiar illustration will explain this better. Two men are making an
excavation, removing the earth in the usual way with spades and
wheelbarrows.
One of these men, Q., does more work than his companion P., and if an
inquiry is made, Why is this so? the usual reply would be that Q. is
either stronger, more active, or more skilful than P.
Now it is the third of these qualifications which is the most important,
because if Q. were inferior even both in strength and in activity, he
might yet by means of his skill perform a greater quantity of work
without fatigue.
He might have ascertained that a _given_ weight of earth raised at each
shovelfull, together with a certain number of shovelfulls per hour,
would be more advantageous for his strength than any other such
combination.
That a shovel of a certain weight, size, and form would fatigue him less
than those of a different construction.
That if its handle were two or three inches longer than he required, its
additional weight would at the end of the day have been uselessly lifted
many hundred times.
That if each spadefull of earth were lifted but an inch or two above the
barrow beyond what was necessary, a still greater waste of force would
arise.
That if the barrow itself had its wheel at a distance beyond the centre
of its load, it would be more fatiguing to draw.
That if the barrow had upright sides, it would require more exertion to
turn out its load than if its sides were much inclined.
Thus although Q. might have less strength and less activity than P., he
might yet by skill and practice, have arrived at some combination of
these tools which should enable him with less fatigue to do more daily
work than P.
But in order to have arrived at this degree of skill, Q. must when a boy
have been taught to examine _separately_ the consequences of any defect
or inconvenience in the parts of the tools he was to use in after life,
or in the modes of using them. If not so taught, he must have arrived at
the same knowledge by the slower and more painful effort of his own
reflections.
In either case he would be able to communicate his knowledge to his
friends or his children; and if circumstances induced or obliged him to
enter upon a new trade, he would naturally apply those principles to his
new tools. Indeed, whatever subject might be presented to a mind thus
trained, such habits of inquiry would most probably be applied to its
examination. Thus, by the early education of his reasoning faculties on
the trade by which he is to subsist, he would not only render his own
labour more productive, but would have his mind better prepared for the
reception of other truths.
CHAPTER II.
ERROR RESPECTING THE INTERCHANGE OF COMMODITIES.
There exists in society a widely-spread error relating to the very
principle of that interchange of property between individuals which is
usually called a bargain. It is almost always supposed that one party is
a gainer whilst the other is a loser. Indeed, by those whose reasoning
on the subject has been limited to this single view of the question, it
is with some plausibility maintained, that since the quantity of the
commodities interchanged is in no case augmented by the bargain, the
gain of one party can be accomplished only by an equal loss on the part
of the other.
The insufficiency of this reasoning depends upon the truth of the
principle that each party, being the best judge of the pleasure or
advantage he can derive from the possession of a thing, _himself_
decides that in his own case it will be increased by the exchange.
It may, however, be asked, How does it happen that the sum of two
commodities so exchanged has a greater value after the exchange than
before? or in other words, Whence has the profit arisen?—is there any
third party at whose expense it has been acquired? The answer is—that
there is another source which almost always either directly or
indirectly contributes towards this profit. The advantage is most
frequently won by industry and knowledge from nature herself.
§ The following illustration, which happens also to be a tolerable
approach to truth, will explain this principle more clearly:—
It is found by experience that the upper-leather of Boots made in
France, is better and more durable than the upper-leather manufactured
in England. On the other hand, it is found that the leather prepared in
England for the soles of boots is less permeable by water, and more
durable than that made in France.
Let us suppose that in each country a pair of boots will endure twelve
months’ continual wear; after which time they are thrown aside.
In England the destruction of the boots will arise from that of the
upper-leather, whilst in France it will be caused by that of the sole.
Let us also suppose that the upper-leather of France will wear three
months longer than the French soles, and reciprocally that the soles of
England will wear three months longer than the English upper-leather.
Under these circumstances, it is clear that if the inhabitants of each
country insist on making their boots _entirely_ with the produce of
_their own_ tanneries, the average duration of a pair of boots both in
France and in England will be twelve months.
Let us assume, for the sake of simplicity, that in each country the
upper-leather and the soles have the same value. Then it is equally
clear, if England were to give to France a million pair of soles in
exchange for a million pair of French upper-leathers, that one million
of the inhabitants of each nation would find their boots last during
fifteen instead of twelve months.
This prolonged duration of their boots would not have been acquired by
any sacrifice on either side: the exchange is here for the common and
great advantage of both.
This probably arises from the joint action of many causes. The animals
which in each country supply the hides, may either from breed, from
food, or from climate be best adapted to produce that kind of leather in
which each country excels. The water, the bark, or the climate peculiar
to each country, may then contribute its share to the same effect.
Again, the industry, the skill, and the knowledge of the people
employed, as well as the character of the population and the
distribution of its capital, may also have its influence on these
results.
If we pursue this illustration one stage further, it will appear that it
is our interest not only that we should make these exchanges with
France, but that she should also make exchanges with other countries
than our own.
Let us suppose that France, having a larger population than England,
required for its annual consumption two million pair of boots, and also
that she possessed no other commodities which we required. Under these
circumstances there could be no further direct interchange of leather,
and France would possess a million pair of upper-leathers beyond our
demand. But it is clear that if France could exchange these
upper-leathers for the wools or any other produce of Germany which we
might require, she would not only gain the additional duration of three
months for her own extra million pair of boots, but would also enrich us
by the advantage which we should derive from the exchange of the strong
hides of England for the produce transmitted to us from Germany.
§ The general result of all those inquiries of which only the slightest
sketch has now been attempted, is that—_the free and unlimited exchange
of commodities between nations, contributes to the advantage and the
wealth of all_;—that this benefit arises from no sacrifice on the part
of one nation for the profit of another; but that the sum of the
productive powers of man is by these means, without any increased
labour, largely augmented throughout the world;—that this increment is
won partly by the suppression of ignorance and fraud, and partly by the
united effects of industry, of skill, and of science, in compelling
nature to minister to the wants of man.
All who admit the truth of these principles, must feel an earnest desire
to support every effort which may assist in their dissemination amongst
the masses of mankind. Education is the earliest, and the most effective
aid; but it must be secular education. It must be the education of the
faculties of each child, with reference to the wants of his future
course of life. The religion of the uneducated and unenlightened man,
even when true, partakes of the nature of superstition, and instruction
in religious truth _alone_ will not be enough: his mind must be opened
and informed on other subjects also. He who by observation and inquiry
has arrived at the conviction that any line of conduct which is
dishonest towards his neighbour, will most probably prove unprofitable
to himself in this world, will surely have a strong additional motive to
guard him in the hour of temptation from those courses which his
religion teaches him will incur punishment in a future state.
CHAPTER III.
OF SOCIETIES.
Associations for occasional discussion, of men pursuing the same or
similar studies, have long been found advantageous for the
inter-communication of the difficulties, the doubts, and the discoveries
of students. In more recent times, when each art has gradually connected
itself with the sciences on which its success depends, the importance of
these meetings has become obvious to the manufacturer, although in this
country it may not yet have become apparent to the statesman.
The Academia del Cimento, the Royal Society of London and the Academy of
Sciences at Paris, have had a long series of imitators in the principal
cities of the civilized world. The increasing extension of science and
the wants of its cultivators, have led them to subdivide their pursuits
and to form Societies specially devoted to each separate subject.
§ These learned bodies, however, are of a stationary character, located
for convenience in some capital or large city. With the advance of
civilization new wants arose, and Professor Oken of Munich, feeling the
great advantage of periodical meetings of the cultivators of the natural
sciences, organized an annual assemblage of German naturalists to be
held successively in each of the great cities of Germany, thus rendering
the field of friendly intercourse and of scientific observation much
more easily accessible to all who felt an interest in their common
object.
Although the earliest meetings were small,[3] their value was soon
perceived, and the cultivators of other sciences more or less connected
with natural history, were gradually admitted, to the manifest advantage
of all parties, until at the great meeting in 1828 at Berlin, the
physical sciences themselves possessed their fair share of eminent
representatives. But another important improvement had already
commenced: foreigners were admitted to this German union, and amongst
upwards of four hundred members, although nearly thirty were aliens in
language and in country, they were welcomed with the warmest kindness by
their enlightened friends.
Baron Alexander Humboldt, the President of the Association, in his
inaugural address proclaimed its principle in the following words:—
“May those excellent persons, who, deterred neither by the perils of the
sea nor of the land, have hastened to our meeting from Sweden, from
Norway, from Denmark, from Holland, from England, and from Poland, point
out the way to other strangers in succeeding years, so that by turns
every part of Germany may enjoy the effects of scientific communication
with the different nations of Europe.”
At that meeting a map of Europe was published on which were
conspicuously indicated those towns and countries only, which had sent
representatives to this congress of intellect. On that map Austria
figured an intellectual desert, not because her philosophers were less
industrious in the researches of science, less acute in combining into
laws the facts they had ascertained, nor in any way unworthy of sitting
amongst the congregated talent of their own or of other races: but
because the government of the country, more ignorant of its interest
than the philosophers were of theirs, refused them passports.
