the girls have pre-marital liberty, and there exists no marital
fidelity. W. Bogoras (p. 602) describes "group marriage" among the
Chukchee, which seems to be an institution similar to the Australian
_pirauru_. There are groups, consisting of up to ten men or women, that
have the right to sexual intercourse with each other; "but this right is
comparatively rarely taken advantage of, only when a man has for some
reason to visit the camp of one of his group companions. The host then
gives up to him his place in the sleeping room, and if possible leaves
the house for the night, going, for instance, to his flock. Afterwards
the host generally seeks an opportunity of returning the visit, so as to
exercise his rights in turn." The sex communities are generally composed
of neighbours and friends. The offspring of brothers and sisters in the
second and third generations are, as a rule, united in the same sex
community, but not brothers. Bogoras thinks that the communities were
originally limited to members of a group who were related, and were only
later extended to other people; the ceremonies at the formation of a
group seem to imply this. The persons concerned bring sacrifices and
anoint themselves with blood, first in the one and then in the other
camp. The admission into a group of persons who greatly diverge from
each other in age is not welcomed, and single men are also not willingly
admitted. The inhabitants of one and the same camp are seldom willing
to form a sex community, for reciprocal relationship is intended as an
exception rather than the rule, though there are deviations from this
rule. Every individual family of the Chukchee belongs in practice to
some sex community. Should a family keep to themselves, it would
indicate that they had no friends and no protectors in time of need. The
children of members of a sex community are reckoned as near blood
relations, and may not marry one another.
It is quite different among the Koryaks, the neighbours of the Chukchee.
They demand abstinence from the girls before marriage, and there is
rarely any transgression against this law. Pregnancy before marriage is
a disgrace, and unmarried mothers are forced to give birth in the
wilderness. Children born before marriage are killed. After the advent
of puberty the girls sleep in their "combinations," which are fashioned
in such a way as to exclude undesirable intercourse. Intercourse between
engaged couples is also looked upon as sinful. Sometimes the girl lives
with relatives in another place for a time, or is kept hidden until the
bridegroom works off at her parents' home the service which he owes to
them. Incest is strictly avoided, for it is feared that the evil-doers
must die in consequence of it. The various prohibitions existing at the
present day with regard to the marriage of certain consanguineous or
adopted relations are only of recent date; they were unknown formerly
(Jochelson, p. 733). Perhaps the other existing sexual customs are also
the result of missionary activities.
The above examples, chosen at random, plainly show that the conceptions
of sexual morality generally held by primitive people are different from
those prevalent under European civilisation. Very often these primitive
customs have been greatly influenced or altogether exterminated by the
example or the power of the European colonists. Whether this was of
benefit to the races cannot be discussed here.
After all, European morality is not so very superior to that of the
"savages." As Georg Friederici (p. 85) pertinently says: "Almost
everywhere in our society we shut our eyes to the fact that our young
men do what is forbidden to them, but is permitted to the Melanesian and
Polynesian girls. We admit the State regulation of prostitution or, to
avoid greater scandal, even street prostitution; yet we set out in moral
indignation to reform the customs of primitive peoples which have proved
their value and are consistent with their moral laws. Having nothing
better to put in their place, we merely introduce among them what
happens to be our own canker."
Everywhere the fight against the traditional moral ideals has resulted
merely in the introduction of prostitution, with all its corruption. We
should therefore refrain from reforms that are misplaced, and should not
attack customs that cannot be replaced by better ones, and that do not
stand in the way of colonisation.
III
COURTSHIP CUSTOMS
Very often we find among primitive people that marriage is preceded by a
pretended bride capture, though the couple themselves and their
relations have agreed to the union. This gave occasion to the belief
that the capture of women was formerly a widespread and original form of
marriage. The pretended capture does not, however, seem to imply the
existence of true "marriage by capture," but rather seems to indicate
the fact that formerly brides were often given to men against their will
and had to be forced to go with them. The fact that often the abducting
bridegroom is in fun beaten by the brothers or other male relations of
the girl does not exclude this conclusion, for the thrashing may be a
later embellishment of the game of abduction, its purpose being to
increase the pleasure of the guests by satisfying their spectacular
desire. It is worthy of note that in Assam among the matriarchal Garos
there is a pretended capture of the bridegroom. It would be a mistake to
conclude from this that formerly mother-rule actually existed among the
Garos. In the report on the ethnographical survey of the Indian Central
Provinces (V., p. 53) it is stated that it was formerly customary among
the Kulams to capture men for those of their girls who would otherwise
have remained unmarried.
