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SEXUAL LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLE
* * * * * *
BY S. HERBERT, M.D., M.R.C.S., I.R.C.P.
+AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX.+
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+FUNDAMENTALS IN SEXUAL ETHICS.+
An Enquiry into Modern Tendencies.
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+FIRST PRINCIPLES OF HEREDITY.+
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+FIRST PRINCIPLES OF EVOLUTION.+
Second Edition. Containing 90 Illustrations,
Diagrams and Tables.
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BY MRS. S. HERBERT.
+SEX LORE.+
A Primer on Courtship, Marriage and Parenthood.
Containing 55 Illustrations.
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BY MRS. HAVELOCK ELLIS.
+THE NEW HORIZON IN LOVE AND LIFE.+
With a Preface by Edward Carpenter and an
Introduction by Marguerite Tracy.
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PUBLISHED BY A. & C. BLACK, LTD.,
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* * * * * *
SEXUAL LIFE
OF
PRIMITIVE PEOPLE
by
H. FEHLINGER
Translated by S. Herbert, M.D., M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.
Author of "An Introduction to the Physiology and
Psychology of Sex," "Fundamentals in Sexual Ethics," etc.
and
Mrs. S. Herbert,
Author of "Sex Lore."
A. & C. Black, Ltd.
4, 5 & 6 Soho Square, London, W. 1
1921
PREFACE
To most lay people the established order of sex relationships and
marriage seems something so self-evident and stable that they cannot
conceive the possibility of a variation in the established order. Yet
here, as in all things, the law of evolution applies. Our sexual system
is the outcome of a long continuous series of changes beginning with the
very dawn of human history. To understand the modern sex problem rightly
it is essential to know its origin and gradual development.
Most of the material about the sex life of primitive people is
inaccessible to the ordinary reader, being hidden away in learned
treatises and ponderous scientific works. The translators are,
therefore, glad to have found in Fehlinger's book a short comprehensive
outline of the subject, which may serve as a convenient introduction.
S. H.
F. H.
MANCHESTER,
_July, 1921_.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. MODESTY AMONG PRIMITIVE PEOPLE 1
II. PRE-MARITAL FREEDOM AND CONJUGAL FIDELITY 13
III. COURTSHIP CUSTOMS 34
IV. MARRIAGE 46
V. BIRTH AND FETICIDE 76
VI. IGNORANCE OF THE PROCESS OF GENERATION 93
VII. MUTILATION OF THE SEX ORGANS 103
VIII. MATURITY AND DECLINE 119
IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY 128
SEXUAL LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLE
I
MODESTY AMONG PRIMITIVE PEOPLE
In cold and temperate climates, it is necessary to clothe the body as a
protection against cold. In hot parts of the world, the need for
protection against the effects of the weather by means of clothing
disappears, and therefore in those regions primitive people go about
naked. It is only when they come under the influence of foreign
civilisation that they put on clothing. It is erroneous to assume that
clothing came into use because of an inborn sexual modesty. In
Australia, in the Indonesian and Melanesian islands, in tropical Africa,
and in South America, there are still many peoples that go about naked.
It is true that many of them cover their sex organs; but the
contrivances used for this purpose are not in reality intended to hide
the sex region, though to our mind they seem to do so.
Primitive people do not cover their bodies out of modesty; "the
sinfulness of nakedness" is unknown to them. Karl von den Steinen (pp.
190, 191) says that the naked Indian tribes of the Xingu region of
Brazil know no secret parts of the body. "They joke about these parts in
words and pictures quite unabashed, so that it would be foolish to call
them indecent. They are envious of our clothing, as of some precious
finery; they put it on and wear it in our presence with a complete
disregard of the simplest rules of our own society, and in complete
ignorance of its purpose. This proves that they still possess the
pristine guilelessness of Adam and Eve in Eden. Some of them celebrate
the advent of puberty in members of both sexes by noisy festivals, when
the 'private parts' come in for a good deal of general attention. If a
man wishes to inform a stranger that he is a father, or a woman that she
is a mother, they gravely denote the fact by touching the organs from
which life springs, in a most spontaneous and natural manner. It is,
therefore, not possible to understand these people properly unless we
put aside our conception of 'clothing,' and take them and their manners
in their own natural way."
The absence of sexual modesty in our sense also struck von Steinen when
questions about words arose. If he asked about a word which to our minds
might give cause for shame, the reply was given without hesitation or
any semblance of shame. Nevertheless, conversations about sexual
subjects gave the Indians, men and women, decided pleasure; but their
merry laughter was "neither impudent, nor did it give the impression of
hiding an inward embarrassment. It had, however, a slightly erotic tone,
and resembled the laughter aroused by the jokes in our own
spinning-rooms, by games of forfeits, and by other harmless jokes
exchanged in intercourse between the sexes, although the occasions and
accompanying circumstances must be so very different among truly
primitive people."