§ A few years afterwards, the light of truth having penetrated official
heads, the learned of Europe, to the credit of the Austrian government,
were invited and hospitably entertained at Vienna. The stability of the
great empire which welcomed them, was not shaken by their patient and
acute discussions: and it was at last perceived that unless when
depressed by neglect or persecution, philosophers possess in their own
departments subjects of far more animating and delightful interest than
the unstable and inconclusive discussions of politics.
Sweden sent thirteen representatives to the meeting at Berlin in 1828,
Denmark seven, Poland three, Holland two. Russia, France, England and
Naples each sent one.
§ An account of this scientific congress at Berlin was published in 1829
in the _Edinburgh Journal of Science_. It was communicated by the author
of these pages to Sir David Brewster. In the number of the same Journal
for April, 1831, is an account by J. F. W. Johnstone, Esq., of the
meeting of this scientific Congress, at Hamburgh, in September, 1830.
Sir David Brewster, in conjunction with the late secretary of the Royal
Society of Edinburgh, Sir J. Robison, and the Rev. William Vernon
Harcourt, and several other cultivators of science, resolved on
attempting to organize a similar institution in Great Britain. The
difficulties as well as the advantages of this undertaking were then
discussed. In Prussia the social position of men of science is quite
different from that which they occupy in England. In Prussia the
sovereign was aware of the value of science to his country, and was
therefore induced to support it by an enlightened patriotism as well as
by a generous ambition. In England science is pursued by no powerful
profession which can aid or thwart the measures of the minister of the
day. He is, therefore, indifferent to its progress, and is usually
incapable of distinguishing the charlatan from the philosopher.
§ In 1831 the first meeting of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science was held at York. It was proposed by those who
undertook its management, that each succeeding meeting should be held in
some large city or town at a considerable distance from that which
received it in the previous year, and that after its objects had become
well understood by the public, it should complete its cycle by holding a
meeting in the metropolis. But it was soon felt that in order to
influence public opinion, it was necessary that it should combine larger
interests than were yet enlisted in its cause.
Such at that time was the state of education in England, that amongst
the influential classes, country gentlemen, lawyers, members of
parliament, peers, &c., few were found qualified for, or even capable of
taking any interest in the then _existing_ Sections of the British
Association.
Accident fortunately supplied an occasion for remedying, at least
partially, this defect. The opportunity occurred at the meeting at
Cambridge in 1833, and was instantly seized upon, although in a somewhat
irregular manner. Professor Quetelet had been deputed by the Belgian
government to attend the third meeting of the British Association. The
varied knowledge and enthusiastic love of science possessed by M.
Quetelet, might have qualified him to take part in any of its sections,
but it so happened that he had brought over with him some highly
interesting statistical documents which unfortunately could find a
reception in none. Under these circumstances, a gentleman[4] who fully
understood their value invited a few of his private friends most
interested in that subject to meet M. Quetelet in his own rooms in
college, for the purpose of talking over this valuable budget. The
author of these pages was one of those thus honoured. He perceived the
advantage that might be taken of the accident, and immediately suggested
to his friend that the invitation should be extended to all those known
to be interested in statistical inquiries, and that those present should
at once form themselves into a Statistical Section, and then apply to
the council for a bill of indemnity for the irregularity. The plan being
unanimously approved of, it was immediately acted upon, and before the
termination of the meeting a Statistical Section was not only recognised
by the Association, but was as fully attended as even the most popular
of the other sections.
At the concluding meeting of the Statistical Section at Cambridge it was
resolved, that a more permanent body was necessary to carry out the
views and wishes of the section, and it was agreed to establish a
Statistical Society in London. The author of these pages was deputed to
carry out those arrangements which terminated in its establishment.
The more pressing difficulty being thus removed, the principle of
extending the basis of the Association so as to unite the interests of
various classes, was steadily and unremittingly pursued. The Physical
and Mathematical Section was divided, and a new section, that of the
practical application of mechanical science, or Civil Engineering, was
formed. The next step was very important, but more difficult to
accomplish. It was proposed by an exhibition of the raw produce, the
processes, and the instruments for the production of manufactured goods,
to unite in the same common interest, not only all the consumers, but
all those who contributed to the production, or even to the distribution
of wealth.
The numerous foreigners who flocked to these annual meetings of the
British Association, might, it was naturally thought, be induced to
bring over with them new instruments of science, or objects of art and
industry, the produce of their respective countries. Whilst thus giving,
and receiving in return new ideas and valuable information, the
commercial interchanges between different nations would necessarily be
augmented by the steadily increasing knowledge of the wants of each, and
by the peaceful rivalry of all.
The first exhibition of this kind took place at Newcastle in 1838. The
number of exhibitors was not large, but it was hoped that with time and
encouragement this commencement might lead to much more extensive
expositions of more general utility. It was followed by another on an
enlarged scale, held at Birmingham in the succeeding year, after which
it was discontinued.
The following extracts from a letter addressed by the Author to the
Members of the British Association, were printed in 1839:—
“My reasons for not resigning the trusteeship of the British Association
at Newcastle were, that by retaining it until the following meeting, I
should give the Society more time to select my successor; and that by
remaining on the council until the meeting at Birmingham, I might be
enabled to assist more effectually in the arrangement of the collections
relating to the mechanical arts, which it was anticipated would be
amongst the largest yet called forth by the British Association.”
“The real merits of the British Association have been misunderstood by
the superficial; but it possesses in its bearings upon the pecuniary
interests of large masses of the community a power and an influence
which nothing but great misconduct can destroy. Look at the
manufacturers of produce and of machinery, flocking to our annual
meeting to interchange their ideas, enlightening their practical
experience by the reasonings of science, and returning laden with the
seeds of permanent ameliorations in their establishments. Look at the
exhibitions of the productions of our factories, and say whether the
humblest shopkeeper has not an interest in the existence of that body
which gives publicity to the objects in which he deals, and which
spreads them so largely before the eyes of those who can appreciate
their merit, as well as of those who are likely to become consumers.”
“These are material interests permanently engaged in our cause by the
strongest ties—those of mutual advantage, cemented by reciprocity of
kindly feelings.”
§ This is not the place to discuss the causes which have led to the
present state of things. It is sufficient here to observe, that if the
views of those who originally organized the British Association, had
been supported both from within and from without, in the manner which so
important a project in the history of science deserved, the Exhibition
of 1851 would have found itself led by the science of the country,
prepared by long experience on a smaller scale, yet under very various
circumstances, to guide with some reasonable prospect of success that
gigantic undertaking, and to elicit from it the many invaluable services
it might be expected to render to civilization.
Its legislative department would not have been committed to the guidance
of a body of men, all of them respectable, and some, indeed, eminent in
their several lines, but entirely inexperienced in the conduct and
arrangement of any such undertaking—persons, all of them amiable and
excellent in their private capacity, yet who have exhibited in their
corporate union an entire ignorance of the great principle on which
alone such expositions rest,—and who, contrary to the advice and the
remonstrance of the best informed, have forbidden the most important
quality by which men judge of commodities, their _Price_, from being
attached to the objects on which their judgment is to be pronounced.
§ Long, however, before the origin of these itinerant societies, the
voice of the statesmen of other countries, and the popular voice in
England, had called into existence societies for the promotion of the
arts connected with commerce and manufactures. In France, the
“Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers” was established. In England the
Society of Arts has endured above a century. Its novelty and utility
caused it to flourish for a time: its seat in the metropolis of a people
whose wealth and power arise entirely from the unbending energy with
which they apply themselves to advance the arts and to extend commerce,
added to its powers. Yet, even with these advantages, that Society has
never risen to the position it deserved, and has for years been
languishing in premature decay. Lately, indeed, a powerful impulse has
been communicated to its proceedings, but even the presidency of the
Prince-Consort has not yet raised it to its due position in the public
opinion.
The causes of this state of things are not remote. The position of the
Royal and of other societies is equally influenced by them. Although
intimately connected with the greatest interests of the country, they
can offer to those who give their time or intellect to advance such
objects, neither wealth nor rank—neither place nor patronage. They
constitute no distinct combination of men into a powerful class, like
the Bar, the Navy, or the Army: they are of no party, and finally, they
are not fashionable. It is true that the discoveries which such
societies profess to reward, are in many instances the source of wealth
to the few who, fortunately for themselves, possess those other
qualities necessary for its acquisition, but which are so rarely united
with genius. It is also true that wealth once acquired, will, if
discreetly employed, certainly lead its possessor to all those other
things, equally coveted as the great prizes in the lottery of life by
the Bar, the Military, and even by the Church. Nor is this to be
regretted, seeing that the aristocracy of this country thus fortunately
receives fresh blood and renewed intellect by adopting into its class
the sagacious merchant, or the skilful fabricator of a princely fortune:
the time may thus be postponed when the accident of birth will no longer
be admitted as a fit qualification for a legislator. But even here it is
the wealth of the aspirant that wins the position, not the integrity and
sagacity of the man.