Among the peoples whose girls are married at a very young age no wooing
is customary, as, _e.g._, among the Dravidian Indians, the Australians,
their near relations, and others. Marriage in these cases takes place
without any or with very little ceremony (Jagor, Spencer, Howitt). It
has been impossible so far in India to check the evil custom of child
marriage; on the contrary, it is becoming more prevalent among the
animistic tribes.
Child engagements rather than child marriages are prevalent among many
peoples, as among the Asiatic Polar races and the Eskimos of North
America. But among most of these peoples free courtship exists. Thus
Jochelson writes about the Koryaks in the extreme north-east of Asia:
"If a Koryak falls in love with a girl, he generally sends a match-maker
to the father of the girl; but this is not always the case, and
particularly so if the parents do not agree to the son's choice.
Frequently the young man, without telling anybody of his intentions,
goes to the girl's home and does all the work there which is seemly for
a man. The father-in-law accepts his services also in silence. If he is
pleased with the bridegroom, he entrusts him with commissions; otherwise
he lets him feel that he must leave the house. The bridegroom's service
lasts from six months to three years. This service cannot be conceived
as 'payment' for the bride, for the wealthier of the Konaks could pay
with reindeer instead of working off the price of the bride. Besides,
the bride receives a dowry of reindeer, which is worth much more than
the service given by the son-in-law. This service is only an empty
formality, if the wooer is an older man. It rather seems as if the main
purpose of the service is to put the bridegroom to the test, for it is
not the actual work done that is of most importance, but the harsh
treatment that he has to endure and the meagre and laborious life that
he is forced to lead. The service comes to an end whenever the
father-in-law decides. The man then leads his bride home without any
formality, although she at first pretends to struggle against it; she
gives up this pretence as soon as the man succeeds in touching her sex
organs. Should a girl really not care for the man intended for her, she
will attempt to escape in reality; but she is ultimately forced by her
parents into marriage. Often, however, the girl's inclination is taken
into consideration before she is given into marriage."
Among the inland tribes of Borneo young people get married as soon as
they have reached maturity. The young man sends a confidential friend to
the parents of the girl desired, who, as a matter of form, make
objections and invent all manner of excuses. Only after the second or
third visit of the go-between is the matter taken at all seriously and a
decision arrived at. If the parents agree, they receive from the
go-between presents sent by the bridegroom, and the girl sends her lover
strings of pearls. The time of the new moon is considered the best time
for marriage. The wedding day is kept count of by both parties having
strings with an equal number of knots, from which one knot is cut off
each day. The marriage is celebrated with festivities, the bridegroom
and guests appearing in war dress; there is great feasting and much
ceremony (Hose and McDougall, II., pp. 171 _et seq._).
Among the Mafulu, a hill tribe of New Guinea, child engagements are
frequent, but the courting of adults seems to predominate. R. W.
Williamson writes (p. 170) that in one case known to him a girl of
sixteen or seventeen years old was looked upon as married to the yet
unborn son of a chief. When the boy died in early childhood, the girl
was reckoned to be his widow. If a young Mafulu youth wishes to marry
and does not know where to look for a bride, he will sometimes light a
fire outside the village; he will wait to see in which direction the
next gust of wind will blow the smoke, and there he will turn to seek a
wife. Often the youth carries about with him a bag with small pieces of
wood and stone. He rubs a piece of tobacco between two pieces and sends
it to the girl of his choice by one of her female relatives. He believes
that by this procedure the girl's heart will be turned towards him
through some mysterious power. The young men often obtain the necessary
pieces of wood or stone from a magician. The offer of marriage is also
made through a third person, generally a woman. The consent of the
parents is necessary; the marriage takes place without any special
ceremony.