Naked savages are, however, not devoid of sexual modesty. It shows
itself immediately when any remark addressed to them can be construed as
an invitation to sexual intercourse, or when coarse jokes are made about
sexual subjects. This is clearly shown in an account by Koch-Grünberg
(I., p. 307). His European companion wanted to perform a kind of stomach
dance before some savage Indians of the Upper Rio Negro, such as is
danced in places of ill repute in Brazilian towns. The very indecent
movements of the dancer caused the women and girls to retire shyly. The
European in his attempt to "entertain" the company failed completely.
Yet one can converse quietly with these Indians on all sexual subjects
so long as they are natural; it is only obscenity that shocks them.
According to Eylmann, the Australians, at least the men, show no modesty
in sex matters, though they are by no means devoid of it in other
respects. Thus, _e.g._, they are ashamed of any mutilation of their
bodies. Young men do not cover their sex organs, but the old ones do
so, because they seem to be aware that this part of the body, of which
they were once so proud, bears signs of old age. The women also rarely
make use of an apron, yet they show clearly marked sexual modesty. A
woman is always very careful not to expose the external sex organs when
she sits or lies down in the presence of men. The greatest decency is
observed during the time of menstruation.
In Indonesia the feeling of modesty among those tribes that are in
constant contact with Europeans is essentially different from that of
the tribes less under foreign influence. Thus Nieuwenhuis (I., pp. 133,
134) mentions, for instance, the Bahaus and Kenyas of Central Borneo. Of
these the latter are only slightly influenced by the Mohammedan Malays,
the former, however, relatively much more so. Although members of both
tribes bathe completely naked, yet the Bahaus dress immediately after
the bath, whilst the Kenyas go naked to and from the bath. The Kenya
women also go naked to the spring to bring water and to bathe their
children. Whilst getting the boats through the rapids the Kenya men take
off their loin-cloths, but the Bahau men never do this. When
Nieuwenhuis' expedition stayed some time among the Kenyas, it was
noticed that the people got out of the habit of going about naked at
times. This was only because the Malays and Bahaus belonging to the
expedition had told the Kenyas that the white people objected to the
naked appearance of the natives (which was not correct). Nieuwenhuis
adds: "It can thus be seen what a great _rôle_ acquired modesty plays in
the evolution of clothes." The clothing of the present-day Dyaks serves
as a protection against the heat of the sun, and in the mountains
against cold, and as a prevention of the darkening of the skin (which,
particularly in women, is considered ugly); it is also used as an
ornament and to scare enemies, but never for the concealment of the
body. The Dyaks show shame when made embarrassed before other people; on
such occasions they blush right down to the breast. Nieuwenhuis made use
of this circumstance in the case of the Bahaus in order to make them
keep their promises and do their duties (II., p. 296).
The Eskimos in the far north of America are, as a rule, thickly clothed;
but it is quite usual for them to go about naked in their snow huts
without any thought of offending against decency.
Whoever lives for a time among naked savages becomes accustomed to their
nakedness, and does not feel anything objectionable in it. Æsthetically
there is this disadvantage, that the sick and the aged look very
repulsive in their decline; but then again youth and strength show off
to great advantage in nakedness.
If the origin of clothing is not due to sexual modesty, it would at
first appear strange that so many naked savages cover their sexual
organs either completely or partly, wearing a pubic apron or some
similar arrangement. The contrivances used are sometimes so small that
they can hardly have been intended as coverings. Thus the women of the
Karaib, Aruak, and Tupi tribes in the Xingui region all wear a
triangular piece of bark bast not more than 7 centimetres wide and 3
centimetres high. The lower end of the triangle runs into a perineal
strip of hard bark about 4 millimetres wide. Two narrow cords coming
from the two upper ends pass along the groins, and meet the narrow
perineal strip coming from the lower end of the triangle. These _uluri_
only just cover the beginning of the pubic cleft, pressing tightly on
it. The triangle does not reach the introitus vaginæ, which is, however,
closed, or at least kept inwards, by the pressure exerted by the
tightened strip of bast running from front to back. Similar binders are
used by the Indian women of Central Brazil. The binder used by the
Trumai women is twisted into a cord, serving still less as a cover. In
fact, none of these binders serve as covers, but they are intended to
close up and to protect the mucous membrane. This also applies to the
binders used by the various peoples living on the islands of the Pacific
Ocean, as, _e.g._, by the Mafulus of Papua.
Various contrivances are also to be met with among many primitive men
which seem to have the purpose of protecting the penis, and which really
achieve that end. Among certain tribes of Brazil penis wraps made from
palm straw are worn; other tribes use a T-shaped bandage, which is also
very common in Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia. The penis is pulled
up by means of the T-bandage, the testicles remaining free. Sometimes
old men use a broad band, under which they can also push the testicles.