In France the government itself took the lead in directing an
institution for the advancement of the arts. In 1795 it established the
Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers, in which are deposited an extensive
collection of drawings, models, and machines employed in the various
manufactures of the nation.
Subsequently, ten professors were attached to this institution, to
lecture gratuitously on those sciences more immediately connected with
arts and manufactures. One of these devotes himself exclusively to the
explanation of machinery in actual employment. There are also lectures
on descriptive geometry, and on mechanical drawing. The expense of this
establishment is about 6,000_l._ a-year.
§ The government of France perceived at a still earlier period the
advantages which would result from the juxtaposition, at proper
intervals of time, in one large building, of selected specimens of all
the produce of the national industry, and in 1798 the first of these
periodic meetings was held at the expense of the government. During
upwards of half a century, at intervals of about five years, France,
uninterrupted by the many changes in the form of its government, has
continued to maintain these valuable expositions with increasing success
and advantage. Prussia and Belgium also have adopted the plan of holding
these meetings.
But if the principles on which they rest are well founded, it is clear
that they are applicable to a still wider field: and that as in the
Associations of science, cultivators from all nations are invited to be
present, so in the Exhibition of the productions of industry the general
advantage of mankind is most advanced by the joint contributions of the
whole industrial world.
§ These views have long been felt and expressed, not merely by men of
speculation, but by those who take a practical part in the affairs of
life.
Enlightened French statesmen had long been aware of the advantage of
this species of competition, and only abstained from proposing it until
the conviction of the nation justified the foresight of its chiefs.
At length it was thought that the time had arrived for ascertaining more
correctly the general opinion. Previously, therefore, to making the
necessary arrangements for the Exposition at Paris in 1849, the Minister
of Commerce sent circulars to the several Chambers of Commerce
throughout France, in order to ascertain whether it was the general
opinion that foreign productions should be admitted to the competition.
The opinion of the public was not, however, sufficiently advanced to
justify the undertaking; and considering the political situation of the
country, the government wisely abstained from a measure which was not
yet entirely in unison with the feelings of the people.
Thus it has happened that it was reserved for Great Britain, the country
most interested in the cause, though the latest to adopt it, unprepared
by any previous experience at once to attempt this vast enterprise.
[3] The first was held at Leipsic in 1822.
[4] The Rev. Richard Jones, Professor of Political Economy at
Haileybury.
CHAPTER IV.
ORIGIN OF THE EXPOSITION OF 1851.
§ It is not now necessary to inquire minutely into the origin of the
present Exposition. It is sufficient to state that it appears to have
been proposed by some members of the Society of Arts, who urged it on
the attention of Prince Albert.
The magnitude of the undertaking, and the great principles on which it
rested, seem not to have been fully understood, and the public were very
imperfectly prepared either to appreciate its advantages or to
contribute to its support. A capitalist was therefore sought, and found
willing to undertake the risk of the speculation, and terms were agreed
upon, by which £20,000 was advanced for distribution in prizes, one of
which was to amount to £5,000. This contract contained some singular
stipulations, and formed the basis of the proceedings for several
months. It contained also a clause by which, on certain conditions, it
might be cancelled within a limited time.
In order to carry out this undertaking, it was proposed that a Royal
Commission should be issued, over which, of course, Prince Albert should
preside. As soon as these views became publicly known, they excited
great discussion, and were the subject of much criticism.
§ The Ministers could not of course commit themselves by publicly
avowing their disapprobation of an undertaking commenced under such high
auspices. It might, however, readily have been foreseen that they would
be averse to such a scheme, because whilst it was sure to give them a
great deal of trouble, it would afford them no compensation in the shape
of patronage.
Those, however, who usually reflect and retail the opinions of the
Government, were by no means silent; at first it was said to be Utopian,
then ridiculous, then, in the slang of official life, it was
“_pooh-poohed_;” at a later period, when great public meetings had been
held, and when public dinners began to give it an English character, the
best speech which has yet been made on the subject, containing the
far-sighted views of a statesman, was ridiculed as full of _German_
notions, by coxcombs whose intellect was as defective as their
foresight, and whose selfishness was more remarkable than either.
Another class of persons, the Belgravians, though actuated by the same
motives, were induced to join in the outcry for other reasons. As soon
as it became known that the locality of the building would be the
southern side of Hyde Park, they represented that the park would be
destroyed, and become utterly useless. As if a building covering twenty
acres out of above three hundred and twenty, could prevent the people
from enjoying air and exercise on the remaining three hundred.
Again, it was asserted that by cutting down a few trees within the
limits assigned to the building, the park would be desolated; the shady
walks destroyed; whilst all the while there was a goodly stock of
timber, old and young, abounding in the other three hundred acres.
Before this absurd delusion could be removed from the public mind, all
the plans were made specially to conform themselves to the enclosure of
these miserable trees. It was not discovered until after the Crystal
Palace was completed, that several of them were on the verge of
extinction, and that all would probably perish by exposure under such
unusual conditions. Some of the most decrepit and most inconveniently
situated trees have now been cut down.
§ The Belgravians found out other causes of complaint. They could not
tolerate the mass of plebeians of all nations who would traverse their
sacred square, and they threatened to spoil the London season by going
out of town. When it was suggested to them, that in these days of
agricultural distress, if they left town they might console themselves
by letting their houses at a high price, they refused to be consoled.
The Belgravians next consulted their “_medicine-men_,” who, seeing that
they wanted to be frightened, suggested to them that _some_ foreigners
were dirty,—that dirt in _some_ cases causes disease. The Belgravian
mind immediately made the inference that the foreigners would bring with
them the plague; then they dwelt on sanitary measures, and on the danger
to the public, until they themselves became nearly insane.
It was then suggested that the foreigners might become assassins by
night,—or take military possession of London by day. Their tradesmen
too, who hated the scheme, and knew the humour of their customers,
assured them that trade would be entirely ruined; whilst at the same
time, it was whispered that many of them had sent large orders to France
for goods to be exhibited at the Crystal Palace, and afterwards to be
sold to their capricious customers, either as French, or as English
surpassing French, just as the whim of the moment might cause a demand
for the one or the other.
This opposition of the inhabitants of Belgravia increased as the
preparations for the opening of the Exposition advanced. The working
classes had been favourable to the scheme from the commencement, and a
knowledge of its advantages seems to have advanced slowly in society
from below upwards.
That the inhabitants of this fashionable quarter were necessarily
exposed to some inconveniences cannot be denied. Their much-frequented
riding ground was for a time interfered with, but they should have
remembered that although the public at large _paid_ for the maintenance
of the park, the greatest portion of its advantages were _enjoyed_ by
those residing nearest to it.
Under these circumstances they ought to have been well content to forego
for a time these trifling advantages, and to suffer with a good grace
the little temporary inconveniences resulting from a plan which was
unrivalled for the advancement of the arts of peace, and calculated not
only to benefit our own country, but to contribute to the civilization
of the world.
Notwithstanding much opposition and many prophecies of failure, a Royal
Commission was at last appointed. It consisted almost exclusively of
members of parliament, and of persons holding official situations. It
was stated that not more than two of its members had ever seen a foreign
exposition, and although it included many men distinguished in other
departments of knowledge, there was scarcely one whose name was known to
the nations we invited as at all eminent in that over which the
Commission presided.
In England, a commissioner, however small his acquaintance with the
subject, is always deemed fully competent in virtue of his appointment.
The light in which this places us in the opinion of other nations is by
no means flattering to our national vanity. It has been admirably
described by an accomplished Italian resident amongst us in language
which an Englishman might be proud to own, and with a degree of moral
courage which few Englishmen would dare to exert on such a subject.[5]
It was easy to perceive that when so great a mass of people in distant
quarters of the world was set in motion for such an object, it would be
impossible to draw back, and that its own momentum would carry on the
scheme.
§ That the Prince who took so strong an interest in it, and who saw so
clearly and so far beyond the horizon which limited the view of those by
whom he was surrounded, should become its chief, was quite natural.
There are, however, circumstances in the state of society in this
country, and in the constitution of human nature itself, which render it
almost impossible to have unfettered discussion when a person of that
exalted rank takes the chair at the meetings of a Committee.
These objections are entirely unconnected with the individual person,
and if any amount of good feeling and skill in such a Chairman could
remove the difficulty, we have fortunately had amongst us several
Princes who might easily have accomplished it. But the forms of society
forbid in the presence of princes that full and free discussion by which
alone the united knowledge of a Committee can be brought into play.