Among the pigmy races of Asia and Africa child marriage exists side by
side with adult courtship. Of the Negritos of Zambales (Philippine
Islands) W. A. Reed (p. 56) says that the suitor has to pay a price for
the bride. The parents try to bargain for as much as possible, and it is
only when these demands have been fulfilled that the daughter has any
choice in the matter. The young man who has found a suitable girl
informs his family of the fact; they decide how much the girl is worth
and how much must be paid for her. Thereupon the suitor or a relative
inquires of the girl's family whether they agree to the marriage. If
they do, the purchase price is brought within a few days, and in case
this proves satisfactory to the parents these give their consent. In
many cases the girls are already in early youth promised to the boys
chosen by the parents, but the children remain with their parents until
maturity. Sometimes little girls are given to grown-up men, so that the
difference in ages is great, and the girls very unwillingly obey their
parents' will. When two families have daughters _and_ sons the girls are
exchanged as wives without either of the families paying a price. It is
said that slaves and stolen strange children are given as payment for
the bride. It is doubtful, however, according to W. A. Reed, whether
this still occurs. In many parts of the country the settlement of the
price is followed by feasting and dancing, at which pretended capture of
the bride plays a great _rôle_.
Among the Hamites of East Africa the custom exists of assigning girls
still far from mature as wives to certain adult men. If, _e.g._, a Masai
wishes to marry, he courts a very young girl, whose father receives
presents repeatedly. After the ritual operation is performed upon the
girl the young man goes to live in the house of his father-in-law,
bringing with him as gifts three cows and two oxen. When the time comes
for taking the bride home, an additional present of three sheep is made.
The girl puts on her bridal dress and follows the man without further
ceremony. A man who possesses a big herd of cattle can have many wives,
some rich men having as many as ten or twenty wives (Hollis, 1905, pp.
302, 303).
Among the negroes adult people have the right to choose their mates,
though choice is restricted through various traditional considerations.
Child engagements are not uncommon. Thus among the Bantus it is even
to-day often customary to assign children at an early age to each other
for marriage. Weule (p. 58) says of the Jaos in East Africa: "It is a
general custom for a woman who has just given birth to a child to say to
a pregnant neighbour: 'I have a daughter' (or 'a son'); 'if your child
proves to be a son' (or 'a daughter'), 'they shall marry each other.'
The other generally agrees, and this arrangement is adhered to later.
For adults there exist no special rules in the choice of mates nowadays,
and it is doubtful whether such existed previously. If a serf wants to
marry, he tells his father, who informs the master. The latter then
speaks with the father of the chosen girl. If the father agrees, the
daughter is brought in and asked for her opinion. If she is not willing
to marry the suitor, the affair is at an end. If she agrees, the
relatives, with the master at the head, consult together, and the
decision is then made. Among the Mokondes in the north of the Rowuma
river the young man looking out for marriage lets his parents negotiate
with the girl's parents. If they come to an agreement, the bridegroom
gives the bride's parents a present, which makes the affair binding.
Among the more conservative classes the eldest brother of the girl's
mother also has a voice in the matter, getting a share of the
bridegroom's presents. In olden times a Makonde boy lived after his
circumcision with one of his maternal uncles, into whose family he
afterwards married. If there were no girls in the family, he waited for
a cousin. The young man had to do all the work at his uncle's house
until the daughter grew up. Among the Makuas the suitor himself goes to
the girl's father, who again must get the consent of the mother's eldest
brother. Often all the brothers, instead of one, must be consulted. The
suitor goes the next day for his answer. If the answer is 'Yes,' the
time for the wedding is appointed, at which well-meant speeches are
made, and advice is given to the bridal pair. As a rule, the couple are
more or less of the same age, but it sometimes happens that young girls
are married by men much older than themselves."
Of the Hottentots Schultze (p. 297) writes: "A man who wishes to get a
confession of love from the girl of his choice gives her a little piece
of wood. If the two have come to an agreement, they break it, each
holding at one end, and then they throw the broken pieces at each
other's chest. The couple then commence courting, during which time they
are not allowed to speak a word with each other or to reach each other
anything. An intermediary acts between them for this purpose.