In the New Hebrides, New Caledonia, and other places, the penis is
tightly bandaged, and is drawn up and fastened to the girdle by means of
a cord or band, the testicles hanging free. Calabashes are also used to
protect the penis. In Melanesia the penis pin goes with the calabash.
Georg Friederici (p. 155) says about its use: "The penis pin, which is
the shape of a wooden knitting needle, is stuck into the hair near the
comb, and is often brought into use. The calabash, which serves the
purpose of protecting the penis against injury in the bush and attacks
from insects, has the disadvantage of easily becoming loose and filling
quickly with water during swimming and wading. After every passage of a
river reaching above the pubic region a halt had to be made, during
which my men took off their calabashes and emptied them; then they put a
new layer of green leaves into the round opening, stuck the penis in,
and, with the help of the penis pin, pushed it in until it had
completely disappeared and the calabash lay close to the abdomen." When
sitting round the camp fire, and at other times, the men can be seen
drawing the pins from their hair and making their toilet. The covering
of the penis is undoubtedly intended as a protection of the sensitive
glans. Thus in the Brazilian forest the penis becomes endangered by
spines of leaves being brushed off the branches and boring themselves
deeply into the flesh; the spines get torn when pulled out, and cause
painful inflammations. For warding off insects the women of many Indian
tribes have tassels hanging in front of the sex organs. In the Northern
Territory of Australia both men and women wear such tassels. There are
still greater dangers in the wilderness. In Brazil there exists a small
fish (_Cetopsis candiru_) which has a tendency towards boring itself
into any of the exposed orifices of the body. It slips into the urethra,
and is prevented by its fins from getting out again, and thus may easily
bring about the death of the victim, to whom nothing remains but to
attempt an impromptu operation by slitting open the urethra with his
knife. Friederici remarks that it is just in those regions of tropical
America where the protection of the penis is most prevalent that fish
with sharp teeth (Pygocentrus species) are to be found which have a
tendency towards attacking protruding unprotected parts of the body,
thus often causing castration in men.
There is no foundation for the assumption of Adolf Gerson that men
invented the apron or resorted to binding up of the penis in order to
hide its erection, which would make them appear ridiculous, for sex
matters do not appear ridiculous to primitive people. In fact, such
contrivances cannot hide sexual excitement. Many peoples who use them do
not even have the wish to keep their excitement secret. Habituation to
nakedness ultimately lessens the stimulus to excitement. The following
fact, stated by Friederici, is worthy of notice: "During the many months
in which I lived exclusively among the natives I never saw even the
slightest sign of an erection in sleeping men, nor have I ever heard or
read that any one else has noticed such a thing among naked primitive
peoples, untouched by civilisation." Clothing has nothing to do with
sexual feelings or modesty among primitive people. To the people living
in the tropics clothes are essentially ornamental; they are worn for
reasons of vanity, not out of modesty. This can be well observed in
those cases where loin-cloths which actually cover up the pubic region
are raised without any consideration for people present, if there is any
danger of their becoming soiled or injured. The Malay women in the
central part of Luzon (Philippines), when working in the fields, discard
their wrappings without worrying in the least if observed by the men. It
is the same in other places.
As has been said before, among some naked peoples it is the custom for
the men to fasten up the penis without any covering under a hip band. In
other places they tie up the foreskin with a thread. By this means
protection is also given to the glans, but it is questionable whether
this was always the origin of this custom. In fact, it is doubtful
whether the need for protection was always the only reason for the
wearing of sheaths, binders, etc., for at least among some of the people
it is connected with some ceremonial which implies its sexual
significance. In the case of women, another factor may have played a
_rôle_, viz., the fact that menstruation is considered an illness, as
may be seen in the widespread custom of treating girls medically during
menstruation. The binder may have been intended to counteract the loss
of blood. The stretching of the foreskin which results from the use of
penis wraps, penis binders, etc., may be looked upon as a precaution
against phimosis, serving the same purpose as circumcision does among
numerous peoples.
Sexual modesty with regard to the naked body cannot be considered innate
in mankind, for it is unknown among many naked peoples. On the other
hand, there is an instinctive tendency in man to hide from his fellows
the effluvia of the sexual and digestive organs. Thus H. Ellis (p. 40)
gives a good explanation of the impulse towards concealment during the
sex act: "Both male and female need to guard themselves during the
exercise of their sexual activities from jealous rivals, as well as from
enemies who might take advantage of their position to attack them. It is
highly probable that this is one important factor in the constitution of
modesty, and it helps to explain how the male, not less than the female,
cultivates modesty and shuns publicity in the exercise of sexual
functions." The idea, begotten from fear, that sexual intercourse must
be kept secret, became easily extended to the feeling that such
intercourse was in itself wrong. The mystery surrounding sexual
intercourse has certainly been one of the factors leading to its
concealment. Primitive man has a tendency towards endowing with
supernatural powers all processes that he cannot understand; they become
sacred, and hence have to be carried out in privacy. The feeling of
disgust may perhaps be an additional reason for the concealment of the
sex act. The objects arousing disgust vary among different peoples
according to the conditions of their lives; but almost everywhere
dangerous things are classed under this category, to which belong,
according to the notion of primitive people, the discharges from the
sexual and digestive organs. It thus comes about that primitive man is
ashamed of urinating and defæcating even before persons of his own sex.