Debates must take place and divisions occur: otherwise some individual
may take upon himself to assume what either is, or appears to him to be,
the sense of the meeting: this is much more frequently simply the
expression of _his own views_. Thus, perhaps, he prevents the statement
of his opinion by some timid man, which is possibly worth more than that
of all the rest of the Committee.
Again: in Committees presided over by persons of this elevated rank, it
is not an uncommon occurrence for some member, anxious for the success
of his _own_ views, privately to hint in conversation with other
members, that these are the wishes of their President.
To these objections, which are generally true, there is, however, one
exception. When the Chairman is eminently conversant with the subject,
while at the same time the minds of the Committee are like a sheet of
blank paper,—the best course that can then be pursued is to allow the
Chairman to interpret the sense of the Committee.
The first act of the Commission was most judicious. It was to annul the
contract with the capitalist who had undertaken the building and the
commercial management of the Exhibition. It is to be regretted, however,
that the actual amount of compensation which he was to receive, was not
finally settled at the time. The subsequent extent of the undertaking
having exceeded that which was originally contemplated, may render this
a question of some difficulty.
The next step was to appeal to the public for subscriptions to carry on
the plan. For this object delegates were sent to many of the large
towns, some of whom, not possessing more knowledge of the subject than
the Commissioners themselves, and having none of their tact, nearly
caused the failure of the whole scheme.
The knowledge and good sense, however, of the working and manufacturing
classes, supplied the deficiencies of these missionaries, and the
subject became popular amongst them. There were, indeed, many exceptions
even amongst these classes. Those whose business had been long
established, and who were manufacturing as largely as their capital
would admit, had no reason to seek additional publicity for the sale of
their produce. Upon them the Exposition would impose only trouble and
expense, without any corresponding advantage.
Others who possessed machinery of peculiar powers of production, or for
the fabrication of curious products, were unwilling to expose these
singular and costly machines to the eyes of their rivals from all
countries. The produce of such machines being generally novelties, they
found a ready sale for it, and therefore had no reason to seek the
Exhibition as the means of publicity.
The extent of the demand for space at the Exhibition, has been as was
naturally to be expected, so great, that it was quite unnecessary to
press any person to exhibit who was not fully aware that it was for his
own interest to do so.
With respect to the subscriptions, there are some observations which it
may be useful to make for the sake of all subscribers to future schemes.
It is said that the total amount subscribed is nearly 90,000_l._ of
which only about 60,000_l._ have been paid.
No subscription ought ever to be advertised until it has been actually
paid. It is quite unjustifiable to employ the money of _bonâ fide_
subscribers in paying for advertisements to gratify the vanity of those,
who are ambitious of appearing large donors, and who are yet so mean as
to decline fulfilling their pledges.
This practice has, unfortunately, of late years been too prevalent.
Persons of rank and position in the country have condescended to allow
their names to appear in lists, for subscriptions which they never
intended to pay, the effect of which has been to decoy others who
trusted to their respectability and truth. The public in future will do
well to abstain from subscribing to _any list_, however respectable the
names may apparently be, unless it is distinctly stated that the
subscriptions advertised have really been paid.
In the present case it would be a further waste of money to advertise
the defaulters: but the Commission have a remedy, and they owe it to the
genuine subscribers. Let a circular be sent to each defaulter,
announcing that unless his subscription is paid by a certain day, his
name will be returned to the clerk of the _Black list_, who has
directions to make an alphabetical index of defaulters, several copies
of which will be exposed to the public in various parts of the Crystal
Palace during the whole time of the exhibition.
If public opinion were fully ripe for such a vast industrial
undertaking, it ought to be entirely self-supporting. This seems to have
been the opinion of the Commission, and with every wish to assist that
object, and every desire to make allowances for the want of all past
experience on the subject, a few remarks may be made which may promote
the interests of some future Exposition, even though unavailing for the
present.
The first question is necessarily the position of the building, and the
facilities for access and egress. As this question is discussed in
Chapter VII., it is sufficient here to state, that the amount received
from the admission of the public will very much depend upon this point.
On the other hand, the difficulty and expense of conveying the things
exhibited, will not be very different in different localities. This
arises from the fact that if a package has to be taken from a boat, a
ship, or a railway, and to be conveyed by cart to the locality at which
it is to be exhibited, the expense and the danger of injury will be but
very slightly increased, whether it is carted an additional quarter of a
mile, or mile, or even a still greater distance.
Another very important question arises as to the price of admission to
the Exhibition. There is no doubt, that if it were entirely free to the
public, it would be almost entirely useless. Nor is it less certain that
various prices ought to be charged on different days. The Commission
seem to have made a very fair selection for the commencement of the
experiment. Perhaps it would have been better to allow Saturday to be
one of the cheapest days of admission, because in many workshops the
journeymen leave their work at an earlier hour on that day: by the
sacrifice of the half day’s work, they would then be able to spend a
considerable portion of the day in examining those objects in which they
take an interest.
Perhaps on a future occasion some such scheme of admission as the
following might be found most productive. After the exceptional days at
the commencement, occupying the first fortnight, the admission might be
charged thus:—
May June July Aug. Sept. Oct.
s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d.
Mon. 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 6 0 6 0 3
Tues. 10 0 5 0 2 6 2 0 1 6 1 0
Wednes. 5 0 2 6 1 6 1 0 1 0 0 6
Thurs. 2 6 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 6 0 3
Frid. 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 6 0 6 0 3
Sat. 1 0 1 0 0 6 0 6 0 3 0 3
The principle of this scale is, that each week day shall gradually
diminish in actual price, but shall always preserve its relative price.
Thus Tuesday is always the day of dearest admission, Wednesday of the
next dearest, whilst Saturday is always the day of cheap admission.
These periods might be distributed by weeks instead of months.
Whatever arrangement is made as to the price of admission, it is of very
great importance that the number of visitors at the various prices
should be noted and recorded for future use. It will indeed be
unfortunate if knowledge so important for any similar occasion, should
not be registered on the present.
For this purpose _every_ entrance should have one or more self-acting
turnstiles registering the number of those who pass through it. Not only
the public who pay, but the exhibitors and all who have free admissions
should be registered. At the end of each hour, when the clock strikes,
each gate-keeper should enter in a book the number indicated by his
register. Such a collection of facts, extending over the whole time of
the Exposition, would not only be invaluable for any future one, but
would furnish materials for other important inquiries.
The general state of the weather, which of course would have a powerful
influence, might be known from other registers: but it would be
advisable that at the end of each day some note were made of the general
state of the weather at the Crystal Palace itself.
§ After the first of these Expositions it seems probable that their
advantages will become so well known, that it may be quite possible to
let out the stalls to exhibitors under certain conditions. Foreigners
might still be admitted to exhibit without payment, because the expense
of carriage would more than compensate for the rent.
Some stalls might be granted without rent by the Commissioners, the
peculiar circumstances of each case having been considered. Again, other
stalls, or at least other means of exhibition, might be accorded to
those who contributed articles of actual use in the building; as for
example, a large striking clock, a steam-engine to drive the machinery
or to supply the fountains.
Other means might be readily devised of increasing the receipts, giving
at the same time increased convenience to the public. Thus, from the
great extent of the building, and from the crowd, it may become
difficult to pass easily from one part of the building to another. Now
if the stalls were placed back to back along the centre of the great
longitudinal avenues, a railway formed of wooden planks placed edgeways
might be raised above the middle of them at a height of about eight
feet, which would interfere but little with the stalls.
On this open railway cars mounted on wheels bound with india-rubber,[6]
in order to avoid all noise, might travel at the rate of from one to two
or perhaps three miles an hour. These cars might have luxurious
cushions, and hold parties of different numbers. One line in a side
aisle, the “express,” might be devoted entirely to conveying passengers
from one end to the other at the rate of three miles an hour, setting
down at six or more intermediate stations: the payment might be one
penny, or perhaps, on grand days, two or three pence. The other lines
should take parties slowly along, so as to allow time to see the crowd
below and the wonders of the exhibition, which might be rendered more
distinct by means of opera glasses. Each trip might occupy twenty
minutes or half an hour, and be charged threepence, sixpence, or a
shilling, according to the price of admission on that day. By these
means multitudes of ladies, children, and even of men, relieved from
bodily fatigue, might be able to acquire knowledge or derive pleasure,
which without these resources it would be impossible for them to enjoy.
It is probable that the light iron framing of such cars might be
provided gratuitously by some exhibitors, and the spring cushions and
ornamental drapery might be supplied by others, in consideration of the
advertisement thus afforded of the purveyor’s taste and skill.
The chariots of these railways should be drawn by means of a rope
connected with the motive power.
If dumb railways are not thought expedient, small galleries at least
might be made to which admission should be obtained by a small payment,
so that those who wanted to traverse quickly from one part to another of
the building, might thus, by avoiding the crowd, save time.
