1760
THE FALL OF MONTREAL
THE CAPITULATION
THE LAST STAND AT MONTREAL--THE APPROACH OF THE BRITISH
ARMIES--SURRENDER OF ARMS BY FRENCH ON THE ROUTE--PAPER MONEY
VALUELESS--MURRAY'S ADVANCE FROM QUEBEC--HAVILAND'S PROGRESS FROM
LAKE CHAMPLAIN--AMHERST'S DESCENT FROM OSWEGO--MONTREAL WITHIN
AND WITHOUT--THE COUNCIL OF WAR IN THE CHATEAU VAUDREUIL--THE
TERMS OF CAPITULATION--THE NEGOTIATIONS WITH AMHERST--HONOURS
OF WAR REFUSED--DE LEVIS' CHAGRIN--THE CAPITULATION SIGNED--THE
CONDITIONS--FORMAL POSSESSION OF TOWN BY THE BRITISH--THE END OF
THE FRENCH REGIME.
After the retreat from Quebec, de Lévis made preparations for the last
stand at Montreal. Along the trail, posts were stationed: Rochebeaucour
with 300 men at Pointe aux Trembles; Repentigny with 200 at Jacques
Cartier; Dumas with 1,200 at Deschambault; Bougainville at Ile aux
Noix to bar the approach from Lake Champlain, and La Corne to defend
the rapids above Montreal. Each of these points was important, as the
plan of campaign of the English, organized by Amherst, was to descend
to Montreal, the remaining stronghold of the French, by three routes
simultaneously--east, west and south--and uniting there at the same
time, to invest it with an army of 16,000 and to take it as an easy
prey, for its weaknesses were known. Maps were not wanting of it. It
was known that its fortifications, made for defence against the Indians
alone, could not resist English cannon.
From three widely separated points, three armies were surely and with
deadly certainty moving on Montreal. Murray was to ascend the St.
Lawrence from Quebec, Brigadier Haviland to force his entrance by way
of Lake Champlain, while Amherst was to lead the main army to Montreal,
down the St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. The latter, though the more
difficult journey to execute, the rapids being numerous, was undertaken
to prevent the French from attempting to escape up-country, and so
defer the inevitable day of their humiliation.
At Montreal the governor general, Vaudreuil, waited for the inevitable,
but with dogged resistance and hope till the last. "At this time," he
wrote to the minister, "I am taking the most just measure to unite
our forces, and if our situation permits, fight a battle or several
battles. It is to be feared that we shall go down before an enemy so
numerous and strong; but whatever may be the event, we shall save
the honour of the king's arms. I have the honour to repeat to you,
Monseigneur, that if any resource were left me, whatever progress
the English might make, I would maintain myself in some part of
the colony with my remaining troops, after having fought with the
greatest obstinacy; but I am absolutely without the least remnant of
the necessary means. In these unhappy circumstances I shall continue
to use every manoeuvre and device to keep the enemy in check; but if
we succumb in the battles we shall fight, I shall apply myself to
obtaining a capitulation which may avert the total ruin of a people who
will remain forever French, and who could not survive their misfortunes
but for the hope of being restored by the treaty of peace to the rule
of His Most Christian Majesty."
If we follow the route of each of the armies whose objective was
Montreal, we shall find them making easy progress, for the country was
ripe for the change of government. The militia, seeing the colony was
lost to France, gave up their arms, as did the regulars, famished and
despairing. The greatest cause of despair in the old régime now passing
away was the news that not only the home government could not send
military succour, but that the royal treasury could not meet colonial
bills, the payment of which was now suspended for a time. The people
had advanced much money to the government and now they found their
paper money almost valueless and discredited.
Vaudreuil and Bigot at Montreal were informed of this deferred payment
by an official circular, in which "they were assured, however, that the
exchequer bills (_letters de change_), drawn in 1757 and 1758, would
be paid in three months after the anticipated peace, with interest;
that those drawn in 1759 would be discharged in like manner, eighteen
months after peace; and as for the intendant's promissory notes
(_ordonnances_), they would be liquidated as soon as convenient. This
news startled those concerned like a thunderbolt; there was owing by
France to the colonials more than forty million francs (say 1,600,000
pounds sterling), and there was scarcely any one of them who was not a
creditor of the state." (Bell's translation of Garneau's "History of
Canada," Vol. II, p. 201.)