Transgressions have to be expiated by presents. It is all an amorous
game of hide-and-seek, which has hardened into a rigid custom. It can
continue thus for months or for a year, and longer, before the affair
ripens. This can happen in two ways: either openly by the parents'
consent being asked, or secretly by means of a symbolic action which
expresses the girl's agreement to complete surrender. The young man
draws off one of his skin shoes and throws it to the girl in private. If
she disregards the shoe, the proposal for an early union is rejected; in
the contrary case she gives the shoe back. When the wedding is to come
off, the parents negotiate with each other for some time, but more in
pretence than real earnest. When an agreement has been reached, the
marriage is celebrated with feasting."
Among the Indians marriage is entered into by free courtship, though
girls in particular, just as with us, are greatly dependent upon the
will of their parents. The girls marry sometimes at a very early age,
but marriage before maturity seems non-existent.
Koch-Grünberg (I., pp. 181, 182) says of the Siusis that the choice of
partners is not always the affair of those directly concerned. Often the
parents, or the father alone, choose the husband for the daughter. The
parents have no such strong influence on the son's choice. The wedding
is celebrated by dancing, which goes on for several days at the house of
the bride's father. At the end of the festivities the latter makes a
long speech to his son-in-law, and gives him over his daughter as wife,
wherewith the marriage is consummated. The young wife goes to her
husband's house, which, as a rule, also serves as the home of her
parents-in-law. The trousseau is generally small.
Among the Kobeua Indians of the Upper Rio Negro a young man wishing to
marry asks the permission of the father of his bride-elect. If he
consents, the bridegroom remains for five days in the house of his
parents-in-law, and a big dance and banquet is held, in which many
guests take part. At the end of the feast the father gives over his
daughter to his son-in-law, whereupon the couple go off, the father
breaking out into a ceremonial lament. Amongst some races capture of
women is said to be still customary. In any case the wife has to be from
another tribe. Evidence of woman capture is still to be found in the
tradition of the tribe (Koch-Grünberg, II., pp. 144, 145).
The Bakairis have no wedding celebrations. The marriage is discussed by
the parents. If they come to an agreement, the bride's father receives
some trifles as a present. The bridegroom hangs up his hammock above
that of the girl, and everything is settled. It is only where the tribe
has fallen into decay that great differences in the ages of the married
people occur, and that older men in particular have the privilege of
possessing young wives (compare Chapter II.). Divorce can be got without
difficulty, even when the man is unwilling.
Among the Paressis the marriage is arranged by the parents on both
sides, and the bride, after having received a few presents, is led by
her parents without any formality to her bridegroom's hammock (von den
Steinen, pp. 331, 434).
The custom of paying a price for the bride, prevalent among many races
all over the world, is frequently spoken of as marriage by purchase. The
price is very varied, and its value very unequal, but as a rule it is
relatively small, and not infrequently it is so small as to have no
economic value for the parents-in-law. Among the animistic tribes of
British India, who, as a rule, pay a price for the bride, the sum may
be as much as 200 rupees. Generally more is paid for a virgin than for a
widow; but there are some Indian castes of manual labourers among whom
the woman takes a share in the industrial work, and among whom the
reverse is the case. It sometimes happens that the price is adjusted
according to the age of the bride. Often brides are exchanged between
two families, so that the payment of a price is dispensed with.
"Marriage by service" still persists in various places, especially in
Asia. Here the future son-in-law, instead of paying a price for the
bride, has to work a certain number of years for the father of the
bride. Among most primitive people the woman represents labour power in
the house, as the men, either wholly or to a large extent, occupy
themselves with social concerns (E. Hahn). Domestic prosperity depends
wholly on the women's work. Thus it can easily be seen how the custom
came about of demanding some service from the man who wanted a wife.
Real purchase of a wife occurs only exceptionally among primitive
people. It is never the rule, nor is the woman a real object of barter.
If actual sale of women occurs in some cases, it is only an exception.