Umbrellas, and sticks, and great coats might be taken charge of by
ticket on payment of one halfpenny. Also, any visitor might be allowed
to deposit on his departure a bag containing his catalogue, note-book,
or any articles which it might be inconvenient to him to take home with
him each day, as is customary at the railway stations.
Other accommodations will suggest themselves, to be provided on the
payment of a very small fee; for example, soap and water and a clean
towel may be very desirable to some visitors, especially to those who
may examine the machinery.
It is probable that there may occasionally occur large crowds pressing
for admittance. It may be worth while to consider whether in such cases
an additional reserved entrance might not be opened, through which
ladies and children, and men whom age or indisposition has deprived of
the physical force requisite for encountering a crowd, might be allowed
to pass on the farther payment, say of sixpence or a shilling.
If it were possible to have a similar reserved enclosure close to the
building, in which carriages might remain on payment of a small fee,
much inconvenience would be saved to some of the visitors, and some
advantage would result to those who did not avail themselves of it, in
consequence of the diminished line of carriages at the public entrances.
[5] “What shall we do with the Glass Palace? By Spiridione
Gambardella.” London: Aylott & Jones, Paternoster-row.
The speech of the rash “commander of the Channel fleet” (page 9) is
worthy of the pen of the celebrated wit who bestowed that appointment.
[6] Or the rails themselves might have grooves lined with vulcanized
india-rubber.
CHAPTER V.
OBJECT AND USE OF THE EXPOSITION.
The approaching Exposition is considered by many as a great and splendid
show, calculated to give pleasure and excitement to hundreds of
thousands of persons. Even in this sense it would be beneficial, for it
is always important that the pleasures of the people should be
productive of some advance in their tastes and information. But its
great and paramount value depends on other causes. Its object may be
most concisely expressed by stating that—
The Exposition is calculated to promote and increase the free
interchange of raw materials and manufactured commodities between all
the nations of the earth.
Its object is not the exclusive benefit of England, and if any such
mistaken view is still entertained, it may without hesitation be stated
that it would be impossible by any mode of management to accomplish so
selfish an object.
It is the interest of every people, that all other nations should
advance in knowledge, in industrial skill, in taste, and in science. The
advances made in the two latter subjects acquire _permanent_ existence
only through the _publicity_ given to their enunciation and discussion.
Refining and elevating all by whom they are received, new principles in
taste or in science, as soon as they are accepted as truths, become the
universal property of mankind.
In whatever distant country any man devises means of diminishing the
cost of production of the commodity he deals in, the following effects
will result—
He will make larger profits than usual.
He will then diminish his price in order to get more customers.
His rivals in trade now find it necessary to undersell him in order to
get back their customers.
Whilst this competition goes on, the price of the commodity falls, a
larger consumption takes place and new purchasers will arise, which for
a time checks the fall.
Ultimately, his rivals in the trade either remove their capital into
other lines of business, or adopt the improved process.
In the mean time the first discoverer will, if a prudent and industrious
man, have realized a considerable capital, for he will be fully aware
that in the present state of science no monopoly can be permanent. He
will rather seek for a succession of moderate improvements, which
exciting no immediate inquiry or rivalry, shall increase the average per
centage of his profits, thus constantly keeping his manufactory one, or
at the utmost, only two steps in advance of his competitors.
When in consequence of such an improvement, a reduced price and an
enlarged demand has arisen in his own country, the manufacturer will
naturally make inquiries whether at this diminished price other
countries may not be induced to become purchasers. If this is the case,
the fact of their free interchange with him proves that they can acquire
his commodity at a less cost than they can themselves produce it.
But although the Exposition itself could not and ought not to have been
attempted for the sole benefit of this country, it is almost certain
that England will reap the greatest share of its advantages. This will
arise from the more extended system of her commerce, and from the habits
of her people. The profits of the merchant, other circumstances being
equal, depend upon the amount of his capital. Similarly, the knowledge
brought back by the traveller in foreign countries, or derived from his
observation in his own, will mainly depend on the stock of information
he carried with him to give in exchange.
§ To arrive at those principles by which the Exposition ought to be
regulated, it becomes necessary to examine the nature and extent of the
interests involved.
In all interchanges there are three distinct parties concerned—
The Consumer,
The Middle-man,
The Producer.
The overwhelming superiority both in amount of capital and in the number
of the first of these classes, the _Consumer_, is at once apparent, and
ought throughout the inquiry to be steadily borne in mind. In fact, each
individual of the other two classes is necessarily a member of the
first; for all men are _consumers_, and as such their common bond of
interest is to purchase every thing in the _cheapest_ market.
§ The class _Producer_ is equally indispensable for the purposes of
exchange, but its number is much more limited. The interest of each
individual producer is, that he should sell his _own_ produce at as dear
a price as possible, whilst he purchases that of all other producers as
cheaply as he can.
The class _Producer_, therefore, is not only comparatively small, but
has really a very divided interest, arising only from the difference
between the personal and the class interest of the individual.
§ The class _Middle-man_ is more extensive, comprising merchants,
brokers, factors, wholesale and retail shopkeepers, hawkers, &c. The
profits of this class are generally regarded by the public with some
degree of suspicion. It is often thought that their profits are
exorbitant. But in truth this is not frequently the case. The division
of employments necessarily produces middle-men, and the public in the
long run obtain the articles they require with more convenience and
economy, and at a less fluctuating price, than it would be without such
agency. But the number of intermediate agents in any commerce is itself
subject to change, in different trades and at various times: it is quite
possible that these changes may not have taken place with sufficient
promptitude, and thus the public may have suffered for a time either by
an excess or a defect in the number of middle-men.
The interests of middle-men are, individually, the same as those of
consumers. As a class, the extension of commerce is for their advantage,
because they are paid according to the amount of exchanges made. But
they have also another and a very powerful interest. They fear that if
the public were acquainted with the manufacturing price of articles, it
would consider the difference between that and the selling price as a
tax imposed by the middle-man upon the consumer. The middle-man
therefore has a direct interest in preventing the public from arriving
at a knowledge of the prices charged by the original manufacturer. It is
also the interest of the middle-man that the manufacturer should not
know the price at which his produce sells by retail: but, as it is in
most cases impossible to prevent this, few attempts at concealment are
made.
§ It appears, then, that the interests of these classes may be thus
summed up—
Consumers, including every human being, have a strong interest in the
freest competition as producing the lowest price.
Producers have an interest in selling their produce in the dearest
market, and therefore claim free competition. But they have no advantage
in selling it at the highest price: because a high price limits the
extent of the sale. Their object is that the profit on each article,
multiplied by the number sold, shall be the greatest possible.
Middle-men, although usually adverse to competition, have yet a direct
interest in the amount sold.
CHAPTER VI.
LIMITS.
One of the great difficulties in exhibiting together samples of the
produce and the industry of the world, must obviously be the magnitude
and consequent expense of any building capable of containing such an
exposition. In order to do this most effectively, and to secure the
greatest amount of space for the primary object, it became necessary to
lay down principles within the limits of which the objects exhibited
should be confined. No real difficulty opposed the definition of this
boundary, even if a liberal interpretation were admitted.
The Fine arts and the Industrial arts, although of the highest
importance each to the other, are separated by a sufficiently definite
line of demarcation, even at the points at which they most nearly
approach. The characteristic of the fine arts is, that each example is
an individual—the production of individual taste, and executed by
individual hands; the produce of the fine arts is therefore necessarily
costly. The characteristic of the industrial arts is, that each example
is but one of a multitude,—generated according to the same law, by tools
or machines, (in the largest sense of those terms,) and moved with
unerring precision by the application of physical force. Their produce
is consequently cheap.
The fine arts idealize nature by generalizing from its individual
objects: the industrial arts realize identity by the unbounded use of
the principle of copying.
The union of the two, enlarging vastly the utility of both, enables art
to be appreciated and genius to be admired by millions whom its single
productions would never reach; whilst the producer in return, elevated
by the continual presence of the multiplied reproductions of the highest
beauty, acquires a new source of pleasure, and feels his own mechanical
art raised in his estimation by such an alliance.
§ This distinction between the fine arts and those of industry, would
appear to place some of the latter in a class to which they are not yet
generally admitted. It might seem that all lace not produced by
machinery, must according to this view be admitted amongst the fine
arts.
There are in the Exhibition some beautiful examples of such lace amongst
the productions of other countries as well as of our own. They are made
by the united labour of many women. The cost of a piece of lace will
consist of—
1.—The remuneration to the artist who designs the pattern.
2.—The cost of the raw material.
3.—The cost of the labour of a large number of women working on it for
many months.
Let us compare this with the cost of a piece of statuary, which is
undoubtedly of a much higher class of art; it will consist of:—
1.—The remuneration to the artist who makes the model.
2.—The cost of the raw material.
3.—The cost of labour by assistants in cutting the block to the pattern
of the model.
4.—Finishing the statue by the artist himself.