Murray began his advance on Montreal on July 14th and ascended the
St. Lawrence with 2,200 men, convoyed by three frigates and twelve
gunboats, carrying twenty-four 18 and 12-pounders. With the bateaux
they amounted to thirty-five vessels. Later in the journey, these
were joined by some thirteen hundred men under Lord Rollo, arriving
from Louisbourg. On August 4th the fleet was in sight of Three
Rivers. Beyond some skirmishes along the banks, the progress had been
triumphant, notwithstanding the elaborate preparations made by de Lévis
to prevent its advance. The habitants, previously warned, on July 13th,
to remain quietly in their homes offered little resistance, but for
the most part accepted the oath of allegiance or at least neutrality.
This done, they gladly enough sold their eggs and farm produce. Three
Rivers was passed on August 5th. No attack was made on the French
garrison, "because," says Knox, the soldier historian, who was with
Murray, "a delay here would be absurd, as that wretched place must
share the fate of Montreal. Our fleet sailed this morning. The French
troops, apparently two thousand, lined their different works and were,
in general, clothed as regulars, except a very few Canadians and about
fifty Picts, or savages, their bodies being painted of a reddish
colour and their faces of different colours, which I plainly discerned
with my glass.
"Their light cavalry, which paraded along shore, seemed to be well
appointed, clothed in blue faced with scarlet, but their officers
had white uniforms. In fine, their troops, batteries, fair-looking
houses; their situation on the banks of a delightful river; our fleet
sailing triumphantly before them, with our floating batteries drawn up
in line of battle; the country on both sides interspersed with neat
settlements, together with the verdure of the fields and trees and the
clear, pleasant weather, afforded as agreeable a prospect as the most
lively imagination can conceive." (Knox, II.)
As the fleet advanced among the Islands of St. Peter, the writer had
new material for his picturesque pen. "I think nothing could equal
the beauties of our navigation this morning; the meandering course of
the narrow channel; the awfulness and solemnity of the dark forests
with which these islands are covered; the fragrancy of the spontaneous
fruits, shrubs and flowers; the verdure of the water by the reflection
of the neighbouring woods; the wild chirping notes of the feathered
inhabitants; the masts and sails of ships appearing as if among the
trees, both ahead and astern, formed together an enchanting diversity."
On August 12th the British were before Sorel. Hither Bourlamaque had
come and had intrenched two or three thousand troops and militia
along the strand, while Dumas, with another body, was on the northern
shore. His object, and that of de Lévis, was to prevent the juncture
of Haviland's force, reported to be coming from Lake Champlain by the
Richelieu River, at its mouth at Sorel, with Murray's force. The one
hope of the French was to be able to attack, in detail, each of the
three portions of the advancing army, for once these united, there was
no hope of success. Murray fired on Sorel. It was quickly deserted, the
inhabitants joining Bourlamaque. On landing Murray burned a settlement
near Sorel as a lesson, following on his proclamation advising the
habitants to remain quietly at home and not engage as combatants, for
fear of retribution to follow. "I was under the cruel necessity of
burning the greatest part of these poor unhappy people's houses," he
wrote to Pitt on August 24, 1760. "I pray God this example may suffice,
for my nature revolts when this becomes a necessary part of my duty."
The effect was immediate, for, in spite of counter proclamations
of Vaudreuil from Montreal, before the end of the month, half of
Bourlamaque's army gave in their allegiance.
On the 24th of August Murray's fleet reached Contrecoeur, about
eighteen miles east of the Island of Montreal, and there he waited
until he could communicate with Haviland and Amherst.
Meanwhile Haviland's force from Lake Champlain was advancing to
Montreal with uninterrupted success. On August 16th he had left Crown
Point with 3,400 regulars, provincials and Indians, convoyed by one
brig, three sloops and four floating stages bearing the artillery. It
had been hoped that there was a good chance to stop this advance and
for this reason Bougainville, with 1,700 men, had been stationed at Ile
aux Noix. By the 21st the English force had passed around the east of
the island and had constructed batteries, from which shells were thrown
into the defences. By the 26th Bougainville was compelled to realize
that the port could not be held. Accordingly he left the garrison
of fifty men, of wounded and invalids, with orders to surrender on
the 28th. On the 27th he landed above the fort on the west bank
unobserved, and passing through the woods, joined Roquemaure at St.