Even the lowest savage will seek out a very secluded spot for the
fulfilment of these functions. Thus Koch-Grünberg, for instance, says:
"The Indian goes deep into the wood for a certain business, comparing
favourably in this respect with our own peasants." Friederici writes of
the Melanesians that they are not at all ashamed to show the sexual
parts, but are extremely shy of exposing the anus, and will always avoid
letting themselves be seen during defæcation. In the central districts
the people betake themselves for this purpose early in the morning to
some outlying place, while those living near the sea go to the beach,
each person keeping as far away as possible from his neighbour. The
Africans that have not yet become spoiled by contact with strangers
also seek remote places (Weule and Schweinfurth). The negroes, however,
who are under Mohammedan influence, approach in this respect the beasts
of the field.
The tales of licentiousness among primitive people that are to be found
in old works of travel are mostly invented or grossly exaggerated.
Looseness and laxity do not exist anywhere, though the unwritten laws
which regulate the behaviour of the sexes are different from ours.
Unbridled indulgence is nowhere to be found; the public performance of
the sex act takes place only exceptionally among some peoples, and then
for ceremonial purposes. Even where, on festival occasions, marital
intercourse takes place as a matter of course, the couples disappear
into the darkness. So far as can be judged from ethnological literature,
Europeans have rarely had the opportunity of observing the sex act, and
then nearly exclusively among the African negroes, who must be reckoned
the most sensual of all existing peoples. (See the works of Leo
Frobenius and Georg Schweinfurth.)
II
PRE-MARITAL FREEDOM AND CONJUGAL FIDELITY
Travellers and missionaries, seeing things merely from the standpoint of
European civilisation, have for a long time attributed to primitive
people conceptions of sexual behaviour like our own. But the real truth
could not be hidden for long. It is now firmly established that the
moral ideas of primitive people differ as widely from ours as does their
sense of modesty. They do not consider sexual intercourse _per se_ as
immoral, and generally allow unmarried people full liberty. It is only
where a more advanced civilisation leads to material considerations in
the matter of sex relationship that, as a rule, this liberty is
restricted or entirely in abeyance. Should any consequences ensue from
the practice of free love, the lover is generally in duty bound to marry
the girl. Among some tribes, however, no such obligation exists; the
lover may break off his connection with the pregnant girl. Frequently in
cases of pre-marital pregnancy abortion is resorted to, which is very
prevalent among primitive races. Among some people, on the contrary, a
girl who has had a child gets married the more easily, for she has given
proof of her fertility. Besides, the child will be an additional worker
in the house.
Most peoples demand conjugal fidelity from their married women, though
we shall hear of some exceptions. It is certainly not correct, as
Buschan (1912, p. 237) says, that the rules concerning sexual
intercourse are stringent throughout for women, and that only in a
childless marriage may a woman take up with another man.
Among many peoples, living so far apart as Asia, Australia, Oceania and
Africa, we find that married men and women are in certain cases allowed
intercourse with other persons. The full meaning of this arrangement is
as yet unknown.
The idea of sexual purity is not innate nor unchangeable. Ethnographical
research has fully proved that purity in our sense of the term is
unknown even to-day among many peoples, and that there exist no
restrictions upon sexual intercourse except for the prevention of
cohabitation among blood relations. A greater or less degree of sexual
liberty before marriage prevails among most of those peoples in Asia
that are not under the influence of Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism.
Indeed, it even exists among some uncivilised Hindu tribes, as, _e.g._,
among the lower Hindu castes of Kashmir and of the Punjab mountains, the
various lower castes of Agra-Oudh, in the Central Provinces and Berar,
and in Southern India; but they restrict pre-marital relationship to
persons of their own community. Most Dravidian races, however, forbid
intercourse between members of the same exogamic group, though it takes
place at times in spite of this. The Mongolian races generally show
indifference in this respect. Thus T. C. Hudson (p. 78) says of the
Nagas in Manipur that they are conspicuous for their exceptionally loose
pre-marital relationship, although they demand strict fidelity in
marriage. Pre-marital intercourse between persons to whom marriage is
forbidden is not considered improper, which may be due to the fact that
the Nagas, like the Australian tribes, are ignorant of the process of
generation.