In lace-making the skill of the artist is required only for the
production of the first example. Every succeeding copy is made by mere
labour: each copy may be considered as an _individual_, and will cost
the same amount of time.
In sculpture the three first processes are quite analogous to those in
lace-making. But the fourth process requires the taste and judgment of
the artist. It is this which causes it to retain its rank amongst the
fine arts, whilst lace-making must still be classed amongst the
industrial.
Here we may observe the strong analogy which unites these very different
processes. If we continue the examination we shall find other
resemblances, and by contrasting sculpture with lace made by machinery,
we shall see in the very nature of their production, the wide interval
which separates the industrial from the fine arts.
In the making both of lace and of statues, the remuneration to the
artists can only be reduced by producing a larger number of them through
more extended education. The expense of the raw material is small in
both. The expense of labour in lace-making is very large, and it is
perhaps considerable also in sculpture. The discovery of more convenient
localities yielding marble, may make some diminution in its cost; and
the improved manufacture of thread may slightly reduce the price of
lace. A reduction in the price of labour may to a very moderate extent
reduce the cost of the raw material of both. But it is evident that any
_very great_ reduction is not to be expected.
Let us now contrast this possible reduction with the past history of
some industrial art. The plain lace made at Nottingham, called patent
net, will supply us with a good example. In the year 1813 that lace was
sold in the piece at the rate of 21_s._ a-yard. At the present time lace
of the same kind, but of a better quality, is sold under the same
circumstances at 3_d._ per yard. Thus, in less than forty years the
price of the industrial produce has diminished to one eighty-fourth part
of its original price.
§ The fine arts, already possessing a building and an exhibition of
their own, which usually opens on the same day as that proposed for the
opening of the Palace of Industry, it seems difficult at first to
imagine why the limited space disposable within the latter edifice
should be occupied by any portion of a subject exclusively belonging to
the fine arts. Yet it has been decided that Sculpture shall be admitted
but Painting rejected.[7]
Supposing both departments of art to be equally excluded, there would
still be a propriety, and even almost a necessity to admit some examples
of each. New tools used by the sculptor, suppose for preparing the
block, might require an example of their mode of application; whilst the
effects produced on the surface of the marble by other tools, could only
be shown by comparative specimens.
Machinery of a very beautiful kind has been contrived for copying
accurately, on a reduced or an enlarged scale, both medals and statues.
The Venus de Medici itself could not be justly excluded from a purely
industrial exhibition,—if placed in the centre of a series diminishing
on the one side to a statuette of a foot high, and increasing on the
other to a figure double her own height. Such a series, though fairly
introduced as an illustration of industrial art, would, indeed, itself
be highly interesting to the fine arts, as exhibiting the effect of
change of magnitude, when the proportions remain identical.
Enamel painting would be excluded as belonging to the fine arts, but
every painting on porcelain partakes in fact of the nature of an enamel
painting. A service of porcelain would of course be admitted as a
specimen of mechanical art, however highly it might be adorned by this
form of painting.
New modes of engraving might be exhibited, analogous, for example, to
that by which medals are so beautifully represented. There are several
new methods of surface printing for multiplying original designs. In all
such cases it would be very desirable to place before the eye of the
spectator, the originals from which the copies were derived, and it
might also add to the utility and interest of the Exposition, even to
exhibit other forms of engraving of the same subject, for the sake of
comparison.
The instruments by which daguerreotypes and talbotypes are produced,
would assuredly claim a place; so also might a collection of their
results. It would also be instructive that some of these productions
should be accompanied by the original forms or paintings from which they
were copied.
The general rule, therefore, might be, that specimens of the fine arts
should not be admitted by themselves; but that they should not be
excluded,—as illustrations,—either of the use of some tool or instrument
by which their own production might be assisted,—or as forming parts or
decorations of objects of the industrial arts,—or for the sake of
comparison with the copies or imitations of them produced by these
latter arts.
[7] Since this was written, the beautiful effect produced by sculpture
in the Crystal Palace has fully justified the decision of the
Commission. In fact, the only real objection to the admission either
of sculpture or painting arises from the extent of space required.
CHAPTER VII.
SITE AND CONSTRUCTION OF BUILDING.
The questions connected with the construction of the building, were
surrounded with considerable difficulties, even to the best informed. It
should be capable of containing specimens, not merely of all the
manufactured products of the world, but also of all the raw materials
now used, and even of such, as being presented to the attention of
competent persons, might probably become useful hereafter.
The site of such a building, its fitness for its purpose, and the cost
of its construction, were the chief points to be considered.
Its situation especially was the most important, because that
circumstance would greatly influence the number of persons visiting the
Exposition, and therefore the amount of the receipts out of which the
building was to be paid for.
The first principle which should guide the choice of a site, is
obviously the _convenience of visitors_; and a little observation, or a
moderate share of common sense, will show how the principle should be
applied.
It is known to all those who have observed the course of crowds of human
beings going to and returning from some centre of attraction, that if
the spot on which the assemblage is to take place is subject to our
choice, much of the difficulty of the arrangements will be removed.
Other circumstances being equal, that site is the best which admits of
the greatest number of independent channels by which the multitude can
arrive and retire. The means of access should be so arranged that
various divisions of the visitors would, according to the quarter in
which they reside, naturally take each its own most convenient course,
without the necessity of any instruction from police or attendants.
Various sites had been proposed. Hyde Park;—the Regent’s Park;—Primrose
Hill, still more distant;—fields on the south side of the Thames
intended to form Battersea Park.
It is fortunate that neither of the two latter was chosen, although they
had many advocates: for in all probability the receipts would have been
diminished by at least a third, if not by a half.
Various situations were pointed out in Hyde Park. One on the north
nearly facing Hyde Park Gardens—one on the south nearly opposite the
Barracks; this latter was ultimately chosen.
§ But a different position may be pointed out which combines so many
advantages that it is much to be regretted it was not placed at the
disposal of the Commission.
The distance between Cumberland Gate and the gate at Hyde Park Corner,
is about 1,300 yards, or nearly three quarters of a mile. On the eastern
side of the park, adjoining Park Lane, there is a narrow strip occupied
by plantations, the circular reservoir and gardens.
On the open ground adjacent to this strip, but rather nearer to
Cumberland Gate, the Crystal Palace might advantageously have been
placed. Its length being nearly 629 yards, each end would have been
about 350 yards from the two great roads of access. This site would have
possessed the following advantages:—
1. Its distance from the north or south entrance of the park would,
for the average of visitors, have been considerably less than that
of the present site.
To persons standing at Hyde Park Corner or at Cumberland Gate, the
respective ends of the building would have appeared, from its great
elevation, almost close to them.
2. There are very few trees upon it, and those few are still young.
3. It is the highest ground in the park, and could, therefore, be
better drained.
In its present position the building can scarcely be seen from either of
those positions. It is above half a mile from Hyde Park Corner: whilst
it is three quarters of a mile by footpath, and nearly a mile and a half
by carriage drive from Cumberland Gate.
The large majority of visitors from the north and the south will enter
the park through these two approaches. The average distance, therefore,
which each will have to travel in the park, will be nearly three
quarters of a mile.
Yards.
The distance of the nearest end of the present building
from Hyde Park Corner is about 940
From Cumberland Gate is, by footpath, about 1560
Ditto, by carriage, about 2490
The distance of the end of the proposed site from Hyde
Park Corner, is about 375
Ditto, from Cumberland Gate 375
If we consider how many persons might have entered close to a building
thus placed, through Grosvenor and Stanhope Gates, or through any
temporary ones near them, it will be perceived that this average
distance would in fact be much diminished.
Supposing that an equal number of visitors arrive by each approach, we
have some means of approximating to one portion of the inconvenience and
loss which the public will suffer from its present position.
In the first place the number of visitors has been variously estimated
from one to seven millions. Let us suppose it to be four millions. Each
of these four million visitors will, on an average, have to travel one
mile and a quarter more than would have been necessary to go to and
return from the Exposition. Thus five millions of miles will be
uselessly traversed. If the expense of transport were one penny a-mile,
and the value of time on an average four shillings a-day, the account
would run thus—
2,000,000 persons travel 1½ mile.
1,000,000
----------
6) 3,000,000 miles at six miles per hour.
----------
10) 500,000 hours.
----------
4s.=⅕l.) 50,000 days of ten hours each.
------
10,000l. value of lost time.
------
A similar calculation of the time lost by 2,000,000 persons travelling
three miles an hour would give 13,333_l._
The expense of travelling at 1_d._ per mile of the first 2,000,000, who
travel in carriages, gives—
12) 3,000,000 miles.
---------
20) 250,000
-------
12,500l. cost of carr. of two millions 1½ mile each.
10,000l. cost of time of ditto.
13,333l. cost of time of two millions at 1 mile each.
------
35,833l. total loss.