Johns in safety, twelve miles below. Next day the surrender of Ile aux
Noix took place. Haviland followed on to St. Johns and Chambly, driving
Bougainville and Roquemaure to join Bourlamaque on the St. Lawrence.
Now came fresh desertions from the Canadian ranks and new oaths of
allegiance. Haviland desirous to get in touch with Murray's army sent
Rogers, of the Rangers, to announce his arrival. But it was not until
September 6th that Rogers was able to reach Colonel Haldimand at the
head of the light infantry and grenadiers.
Meanwhile, Haldimand crossed the country to Longueuil, opposite
Montreal, and encamped immediately opposite Murray's forces on
September 6th.
The main body of the English army under Amherst, 10,170 strong,
including 760 Indians under Sir William Johnson, had meanwhile
proceeded by the Mohawk River and Oneida Lake to Oswego. The story of
its descent to Montreal may be told by Parkman.[218]
"The army of Amherst had gathered at Oswego in July. On the 10th of
August it was all afloat on Lake Ontario, to the number 10,147 men,
besides about seven hundred Indians under Sir William Johnson. Before
the 15th, the whole had reached 'La Présentation,' otherwise called
Oswegatchie, or La Galette, the seat of Father Piquet's mission. Nearby
was a French armed brig, the Ottawa, with ten cannon and a hundred
men, threatening destruction to Amherst's bateaux and whaleboats.
Five gunboats attacked and captured her. Then the army advanced again
and were presently joined by two armed vessels of their own which had
lingered behind, bewildered among the channels of the Thousand Islands.
"Near the head of the rapids, a little below La Galette, stood Fort
Lévis, built the year before on an islet in midchannel. Amherst might
have passed its batteries with slight loss, continuing his voyage
without paying it the honour of a siege; and this is what the French
commanders feared that he would do. 'We shall be fortunate,' Lévis
wrote to Bourlamaque, 'if the enemy amuse themselves with capturing it.
My chief anxiety is, lest Amherst should reach Montreal so soon, that
we may not have time to unite our forces to attack Haviland or Murray.'
If he had better known the English commander, Lévis would have seen
that he was not the man to leave a post of the enemy in his rear under
any circumstances; and Amherst had also another reason for wishing to
get the garrison into his hands, for he expected to find among them the
pilots whom he needed to guide his boats down the rapids. He therefore
invested the fort, and on the 23d cannonaded it from his vessels, the
mainland and the neighbouring islands. It was commanded by Pouchot,
the late commandant of Niagara, made prisoner in the last campaign and
since exchanged. As the rocky islet had but little earth, the defences,
though thick and strong, were chiefly of logs, which flew in splinters
under the bombardment. The French, however, made a brave resistance.
The firing lasted all day, was resumed in the morning, and continued
two days more, when Pouchot, whose works were in ruins, surrendered
himself and his garrison. On this Johnson's Indians prepared to kill
the prisoners, and being compelled to desist, three-fourths of them
went home in a rage.[219]
"Now began the critical part of the expedition, the descent of the
rapids. The Galops, the Rapide Plat, the Long Sault, the Côteau du Lac,
were passed in succession, with little loss, till they reached the
Cedars, the Buisson and the Cascades, where the reckless surges dashed
and pounded in the sun, beautiful and terrible as young tigers at play.
Boat after boat, borne on their foaming crests, rushed hard by down the
torrent. Forty-six were totally wrecked, eighteen were damaged, and
eighty-four men were drowned. Luc La Corne was watching the rapids with
a considerable body of Canadians, and it is difficult to see why this
bold and enterprising chief allowed the army to descend undisturbed
through passes so dangerous. At length the last rapid was left behind,
and the flotilla, gliding in peace over the smooth breast of Lake St.