Among many native Indian tribes the grown-up children do not sleep in
their parents' huts, but in houses of their own, in which they commonly
visit each other by night. Should a girl become pregnant, the probable
father is expected to marry her. If he refuses, he has to pay damages,
and the girl is at liberty to marry some one else, which she can do
without any difficulty. Sometimes abortion is resorted to, especially
when both persons belong to the same exogamic group, the members of
which are not allowed to intermarry. The tribes of Baroda, the Maduvars
of Madras, and the Ghasyas of the United Provinces, permit a
probationary period of cohabitation. It is considered no disgrace for a
girl if the trial marriage does not result in a permanent marriage.
Among the Garos it is an unwritten law that after certain great
festivals young men and women may sleep together. Otherwise these Garos,
like the tribes and castes previously referred to, are strictly
monogamous. Sexual promiscuity often occurs after feasts, and it is not
restricted to the unmarried (Playfair, p. 68).
It is only seldom that unfaithfulness on the part of married women is
tolerated. But there are exceptions. Gait states that in the Djamna
mountains the women of the Thakkar, Megh, and other low castes lead just
as unrestrained a life after marriage as before. The Djats of
Baluchistan are in ill repute because they incite their married women to
unfaithfulness, if any advantage can be obtained thereby for the men.
Certain nomadic castes, such as the Mirasis, prostitute their women, and
the love affairs of married women of the servant class meet with no
opposition whatever. In the eastern region of Djamba, in the Punjab, the
husband is expected to allow a guest free entrance to the women's
chambers. In the western part of this province the Djats and Pathans
will often take back married women who have eloped, and not rarely a
husband will recognise as his own a son who may have been born while the
woman was away.
In Southern India married women enjoy a great deal of sexual freedom,
especially in those communities where the descent is reckoned in the
female line. Where marriage between cousins is customary, grown-up girls
are often married to quite young boys. During the immaturity of the
husband the wife is allowed to have sexual relations with the father of
her child husband or another near relation, sometimes even with any one
member of the caste chosen by her. This custom also exists in Kashmir,
not only among the Ladakhis, but also among other low Hindu castes, and
is also to be found in other parts of the world. Many South Indian
castes allow their married women much freedom with the relatives of
their husbands. The Tootiyans go so far as to forbid a husband to enter
his house if he finds the door locked and a relation's shoe before it.
The Maloyali, a mountain tribe, accept unfaithfulness on the part of
their wives quite lightly, unless the partner belongs to another caste;
if a woman lives for a time with a lover and has children during this
time, the husband will on her return recognise the children as his own.
The state of affairs is similar among the Kudans and Parivarams. Many
low Hindu castes in North Kanara allow their women extra-marital
intercourse with men of their own or of a higher caste. Among some
castes, such as the Irulas and Kurumbas, formal marriage is completely
unknown, an almost unbridled sexual promiscuity taking its place. A
Korawa of Madras who has debts to pay either pawns or simply sells his
wife. The Todas and other polyandrous communities of South India do not
know jealousy (Rivers, 1906, p. 592; Iyer, I., p. 136). An exception to
the rule that faithfulness in marriage is more strictly enforced than
purity before marriage is to be found among the Pongalakapus of Madras,
who allow extra-marital intercourse of married women, but punish that of
unmarried girls and widows (Gait).
The Veddahs of Ceylon, who, according to Paul and Fritz Sarasin, are
physically and intellectually of the lowest human type, practise
monogamy, which lasts until the death of one of the partners. Marital
unfaithfulness is rare, and leads to heavy punishment of the offending
rival, who, as a rule, is assassinated. Only where foreign influence has
become apparent is there a tendency to dissolve marriage before death
(Paul and Fritz Sarasin).
Hose and MacDougall mention that among the nomadic hunting tribes of
Inner Borneo "the women are chaster after marriage than before."
Apparently neither sex practises much restraint. A girl's pregnancy
generally results in her marriage with the father of the expected child.
Amongst the settled tribes of Borneo a young man seeks a love affair as
soon as he is attracted to the other sex; he may have relations with
several girls one after another, but generally marries early. The
marriage age of the men is about twenty, of the girls still earlier.
There is no information about their marital fidelity.
The Dutchmen Hinlopen and Severijn state that in 1852 they found on the
Poggi Islands, on the west coast of Sumatra, a state of complete
promiscuity. Some of the men are said to get married, but only very
late, between the ages of forty and fifty, when their detailed tattooing
is completed; it is only seldom that a young man takes a separate wife.
G. A. Wilken enumerates the following East Indian communities as living
in sexual promiscuity: the Lubus, the Orang-Sakai of Malacca, the
Olo-Ot, and other Bornean tribes; the inhabitants of the island Peling.