Such cases are only frequent where the influence of Islam is most
pronounced.
The bride price is wholly or partly paid back should the wife run away,
or even if she meets with an early death. If there are sisters, the
forsaken husband or widower may sometimes forego the restitution of the
price paid and accept one of the sisters as his wife.
In India a price for the bridegroom is paid, not only among the upper
castes of the civilised races, but also occasionally among the lower
castes and among the primitive natives.
IV
MARRIAGE
By far the greatest number of primitive peoples are monogamous. Only in
relatively few cases is there polyandry. Polygyny often occurs among
persons who are specially favoured, either economically or socially; but
it is nowhere the form of marriage of the majority of the population.
The polygyny reported among certain tribes generally refers only to
chiefs, magic doctors, or some other special persons who have more than
one wife. Sexual group communism at the side of monogamy or polyandry
has been found in various places, but it is wrong to speak of it as
"group marriage." This is evident from the previously quoted examples of
the _pirauru_ in Australia, the sex communities among the Chukchee, the
Nandi, Masai, and others. It is possible, of course, that monogamy which
now co-exists with certain cases of sex communism may have been a later
addition, but this is not proven. It is more likely that the pairing
instinct (not identical with the instinct of procreation) is
characteristic of our sub-human ancestors. In fact, even in the animal
world there are numerous examples of monogamy (P. Deegener).
It has been established that in Africa, Indonesia, Melanesia, and
elsewhere, the small children remain with their parents, while the
bigger children are lodged together in special boys' and girls' houses,
and are, as it were, brought up communally. The relationship of the
children to their own parents is not notably closer than that between
them and other persons of the same age class. We must not look upon this
child communism solely as a curiosity, but as the relic of a very
ancient primitive institution. Most likely there is some connection
between child communism and the interchange of children which is
customary, for example, among the Dravidian races of India
("Ethnographical Survey of the Central India Agency") and on the Murray
Islands, in the Torres Straits (Australia). According to W. H. R. Rivers
(1907, p. 318), the interchange of children between families is very
frequent here without the peoples being able to give any explanation of
it. Nor do other social and religious institutions offer any indication
as to the origin of this custom. Rivers surmises that it has been
preserved from a social organisation in which "children were largely
common to the women of the group so far as nurture was concerned." At
any rate, this adoption _en masse_ will help civilised man to understand
that less civilised peoples have ideas about parenthood different from
those that exist among us, and also that group motherhood is not absurd.
The existence of group motherhood among primitive communities--whose
members were much more dependent on each other in the struggle for
existence than are the members of much more advanced societies--must
often have been of considerable advantage to these communities. On the
assumption of "group motherhood" it is easily explainable that children
use the same mode of address for their own sisters and brothers as for
all the other children of the group, and that all the women of equal
ages are called "mother." Hence the classificatory system of
relationship ceases to be puzzling. It becomes clear why under this
system whole groups of persons designate each other as husbands and
wives, and why the children of all the persons of these groups call each
other brothers and sisters, etc. The assumption is justified that man in
a low state of civilisation knew only group relationship; further
distinctions were derived only later from these relationships, the
present-day classificatory system arising ultimately from them. Among
the peoples where Rivers could examine this system there were
indications of a development in the direction of using it rather for the
distinction of real blood and marriage relationship than for the
distinction of social position, for which it was originally intended. A
connection between marriage regulation and the classificatory system of
relationships exists not only among the Dravidian races, but also among
the North American Indians, and certainly among other branches of the
human race. Rivers says: "The classificatory system in one form or
another is spread so widely over the world as to make it probable that
it had its origin in some universal stage of social development"; and
further he says: "The kind of society which most readily accounts for
its chief features is one characterised by a form of marriage in which
definite groups of men are the husbands of definite groups of women."
Rivers does not mean thereby institutions like the _pirauru_, but a
permanent group marriage. It may be objected against this latter
assumption that permanent (not occasional) sex communism does not
necessarily need to be connected with communism of children. It is quite
possible that monogamy and child communism may exist side by side, as,
_e.g._, among the Murray Islanders.