Louis, landed at Isle Perrot, a few leagues from Montreal. In the
morning, September 6th, the troops embarked again, landing unopposed
at Lachine, nine miles from the city, marched down without delay and
encamped before its walls.[220]
"The Montreal of that time was a long, narrow assemblage of wooden or
stone houses, one or two stories high, above which rose the peaked
towers of the seminary, the spires of three churches, the walls of four
convents, with the trees of their adjacent gardens; and, conspicuous at
the lower end, a high mound of earth crowned by a redoubt, where a few
cannon were mounted. The whole was surrounded by a shallow moat and a
bastioned stone wall, made for defence against Indians and incapable of
resisting cannon."[221]
An idea of Montreal on this evening may now be conceived. Within
forty-eight hours the three English armies, with wonderful precision
and generalship, had united and invested the city--Amherst in the
Northwest, Haviland at Longeuil on the south shore, and Murray also at
a distance of a four hours' march.
Within the island the forces of Bourlamaque, Bougainville and
Roquemaure, abandoned by the militia, had gathered from the south shore
over the river. The corps of Bourlamaque was placed below the city;
that of Roquemaure was stationed above; Dumas was posted on the eastern
part of the island; Bougainville apparently remained in the town.
"The town," says Parkman, "was crowded with noncombatant refugees.
Here, too, was nearly all the remaining force of Canada, consisting
of twenty-two hundred troops of the line and some two hundred colony
troops; for all the Canadians had by this time gone home. Many of the
regulars, especially of the colony troops, had also deserted; and the
rest were so broken in discipline that their officers were forced to
use entreaties instead of commands. The three armies encamped around
the city amounted to seventeen thousand men."[222]
On the night of the 6th a council of the officers was held by Vaudreuil
in his château, when a memoir proposing a capitulation was read by
Bigot. It set forth that by the desertion of the Canadians and of a
great number of the soldiers, the whole force available was 2,400 men.
The Indians had made peace with the English and had even offered to aid
in conquering the French. It was to be expected, that on the morning,
Murray would land on the island of Montreal, and a corps on the
southern bank of the river would join the main army; and that it was
for the benefit of the colony to obtain an advantageous capitulation.
The conclusion was accepted by all present.
At 7 o'clock on the morning of the 7th, de Bougainville was sent
with a proposal to Amherst for a cessation of arms for a month. It
was refused, and after some conversation, Amherst consented that no
movement should be made until 12 o'clock. Vaudreuil, however, at 10
o'clock sent a messenger to Amherst. On this occasion he offered to
capitulate and he enclosed the terms on which he proposed to surrender.
These contained fifty-five articles of capitulation. Amherst granted
the greater part, modified others and some he flatly refused. Among
these latter was a clause that the French troops should march out of
the city with arms, cannon and the honours of war. The answer was: "The
whole garrison of Montreal, and all of the French troops in Canada,
must lay down their arms and shall not serve during the present war."[223]
This hurt the pride of General de Lévis. At this request "Vaudreuil
sent back du Lac with a letter asking a reconsideration of the
terms."[224] Amherst replied that he had set forth the terms he had
determined to grant, and he desired an immediate reply to their
acceptance, for the conditions would not be changed. Again de
Vaudreuil sent de Bougainville with a request that he would hear his
explanation. Amherst gave the same answer, that he could make no change
in the conditions; and he desired an immediate reply to know if they
were accepted or not. The conditions, however, were not concluded, for
de Lévis sent de la Pause, his quartermaster general, to treat with
Amherst on the subject of the too rigorous article imposed upon the
troops, which he said they could not accept, and he asked Amherst to
consider its hardship. Amherst briefly repeated the substance of his
former letters and demanded a definite answer by the bearer.[225]
These denials so piqued de Lévis that he threatened to return to St.
Helen's Island and defend it to the last extremity; but Vaudreuil
ordered him to disarm. Vaudreuil was wise, but no doubt de Lévis'
design was to show France that its heroes were staunch to the end and
ready literally to preserve some territory, small as it might be, for
the _fleur-de-lys_ to wave over in defiance. That night the English
slept on their arms again. It was not until the 8th that de Vaudreuil
sent his unconditional acceptance of the articles, which were signed on
the same day by himself and Jeffrey Amherst.[226]
Amherst, in his despatch to Pitt, tells the circumstances of the actual
signature: "The troops passed the night (the 7th) under arms, and early
in the morning I received a letter from the Marquis de Vaudreuil to
which I replied; then I sent Major Abercromby to the town to bring
back the articles of capitulation signed by the Marquis de Vaudreuil.