He adduces no evidence, however; and his statement is certainly
incorrect as far as the Sakai of Malacca are concerned. Among the
non-Christian tribes of the Philippine Islands considerable pre-marital
liberty prevails. Among the Igorotes, _e.g._, the dormitory of the
unmarried girls (the _olag_) serves also as the pairing place of the
marriageable young people. In the villages young people, joking and
laughing, can frequently be seen going about wrapped in one blanket and
with their arms round each other. There is no secrecy about the wooing;
it is carried on mainly in the _olag_. Marriage rarely takes place
without previous intercourse, and seldom before the girl is pregnant. An
exception to this rule only occurs when a rich man marries a girl
against her will at the parents' wish. Not infrequently a young man has
affairs with two or three girls at one and the same time. The girls
quite openly and unmistakably invite the men to go with them into the
_olag_. As soon as a girl becomes pregnant, she at once joyfully informs
the father of the child, for these people are very fond of children. If
the man refuses to marry the girl, there is likely to be tears, but no
one is much concerned about the infidelity itself, because the girl can
find a husband later on in spite of her having borne a child; indeed,
the more so, as there can be no doubt of her fertility. It is not
customary for married men to enter the _olag_. A young man, however, can
go there if his former love has remained single and welcomes him,
because she still has hopes of becoming his wife, for it is easy to get
a separation, and if a man can afford it, he may have two or three
wives, though polygamy is rare. A man whose wife is pregnant does not
visit the _olag_, for it is feared that this may bring about a premature
birth and cause the death of the child. Married women apparently remain
always faithful (A. E. Jenks, p. 66). Ferdinand Blumentritt makes a
statement, based on Spanish information, that the girls' houses of the
Igorotes serve the purpose of ensuring pre-marital purity. This,
however, is incorrect.
Very similar customs prevail among the Naga tribes of Assam (Peal, pp.
244 _et seq._).
The pure Senoi and Semang tribes of the Malay Peninsula practise strict
monogamy. Marriage takes place at an early age, sometimes between boys
of fourteen and girls of thirteen. Even betrothals of children seem to
occur. Marital unfaithfulness is punished with death (Martin, 1905, p.
864).
In many districts of Australia, indeed, among the majority of the
natives of the Australian continent, there exist two forms of sexual
union side by side. The one form consists in a girl's being given in
marriage to one man without regard to the difference in ages, and also
without any consideration for feelings of personal sympathy. Indeed,
such is hardly possible, for the girls are given to the men at a very
young age. The main cause of these unions is apparently economic. It
ensures the man a housekeeper for himself who has to gather the largest
share of provisions, for the result of the man's hunting yields only a
very small part of the absolutely essential food. A man may have,
according to his social position, one or more such housekeepers. In
addition, each man and woman may form a union with one or more of the
other sex merely for the purpose of sexual intercourse. Unlike the
"marriages" previously mentioned, these unions do not take place without
any formality--there is a special ceremony for the occasion. They do not
last for life, at least among some of the tribes, but are regulated from
time to time. This form of sexual union is generally called _pirauru_ in
ethnographical literature, after the designation in use among the tribes
of the Dieri, where this kind of sex community was first observed. The
men of a _pirauru_ group are either consanguineous or collateral
brothers, members of one and the same subdivision of the tribe;
similarly, the women of a _pirauru_ group are consanguineous or
collateral sisters. Sexual intercourse with a _pirauru_ wife is allowed
during the absence of the husband who is her usual mate, and also at
special festivals. When a man's housekeeper dies, her children are cared
for by one of his _pirauru_ wives until he gets another housekeeper.
Without the institution of _pirauru_, the younger men would be barred
from sexual intercourse. Many of them are without housekeepers, as most
of the young women are in the possession of the older influential men.
It has been said that the old men are often killed by the young men on
this account (Spencer, p. 11). The majority of the tribes that have the
institution of _pirauru_ are ignorant of the connection between sexual
intercourse and conception (see Chapter VI.). It is therefore not the
production of progeny which seems to be the purpose of a common
household between man and woman, nor of the _pirauru_ unions.
Institutions similar to the Australian _pirauru_ also exist outside
Australia. Codrington (p. 22) has established the fact that in the
Solomon Islands and in other parts of Melanesia a woman of an exogamic
group who is not yet married to one particular man may legitimately have
sexual intercourse with all men of another exogamic group who are her
potential husbands. The exogamic groups play a far more important _rôle_
than individual marriage. In the Fijian Islands every man has the right
to sexual intercourse with his wife's sisters. On special ceremonial
occasions intercourse is permitted between those groups of men and women
who stand in the relationship of possible conjugal partners (Thomson, p.
185).