------
In this estimate the price of one penny a-mile may perhaps be thought
high, especially when it is known that many will go on foot, others in
omnibus, others in their own carriages: but in order to remain the same
number of hours in the present building, from the extra time required to
visit it, it will be necessary for many persons to spend one additional
day in London, which could scarcely be done under twenty pence even by
the poorest visitor.
The allowance of six miles an hour for travelling in omnibus or
carriage, considering the stoppages of the one, and the crowd on the
single road of approach for both, will be admitted to be moderate.
The rate of four shillings per day, or twenty-four shillings per week,
as the value of the time of the visitors, will probably be thought less
than its average value.
There can be no doubt that under these disadvantages the actual site
must cause the loss of a large number of visitors, who would have
partaken of the enjoyment in the more favourable position. The amount of
_pure loss_ thus suffered by the visitors as a class, must be withdrawn
from the sum they intended to expend on their visit.
One of the earliest acts of the Commission was to advertise for plans of
a building suitable for their purpose.
Certain principles were laid down. It should be _temporary_ in its
character—it should be economical in its cost—it should be fire-proof or
nearly so—it should be built and fit for use in an inconceivably short
time, and capable of being removed in still less.
A lithographed plan of the ground assigned for it, was circulated for
the use of all who chose to make suggestions, or to compete for the
prizes offered for the most approved designs; this insured a certain
amount of uniformity in scale, which rendered comparison easier.
Although, from necessity, a very short time could be allowed for
preparation, yet 240 designs for the building were offered.
These were exhibited to the public at the apartments of the Society of
Arts; a certain number of them were selected as worthy of praise, and
some as deserving more substantial rewards.
There appears to have existed from the beginning in the public mind, not
only in England but on the Continent, a belief that the Commissioners
would not be very rigid in interpreting their rules. This was probably
confirmed by the sudden and unlooked-for withdrawal of the large prizes
that had been promised to the public at the commencement. Accordingly,
the various plans seemed to vie with each other in violating the rules
laid down by the Commission; those selected for reward were not the most
consistent with them. In order to give confidence to the future, it
would have been expedient, previously to examining their merits, to have
rejected all which grossly violated the conditions proposed by the
Commission.
Beautiful plans might be suggested for magnificent buildings, if the
designers were alike reckless of cost and of time of construction, and
those who had honestly confined themselves to the prescribed conditions
felt, with some reason, aggrieved at finding the violators of them
applauded and rewarded.
Although there was, in the opinion of the Commissioners, much of beauty
and genius, and many suggestions of value, yet none of the plans
approached their own idea of what was requisite. It was therefore
resolved that the Commission should itself originate one, availing
themselves of the hints contained in these plans.
In the mean time, Mr. Paxton, who had devised and successfully carried
out a new kind of architecture, the chief material of which was glass,
came to their assistance. He drew the plans of his singular design, and
was fortunate enough to find in Messrs. Fox and Henderson a firm capable
of supplying all those mechanical details necessary for its success, and
even of contracting to execute the work in a period of time so short
that it will probably long remain unrivalled in the art of construction.
The Commission accepted this offer, and the present beautiful building
arose as if by magic. Amongst all the curious and singular products
which the taste, the skill, the industry of the world, have confided to
the judgment of England, there will be found within that crystal
envelope, few whose manufacture can claim a higher share of our
admiration than that palace itself, which shelters these splendid
results of advanced civilization.
The building itself was regularly manufactured. Simple in its
construction, and requiring the multiplied repetition of few parts, its
fabrication was contrived with consummate skill. The internal economy
with which its parts were made and put together on the spot was itself a
most instructive study.[8]
[8] The reader will find very interesting details and drawings of this
manufacture in the “Illustrated London News,” and in the “Expositor.”
CHAPTER VIII.
PRICES.
The great mass of consumers are always anxious to know the _price_ of a
commodity. To them it is the most essential consideration in a purchase.
The thoughtless rich care little about the price, and those who don’t
intend to pay, care still less about it. The most knowing of this latter
class, indeed, often deceive the vigilance of honest tradesmen by
affecting a peculiar earnestness about cheapness. It is quite true that
many well-known articles in great demand have a certain market price,
and some a certain fixed price; as for instance, a penny roll. In this
latter case the judgment of the purchaser is directed to its size, or
its goodness, or to both those qualities together.
§ It may be useful to trace out the course of purchases by retail, and
to show the fine gradations of impediment which are insensibly
interposed between the vendor and consumer, as obstacles to a full
examination of the article by the latter. Of course neither an article
of daily consumption ought to be taken as an example, nor yet one
immediately wanted by a consumer, whose time is so valuable that it
would be cheaper to go into the first shop he finds and purchase it at
any price.
§ Let us suppose that a lady having some leisure goes out in search of a
fan. She passes several shops in which they may or may not be kept for
sale.
She sees some fans in a shop window, but as they are _not open_ she
passes on, intending to return to them if she cannot suit herself
elsewhere.
A few doors beyond there are some fans _open_, but none of them exactly
suit her taste, and she does not like to give the owner of the shop the
trouble of opening a number of fans, none of which may please her.
In the next street she sees in the window of a shop some fans, which
_are open_. One of these appears to suit her, but there is no price
marked on it. She does not like to go into the shop and examine more
minutely whether the subtle implement she requires has sufficient
strength to withstand its ball-room trials, lest it may be too expensive
for her purse.
A short distance beyond another set of _opened_ fans present themselves
to her notice in the window of another shop, each of them with its price
distinctly marked upon it. One of these the hesitating lady prefers, _a
little_, to the last she had approved, and she resolves to enter this
shop and examine the fan. But perceiving before she enters, that there
is no attendant in the shop, she thinks the mistress may be at dinner,
or have gone up stairs to her baby, and she says to herself, “It is of
no consequence; I will not disturb her now.”
Still passing onward she finds a shop in the window of which is a pretty
fan, although not quite so good as the last, and within there sits the
shopkeeper—but the door is _shut_.
Although the fan was not the most suitable the lady had seen, yet had
that door been open, she would have entered, hoping that the fans
exposed in the window were samples of classes kept in store within.
At last she finds all these impediments removed; a fan that will nearly
suit her lies open in the window, with its price clearly marked, an
attendant is in the shop, and the door is hospitably _open_. She enters
and examines it, and finding it well made, asks whether there are others
of the same class of pattern, to which the reply is that it is the only
one remaining. Upon this she purchases the fan, although had she entered
several of the former shops, she might have found fans both more exactly
suited to her taste and at a less price. The _marking_ has decided her
choice. It is not to be imagined that all, or even the greater part of
these impediments, ever occurred to one person at the same time: but
there are few who have not at different times felt the effects of most
of them.
§ It is said that _ladies by education and birth_ occasionally amuse
themselves by entering shops and giving interminable trouble, having no
intention of making any purchase. This doubtlessly is a libel.
§ Several other minor impediments deter purchasers from some shops, and
incline them to frequent others; amongst these may be mentioned an over
officiousness in the attendants to recommend to the attention of the
purchaser other articles than those he requires. This pressure to induce
purchases is peculiarly offensive, and drives away the best customers.
The absence of a marked price upon an article, tends to defeat the
effect of competition, as well as to produce loss of time both to
consumer and vendor. It is therefore, to a certain extent, a cause of
increase of price.
Its effect is to cause the same article to be sold at different prices
in the same neighbourhood, thus counteracting that uniformity of price
at considerable distances, which is consequent upon rapid and cheap
communication.
§ As the extent to which this is carried even in a great city, may not
be known, the following occurrence will afford an illustration:—
A gentleman wishing to make the light of his reading lamp approach more
nearly to day-light, looked out for a lamp-glass of a blue tint. Having
observed one of the wished-for colour in a shop window marked at 1_s._
6_d._ he purchased it. After a considerable trial he was so satisfied
with the comfort it afforded to his eyes, that he wished to have other
lamps in his house similarly furnished. On returning to the shop at
which the blue globe was purchased, he found that its proprietor had
retired, and his successor was in a different line of business. Seeing
in the window of another shop in his own neighbourhood, a coloured globe
of the same size, he entered and inquired the price. To his great
surprise the price was stated to be 3_s._; and on asking if any
reduction would be made if he took a dozen or two, the answer was that
in that case the lowest price would be half-a-crown each.
This naturally led him to suppose that the cheapness of the first glass
arose from the accident of its proprietor being about to retire from
business, and he therefore decided upon confining his indulgence in the
luxury of white light to his single reading lamp. One day, however, he
accidentally saw in another shop window a similar globe of blue glass.
On inquiring within, he was informed that its price was 1_s._, and that
the price per dozen was 11_s._
Under these new circumstances he provided a blue globe for every lamp in
his house.
Now it is necessary to observe that these glasses, charged at 3_s._,
1_s._ 6_d._, and 1_s._, were offered for sale at three different shops
not distant from each other a mile and a half, and were not only of the
same size, weight, shade of colour and quality of glass, but had each
the same maker’s stamp upon them, and may possibly have been taken from
the same pot of glass. It is remarkable also that the cheapest glass
globe, although exposed in the shop window, had no price attached to it.