I had then forwarded to the latter a duplicate bearing my signature.
Then Colonel Haldimand, with the grenadiers and the light infantry,
took possession of the fort and tomorrow he will put into execution
the articles of capitulation."--"Archives Canadiennes," Doc. Const.
(translated from French version).
[Illustration: About 1760
THE YEAR OF CAPITULATION
Published by Jefferys, the corner of St. Martin's Lane in the Strand]
The articles of capitulation were written in French, no signed copy
in English being extant. The terms are those of the surrender of a
conquered people, though the spirit of generosity marks them, on the
part of the conquerors.
As had been said the troops were to lay down their arms, were not to
serve again during the war and were to be sent back to France, to the
first port, by the shortest route. Protection to deserters on both
sides was refused; the sick and wounded were to be treated kindly.
The demand that the Indians under British arms should be sent away
after the signing of the articles was refused on the ground "that
there had never been any cruelties practiced by the savages of our
army." The demand for protection against disorders on the part of the
victorious troops was answered by Amherst laconically: "Good order will
be maintained." M. de Vaudreuil, M. de Rigaud, governor of Montreal,
and their officers and suites shall be treated with consideration,
maintained in the houses till their embarkation. They could carry away
their private papers, except those archives that may be necessary
for the good government of the country. It was asked that if peace
were proclaimed, matters should return to the previous state and the
capitulation should be null and void. Amherst answered that the orders
of the king on this point would be obeyed. Full facilities were given
for the free transportation of officers of state, of justice, of
police, etc., and for the soldiers and their wives; a hospital ship for
the sick and wounded was to be provided.
All who had business in the country could remain with the permission of
M. de Vaudreuil until they had arranged their affairs.
The chief of the commissary department or his representative should be
allowed to remain in the country till the following year to satisfy
the debts contracted in the colony. The "Company of the Indies" shall
maintain the possession of its peltry, but if it is found that His
Very Christian Majesty has any share in it, that would be transferred
to the benefit of the English king. All in general engaged in trade
or possessing property shall be allowed to go to France with their
families, etc., but they shall pay for the freightage of their
merchandise and furniture, etc.
There was no mention of the use of the French language made on either
side. The free exercise of the "Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion"
was accorded, the obligation of paying the "dime" to the clergy being
reserved to the good will of the king.
The ordinary ecclesiastical functions were to be continued, but the
demand that the king of France should continue to name the bishop of
the colony, who should always be a Roman Catholic, was refused. As Mgr.
de Pontbriand was but lately dead,[227] and as his successor was not yet
appointed, this seemed an opportunity for the English, if desired, to
control future episcopal elections. In the meantime the power to create
new parishes was refused.
The nuns were maintained in their constitutions and privileges; the
same considerations for the Jesuits, Recollects and Sulpicians were
refused "until the king's pleasure be known." All these communities,
however, should be allowed to retain their property with the right of
disposing of their possessions and withdrawing with the money to France.
In answer to the condition asked for by de Vaudreuil, that those who
remained is the colony should not be liable to bear arms, directly or
indirectly, against the king of France or his allies, but should be
allowed to observe a strict neutrality, Amherst answered laconically
but significantly, "_they become the subjects of the king_."
Article 42 demanded that the French Canadians shall continue to be
governed according to the "coutume de Paris" and the laws and usages
established for this country; and they shall not be liable to be
subjected to any other taxes than those which were established under
the French domination. This is again met by a similar reply as above.
The remaining articles were such as would safeguard the people and
would provide for the ordinary rights of seigneurial tenure, of real
property, of commerce, of negro and Indian slaves and the exercise of
justice. The whole was fairminded, being the offer of the conquered
party, almost entirely accepted, with the distinctions recorded above.
By the signatures of Vaudreuil and Amherst, half a continent had been
ceded to British arms. The newspapers of the British-American colonies,
at the news of the fall of Montreal, recount joyful celebrations. The
pulpits of New England spoke in exultant tones, but not of ill will
against the conquered race. Their manuscripts are still extant.[228]
Thomas Foxcroft, pastor of the Old Church in Boston, proclaimed: "Long
had it been the common opinion, 'Delenda est Carthago,' Canada must be
conquered, as we could hope for no lasting peace in these parts and
now, through the good hand of our God upon us, we see the happy day of
its accomplishment."