Pre-marital sexual freedom of both sexes exists, or did exist, all over
the South Sea islands before the advent of European influence. Thus,
_e.g._, Robert W. Williamson (pp. 172-176) writes of the Mafulus, in
the mountains of New Guinea, that unmarried youths and maidens are
allowed to associate with each other without any precautions. There
exists a good deal of "immorality." Even after marriage (which takes
place with an elaborate pretence of bride capture) husband and wife are,
as a rule, not faithful to each other, the marriage bond being very
loose. But it is said that unfaithfulness on the part of the women
(though not of the men) is considered a great offence. The injured
husband used to have the right of killing the guilty man, which he did,
as a rule, until the British authorities put an end to the practice.
Nowadays the deceived husband is generally satisfied if he receives a
pig or some other article of value from the guilty rival.
In Africa sexual community is allowed at certain periods among the
Hereros (Brinker, p. 88). Among many other Bantu tribes sexual communism
is customary, particularly at the initiation of the young people. The
girls, too, are allowed to choose male partners for a time, and among
many tribes of South Africa it was customary for the girls who refused
to be given to men against their will. The Colonial Government has now
put a stop to this (Theal).
The statements about the Hottentots of South Africa vary. But the custom
of _sore_, which is found among them, seems to point to the existence of
an institution similar to the Australian _pirauru_. Schultze (pp. 299,
319) thinks that illicit love was punished among the Hottentots before
the extensive immigration of the white people into South Africa led to
the overthrow of their old customs. Either the guilty couple were
beaten, with the consent of the parents, or the lover received, in
addition to his own, his sweetheart's share of punishment. But Schultze
mentions also that the institution of _sore_, intended ostensibly for
the exchange of love gifts, really means in many cases a secret
agreement for intimate extra-marital relationship, though it is
generally quite honourable. This institution is by no means an
innovation.
The Hamitic tribes of East Africa, who belong to the most warlike races
of mankind, permit pre-marital intercourse of both sexes. A. C. Hollis
(1909, pp. 16, 77) says of the Nandi; "The unmarried warriors, as many
as ten, sleep in the huts called _sigiroinet_, where the girls visit
them and remain with them a few days, living with them in free love."
Married women are not allowed to enter these huts. When the warriors go
away for a time or go to war, their sweethearts keep the huts in order.
Real "family life" is unknown, for the bigger boys and girls also live
alone in special huts or together with the old women; the little boys
who serve the warriors sleep in their houses. There is no publicly
recognised punishment for adultery; but if a husband discovers another
man not belonging to his _mat_ (one of the subdivisions of each of the
seven age classes) with his wife or one of his wives, he beats him
severely. Adultery is also not considered wrong when it concerns a
couple that have previously lived together in free love in the warriors'
house, even when the woman does not belong to a _mat_ comrade. When a
Nandi travels and wishes to remain somewhere overnight, he must first of
all apply to another member of his _mat_ in the place. If there is one,
and both men are married, the latter gives hospitality to the guest,
commissions his wife to fulfil his wishes, and leaves the hut in order
to sleep elsewhere. The wife pours water over the hands of the guest,
brings him a stool and food, puts his weapons into a place of safety,
and spends the night with him. Should there be no member of his _mat_ in
the place, the traveller betakes himself to a member of the nearest
_mat_; and, after having explained the situation, he is treated exactly
as if both men belonged to the same _mat_. Members of different age
classes do not offer each other hospitality or expect it. If the
traveller is unmarried, he spends the night in the warriors' hut.
Children born before marriage are killed by the Nandis, only one group
making an exception to this rule.
The Masai have when travelling the same customs as the Nandis. Sexual
intercourse with a girl or woman of the same age class is not considered
wrong. A warrior marries the girl he makes pregnant. Children born
before marriage are considered a disgrace. A person who has relations
with a woman belonging to the paternal age class must beg pardon of the
older men and give as reparation two oxen or a commensurate quantity of
honey wine. An old man who has sexual intercourse with his daughter or
with another girl of her age is severely punished, if the affair comes
to light: he is beaten, his kraal is pulled down, and his cattle are
killed _ad libitum_ (Hollis, 1905, pp. 287, 312, 313).
Of the conditions existing among the Baganda in East Africa the
missionary John Roscoe (p. 10) gives us the following picture: "Neither
the men nor the women controlled their sexual cravings unless
insurmountable obstacles came in the way. Women, however, could only
attain their aims by stratagem. If an unmarried girl became pregnant,
the guilty man had to pay a fine, and he was induced to marry the girl.
If a husband discovered his wife with another man, he had the right to
kill them both. Nevertheless the married women kept in strict seclusion
used to receive lovers, which even the most dreadful punishments for
adultery could not prevent." It has to be noticed that the social
formation of classes was already greatly developed among the Baganda at
the time described by Roscoe. The wealthy men were in a position to have
as many wives as they could support, so that there was a scarcity of
women for the remaining men. It is not remarkable, therefore, that these
tried to meet this fact by force and cunning. Although married women
were secluded, single girls had a fair amount of liberty.