§ It is obvious, if it were the custom invariably to mark the price upon
each article exposed for sale, that such unreasonable differences of
price in the same article could not exist. It is certain that, if the
Royal Commissioners were to consult the dealer who charged 3_s._ for an
article sold by his neighbour at 1_s._, they would be informed that it
would be absolutely ruinous to have prices affixed to articles
exhibited. Such a tradesman would assure them, and with perfect truth,
that it would entirely destroy his trade. But if he cannot live upon the
ordinary profits of capital employed in his trade, are the unwary public
to pay two hundred per cent. beyond the market price, in order to
support a tradesman unfit for his business? If, on the other hand, the
Commissioners were to ask the opinion of the tradesman who sold the
glass at 1_s._, he undoubtedly would not object to the general practice
of affixing prices to each article. The opinion of the vendor of the
glass at 1_s._ 6_d._ was sufficiently expressed by its being attached to
that article.
§ There are several causes assigned for the admitted repugnance of
shopkeepers to allow the price of any article they sell to be marked
upon it.
It is broadly asserted that the public, being unable to judge of the
article, will be guided too much by the cheapness of its money price,
neglecting its other qualities, and will thus be induced to purchase
worthless things.
It is always somewhat suspicious when the vendor volunteers to take care
of the interest of the purchaser. It reverses the decision of the common
sense of mankind, expressed in the ancient proverb, “_caveat emptor_.”
Besides, it is by no means true that the public are so ignorant or
incapable of appreciating all those other qualities. In some articles
the difficulty is undoubtedly great, whilst in others it may require
time to be spent in their examination even by those who are as
conversant with the articles as the vendor himself. But why should the
time of both parties be wasted by an examination, when the price may be
such as to preclude its purchase, whatever may be its other merits?
§ Of all the various qualities which contribute to the excellence of any
given article, that which it is most easy to ascertain—that which it is
impossible to falsify—and that without the exact knowledge of which no
purchase can possibly be made, is the very one which it is wished to
withhold from the knowledge of the purchaser, until through the art of
the vendor, the finer feelings of the customer induce him to think
himself in some measure committed to purchase that of which he does not
entirely approve.
It is from circumstances like these, that the prejudice against retail
dealers arises and is confirmed in the public mind. There is no reason
why that class should not be as highly respected as the possessors of
extensive domains. To deserve that respect they have only to insist upon
all persons in their employment abstaining from the slightest deception
in serving their customers; to which rule it would be desirable to add,
that the leading members of each trade should unite in discountenancing
those who are guilty of any such practices.
§ The effect upon the sale of an article by the absence of its price may
be illustrated by another example. Some years ago a large bazaar was
held for some charitable object at the Hanover Square Rooms. It was
patronised by the highest rank, and the beauty of the fair shopkeepers
was even more attractive than the wares they had to dispose of. A
collector thought this a favourable opportunity of adding to his
collection a vase of porphyry: having paid the admission fee of 5_s._,
he entered, and soon perceived some beautiful specimens of the object he
desired. Having looked at them for some time, he selected in his mind
one which he would willingly have purchased if it were within the limit
(10_l._) which he had assigned for the gratification of his taste. There
was, however, no price attached to any of the vases, and fearing that
they were all beyond his means, he reluctantly departed without the
wished-for acquisition. It happened that he mentioned in the course of
the next year the circumstance to a friend who was acquainted with the
history of the vase in question. The vase for which he would willingly
have given 10_l._ was not sold at that bazaar, but some time after it
appeared at a less fashionable bazaar And was sold for 5_l._
§ Most of those who visit the Exposition will each according to their
means wish to retain some memorial of it. Many will have been
economising during the previous year in order to purchase some object of
utility or of pleasure either for their own use or to take back as
remembrances to their family and friends. It would be very difficult
amidst the vast variety of attractions, even if the price of each were
marked upon it, to select the most desirable article within those limits
of expense to which each purchaser is confined. But by forbidding the
marking of prices, this difficulty is converted into an impossibility.
The first step according to the decree of the Commissioners, would be to
go round and ask the price of at least a hundred, if not a thousand
articles. These must be written down by each inquirer unless the
Exhibitors supply him with printed lists. Even if he make a selection
out of these, it is a hundred to one that some other article in the
enormous collection would, if he had known its price, have pleased him
better.
§ If we examine the history of the earlier stages of society, we shall
see the constant tendency of its institutions to facilitate the mutual
exchange of commodities between its members, and to remove every
obstacle impeding their interchange. When the population was thinly
scattered over the country, the possessor of a fowl, wanting a pound of
butter, was obliged to go some distance to a neighbour either to
purchase the butter or to get it in exchange for the fowl. But it would
have cost him more time than the worth of the butter if he had visited
several neighbours to find out where it was the cheapest. To remedy this
inconvenience, market days were established in the villages and towns at
more or less frequent intervals. On these occasions each farmer sent one
of the family to the periodic market, who sold the produce of the farm
and purchased whatever might be required of their neighbours, who were
each represented by one of their own family at that common market.
Itinerant vendors of various manufactured articles flocked to these
markets because they there met their customers with less loss of time
and less fatigue.
Whilst these hawkers thus gained on the one hand, it must be admitted
that they lost on the other those occasionally extravagant profits
sometimes levied on the necessities of their isolated customers. But on
the whole they derived from their trade a more regular rate of profit,
because the competition side by side of rival goods and rival prices,
rendered that profit much less fluctuating. Their greatest gain,
however, arose from the time saved by all parties, which largely
increased the consumption of their respective articles of produce.
§ When towns became enlarged, the same principle of mutual interest led
to the selection of particular streets or quarters of the town by
particular trades. In many cities on the continent, the jewellers, as
well as some other trades, still occupy entire streets by themselves.
The next step seems to have been to hold a general exchange in a fixed
spot at certain periodic times. This was necessary for the merchants and
larger dealers, and for international exchanges. In great cities this
was again subdivided into various branches of business, as—The Corn
Exchange—The Coal Exchange, &c.
§ At these marts a class of men called brokers arose, whose business it
was to sell on commission for the producers, and to purchase on
commission for the merchants or other middle men.
The economy of time produced by this arrangement is very great. Let us
suppose an exchange or bazaar attended by a hundred purchasers and a
hundred sellers. Each purchaser, in order to become fully acquainted
with the state of the market, must ask at least two questions of each
seller—
1st. What is the price?
2d. What quantity have you for sale at that price?
This alone gives rise to _twenty thousand questions_. If, on the other
hand, a broker is employed, each of the two hundred persons who
constitute the market, will have to answer those two questions only to
his own broker; consequently, there will only be four hundred such
questions. If there are twenty brokers, these may meet together at the
market, and each stating his commissions both for purchase and for sale,
a list may be immediately formed by which the state of the market as to
supply and demand becomes known, and in the event of there being but
little difference in the quality of the articles, it becomes easy for
the brokers to arrange the requisite exchanges at prices which are
equitable for all parties.
§ Great, however, as this advantage is, it is small compared with
another which we shall now consider. When a bargain is made directly by
the two individuals interested in it, there usually occurs on both sides
an attempt to appear more or less indifferent about it, in order to
secure advantageous terms. Thus price is made to depend partly upon the
personal feelings and qualities of the parties, and the less impulsive
and more sagacious will gain considerable advantage over the hasty and
inexperienced. A certain degree also of misrepresentation often occurs,
and the price demanded is frequently greater than that which the seller
is willing to take: thus the quantity of time consumed by parties
themselves in bargaining, is always much greater than that in which
their brokers can do the business for them on more advantageous terms.
Again: the broker has an interest in effecting sales, because he is paid
in proportion to their amount. But he has no interest in favouring one
class of his customers more than another: his profits depend entirely
upon his knowledge, his industry, and his integrity. The necessity of
the intervening broker arises from the imperfections of mankind, and
when rigidly honest his services are invaluable. If one party is
perfectly aware of all circumstances relating to the state of the
market, he has no need of any broker, because he can acquire no new
information: on the other hand, those who treat with him may as well
save themselves the expense of a broker, because nothing can be
communicated on the subject which is not already known.
When these principles, which are found to prevail in large transactions,
are applied to the retail concerns of everyday life, the intervention of
the broker is not required. This arises from the multitude of the
transactions, the smallness of the individual amount of each, and the
immense variety of the articles of exchange.
§ Another class of middle-men now come into existence, namely,
Shopkeepers. The evils already pointed out still exist. One of the
questions, it is true, need not be asked, for the quantity of an article
held by a retail dealer, is usually much larger than the wants of any
individual customer; but the question of price still remains. The
removal of all these difficulties may be accomplished by the adoption of
one simple plan—let the price be affixed to each article.