The British progressivism of some of the pulpit utterances is
interesting. Eli Forbes, speaking of Amherst, says: "The renowned
general, worthy of that most honourable of all titles, the Christian
hero; for he loves his enemies and while he subdues them he makes them
happy. He transplants British liberty to where till now it was unknown.
He acts the general, the Briton, the conqueror, and the Christian. What
fair hopes arise from the peaceful and undisturbed enjoyment of this
good land, and the blessing of our gracious God with it! Methinks, I
see towns enlarged, settlements increased and this howling wilderness
becomes a fruitful field which the Lord hath blessed; and to complete
the scene, I see churches rise and flourish in every Christian grace
where has been the seat of Satan and Indian idolatry."
A sentiment thoroughly admirable, but somewhat faulty in the want
of recognition of the heroic missionary work already done for the
Christian cause.
On the morning, following the signing of the capitulation, September
9th, the "Place d'Armes" was the rendezvous of a detachment of troops
and artillery, who thus formally took possession of the town.[229]
Thither the French regiments repaired, and one after another laid down
their arms, returning to their own camp on the ramparts. After this
act of submission, the British took possession of the gates and placed
guards in the town.
On Citadel Hill, to the east of the town, the British flag supplanted
the _fleur-de-lys_ of France.
Thus ended Montreal under the French régime.
FOOTNOTES:
[218] "Montcalm and Wolfe," Vol. II.
[219] Sir William Johnson informed Amherst that he was apprehensive
the Indians would leave the army. Amherst replied "that he believed
his army was fully sufficient the service he was going upon, without
their assistance; that although he wished to preserve their friendship,
he could not prevail on himself to purchase it at the expense of
countenancing the horrid barbarities they wanted to perpetrate;" and he
added "that if they quitted the army and committed any acts of cruelty,
he would on his return assuredly chastise them." Upon this the whole
retired with the exception of 170, who were afterwards distinguished
upon their arrival in Montreal by the gift of a medal from the general,
that they might be known at the English posts and receive the civil
treatment their conduct deserved.--Maubé, p. 306.
Mr. G. E. Hart, in "The Fall of New France," says this medal is well
known to numismatists. The obverse has a view of Montreal; the reverse
plain, with the name and tribe of the Indians engraved. As it was given
before the general's departure, and is very archaic, it must have been
made at Montreal at the time.
[220] "The landing was made at Lachine. Two New York and two
Connecticut regiments were left to hold the place and guard the boats,
while the main force proceeded to the open ground, traversed by the
River St. Pierre, which then existed to the west of Montreal, through
which the Grand Trunk now runs on leaving the city. There the British
troops established themselves, the men, on the night of the 6th of
September, lying on their arms."--Kingsford, "History of Canada," Vol.
IV, p. 393.
[221] "I locate his (Amherst's) position about the foot of Côte
des Neiges, between Guy Street and Clarke Avenue on the one side;
Sherbrooke Street and Dorchester Street on the other. The house in
which the capitulation was signed existed until quite recently, and
was at the head of the hill, near the site of the Côte des Neiges' old
tollgate."--G. E. Hart, "The Fall of New France," note on p. 143. There
are several other houses claiming to be capitulation house.--Ed.
[222] A list of the forces employed in the expedition against Canada.
See Smith, "History of Canada," I, Appendix XXX. "Vaudreuil writes to
Charles Langlade, on the 9th, that the three armies amount to 20,000,
and raises the number to 32,000 in a letter to the minister next day.
Burrows says 20,000; Lévis, for obvious reasons, exaggerates the number
to 40,000." Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," Vol. II, p. 372.
[223] Kingsford, IV, p. 401.
[224] An account of the capitulation of Montreal from a French source
may be found in the document entitled "Suite de la Campagne en Canada,
1760," which is a part of the "Collection de Documents Relatifs a
l'Histoire de la Nouvelle France," Quebec, 1885, Vol. IV, pp. 304-6.