Among the Bushmen of South Africa, now nearly extinct, husband and wife
remained faithful to each other for life. But if they became tired of
each other, no hindrance was put in the way of separation and
remarriage. A second husband, however, or a second wife was most
probably never accepted into the family; their passionate temperament
was against it (Theal).
About the Indians of North-west Brazil Koch-Grünberg relates: "Whilst
young girls enjoy the greatest liberty, their purity not being
necessarily above suspicion, marriage itself is generally on a higher
plane; a married couple are rarely unfaithful to each other."
Koch-Grünberg has never noticed even the semblance of indecent behaviour
between married people, nor under normal circumstances any serious
quarrels or ugly scenes. The same or similar conditions prevail nearly
all over South America where European influence is not yet predominant.
Karl von den Steinen (p. 501) mentions one exception to this rule. The
Bororos, who live on the St. Lourenco river, and who were visited by
him, have greatly degenerated, thanks to the civilising arts of the
Brazilians. A marriage is concluded without any formality and without
the consent of the parents. The young wife remains with her children in
her parents' house. The young husband only spends the night there;
during the day he lives in the men's house when he is not hunting. The
young couple have a hearth for themselves, the grandmother with the
grandchildren sitting somewhat apart. Thus it remains up to the death of
the grandparents. The grandmother suckles the child when the young wife
accompanies her husband on the hunt or fetches palm nuts from the woods;
she still has milk when her children marry. Young unmarried men live
together in special men's houses. They look out betimes for wives. There
are two customs which deserve our interest. A girl's ear-lobes are bored
by her future husband. If he himself does not marry her, his son does
so. Furthermore, the man who puts the penis cuff on a boy becomes
related to him and marries his sister or his aunt. Girls were taken to
the men's house quite openly by day, or were caught at night. These
girls were not married to one man; any children born were fathered on
those men with whom the girl had had relations. This state of affairs is
the result of the overweening power wielded by the older men. The women
are their possession, and a regular income of arrows and trinkets is
earned by hiring out the girls to the men's house. Unnatural intercourse
is not unknown in the men's house, but it occurs only when there is an
exceptionally great scarcity of girls. According to a statement of a
native, the same conditions prevail in the remote villages, where some
only of the members of a tribe have permanent possession of the women.
But such information given by the natives must be accepted with great
caution. No similar customs have become known anywhere else in South
America.
In North America the young people also had great liberty, but the
married women dared not break their faith. Among many tribes, especially
the nomadic hunting tribes, there existed patriarchal conditions, with
complete subordination of the women. Intercourse with any one but their
rightful husbands was taken in bad part. Nowadays the Indians of North
America, with the exception of a small remnant living in the Canadian
Tundra, have come under the influence of Christianity. The probable
existence of an earlier sex communism among the North American Indians
has been described in full by L. H. Morgan.
F. Nansen reports that among the Christian Eskimos of the west coast of
Greenland the girls do not consider pre-marital motherhood as a
disgrace. The green hair-band which the unmarried mothers have to wear
is put on by them long before it is necessary. The young Greenland girls
do not deem any concealment of their love affairs necessary. In East
Greenland, which has not yet been reached by Christianity, it is
customary for a man who wants a wife simply to abduct the girl from her
house or tent. The abduction is often only a pretence, for the couple
have settled it all between themselves. Formerly this form of marriage
was in vogue all over Greenland. The relations look on quietly, for it
is all a private affair of those immediately concerned. Should the girl
really not wish to have the suitor, she will defend herself until she
quietens down or the wooer renounces her. Divorce also takes place
without any difficulties; but generally the marriage is continued if
there is a child, particularly if it should be a boy. If a man covets
the wife of another, he will take her without any hesitation, if he is
the stronger. Among the non-Christian Eskimos most of the skilful
hunters have two wives, but never more. The first wife is generally
looked upon as the superior. Temporary exchange of wives occurs up to
the present time even among the Christians on the west coast, especially
when the people have to spend the summer hunting the reindeer in the
interior of the country. As a rule, married people live on exceptionally
good terms with each other.
Among the Netchili Eskimos near the Magnetic North Pole, however,
conjugal harmony is, according to Roald Amundsen, not of the best. As a
rule, the wife only escapes being beaten when she is stronger than the
man. Exchange of women is quite common. Most of the girls are destined
from birth for certain men, though sometimes things do not turn out as
the parents wish it. When the girl is fourteen years old she seeks out
her bridegroom, or he comes to her. There is no wedding. Amundsen doubts
whether the couple have, as a rule, any tender feelings towards each
other. The girl is just given to the man by the parents, the man
marrying her in order to have one more domestic drudge, for in reality
the wife is nothing more nor less than a domestic animal. Most Eskimos
offer their wives to any one.