[225] Knox gives an account of this interview which is not
authenticated by other evidence. It must, however, be borne in mind
that Knox was present with the troops, and that he was generally
well informed of what took place. His work was published within a
few years after 1760, and there is every reason to believe it was
seen by Amherst. "When," says Knox, "the bearer of this billet saw
that the general had perused its contents he attempted to support
the Chevalier's complaint respecting the article alluded to; but His
Excellency commanded him to silence and told him he was fully resolved,
for the infamous part the troops of France had acted in exciting the
savages to perpetrate the most horrid and unheard of barbarities in the
whole progress of war, and for open treacheries as well as flagrant
breaches of faith, to manifest to all the world by this capitulation
his detestation of such ungenerous practices, and disapprobation of
their conduct; he therefore insisted he might decline any remonstrance
on the subject."--Knox, II, p. 418.
[226] Kingsford, Vol. IV, p. 403.
[227] M. de Pontbriand died at the seminary on June 8, 1760. The loss
of their bishop was looked upon as a veritable disaster. In the funeral
oration of June 25th the curé d'office, M. Jolivet, did not dissimulate
the fear of all that the Catholic religion was now to be extinguished.
But the conquerors were far more merciful than was expected.
[228] Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe." Vol. II, p. 377.
[229] At the corner of Notre Dame and McGill Streets is the following
tablet: "Récollets Gate. By this gate Amherst took possession, 8th
September, 1760. General Hull, U. S. Army, 25 officers, 350 men,
entered prisoners of war, 20th September, 1812."
APPENDIX I
THE GOVERNMENT OF LA NOUVELLE FRANCE
THE GOVERNMENT OF MONTREAL UNDER LA NOUVELLE FRANCE--ROYAL
COMMISSIONS--VICEROYS--GOVERNORS--INTENDANTS--BISHOPS--FRENCH AND
ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS--LOCAL GOVERNORS OF MONTREAL--THE SEIGNEURS OF
THE SEMINARY.
UNDER ROYAL COMMISSION
1534 Jacques Cartier, Captain General.
1540 Jean François de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval.
1549 Marquis de la Roche.
1600 Capitaine de Chauvin (acting as administrator).
1603 Commandeur de Chastes.
1607 Pierre du Guast de Monts.
LEADING CONSTITUTIONAL EVENTS OF THE FRENCH REGIME
1608 Governor, sole ruler.
1647 Governor and council.
1663 April. Conseil Souverain created.
1760 April 28th. Conseil Souverain last session.
VICEROYS OF NEW FRANCE
De Soissons, Chas. de Bourbon, October 8, 1612, to November 1, 1612.
Condé, Henri de Bourbon, Prince de, November 20, 1612, to February
10, 1620.
Thémines, Maréchal Pons de Lausière, September 1, 1616, to October
20, 1619.
Montmorency, Henri, Duc de, February 10, 1620, to ----, 1624.
Ventadour, Henri de Lévis, Duc de, March, 1625, to June, 1627.
Damville, François C. de Lévis, Duc de, November, 1644, to ----, 1660.
Feuquières, Isaac de Pas, Marquis de, August 30, 1660, to October
5, 1661.
D'Estrades, Godefroy, Comte, ----, 1662, to February 26, 1686.
D'Estrées, Jean, Comte, May, 1717, to December 27, 1737.
GOVERNORS OF CANADA (LA NOUVELLE FRANCE)
(N. B.--The dates of arrival in Canada are followed rather than that of
their commissions.)
Champlain, Samuel de (Lieutenant General), October 15, 1612, to
July 20, 1629.
Champlain, Samuel de (Governor), May 23, 1633, to December 25, 1635.
Chateaufort, Marc Antoine Bras de fer de (Administrator), December
25, 1635, to June 11, 1636.
Montmagny, Chevalier Charles Hualt de, June 12, 1636, to August
19, 1648.
D'Ailleboust de Coulonge, Louis, August 20, 1648, to October 12,
1651.
Lauson, Jean de, October 16, 1651, to ----, 1656.
Lauson-Charny, Charles de (Administrator), ----, 1656, to
September 12, 1657.
D'Ailleboust de Coulonge, Louis (Administrator), September 13,
1657, to July 10, 1658.
D'Argenson, Pierre de Voyer, Vicomte, July 11, 1658, to August 30,
1661.
D'Avaugour, Pierre Dubois, August 31, 1661, to July 23, 1663.
Mézy, Augustin de Saffray, September 15, 1663, to May 5, 1665.
Courcelles,[230] Daniel de Rémy de, September 12, 1665, to September
11, 1672.
Frontenac, Louis de Buade, Comte de Pallua et de, September 12,
1672, to ----, 1682.
La Barre, LeFebre de, October 9, 1682, to July 31, 1685.
Denonville, Jacques René de Brisay, Marquis de, August 1, 1685, to
October 11, 1689.
Frontenac, Louis de Buade (second term), October 12, 1689, to
November 28, 1698.
Callières, Hector de (Administrator), November 29, 1698, to
September 13, 1699.
Callières, Hector de (Governor), September 14, 1699, to May 26,
1703.
Vaudreuil, Philippe, de Rigaud (Administrator), May 27, 1703, to
September 16, 1705.
Vaudreuil, Philippe de Rigaud (Governor), September 17, 1705, to
October 10, 1725.
Ramezay, Claude de (Administrator), 1714-1716.
Longueuil, Charles Le Moyne (1st), Baron de (Administrator),
1725-1726.
Beauharnois, Charles, Marquis de, September 2, 1726, to September
18, 1747.
Le Galissonière,[231] Rolland Michel Barrin Comte de
(Administrator), September 19, 1747, to August 14, 1749.
La Jonquière, Jacques Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de, August 15,
1749, to March 17, 1752.
Longueuil, Charles Le Moyne (2d) Baron de (Administrator), March,
1752, to June 24, 1755.
Duquesne-De Menneville, Marquis de, July, 1752, to June 24, 1755.
Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, Pierre de Rigaud (2d), Marquis de, June 25,
1755, to September 8, 1760.
INTENDANTS OF LA NOUVELLE FRANCE
(Robert, commission dated March 21, 1663. Never came to Canada.)
Talon, Jean, First Intendant (1st term), September 23, 1665, to
October 22, 1668.
Bouteroue, Claude de, October 22, 1668, to October 22, 1670.
Talon, Jean (2d term), October 23, 1670, to October, 1672.
Duchesnaux, Jacques, September 16, 1675, to October 9, 1682.
De Meulles, Jacques, October 9, 1682, to September 23, 1686.
Champigny, Jean Bochart, September 23, 1686, to October 5, 1702.
Beauharnois, François? de, October 5, 1702, to September 17, 1705.
Raudot, Jacques (father), September 17, 1705, to November 6, 1711.
Raudot, Antoine Denis (son), September 17, 1705, to ----.
Bégon, Michel, October 14, 1712, to September 2, 1726.
(Robert died at sea on board Le Chameau on the day he left La
Rochelle, June 24, 1724.)
(De Chazel was lost in the wreck of Le Chameau on his way to
Canada on August 27, 1725.)
Dupuy, Claude Thomas, September 2, 1726, to August 30, 1728.
Hocquart, Gilles, August 20, 1731, to September 2, 1748.
Bigot, François, September 2, 1748, to September 8, 1760.
BISHOPS OF QUEBEC (INCLUDING MONTREAL)
Laval,[232] François de, October 1, 1674, to January 24, 1688.
St. Vallier,[233] Jean, Bte. de la Croix Chevrières de, January 25,
1688, to December 26, 1727.
Mornay,[234] Louis François Duplessis de, December 26, 1727, to
September 12, 1733.
Dosquet, Pierre Herman, August 23, 1729, to September 12, 1733.
Dosquet, Pierre Herman, September 12, 1733, to June 25, 1739.
L'Auberivière,[235] François Louis de Pourroy de, August 16, 1739,
to August, 20, 1740.
Pontbriand, Henri Marie Dubreuil de, April 9, 1741, to November
29, 1784.
FRENCH MINISTERS OF MARINE AND COLONIES
Ruzé de Beaulieu, September 15, 1588, to November 6, 1613.
De Loménie, de la Ville-aux-Clercs, November 7, 1613, to August
12, 1615.
De Loménie, de Brienne, August 13, 1615, to February 23, 1643.
Guénégaud de Plancy, February 23, 1643, to February 4, 1662.
De Lyonne, February 4, 1662, to February, 1669.
Colbert, February 16, 1669, to September 6, 1683.
Colbert, de Seignelay, September 6, 1683, to November 5, 1690.
Phélipeaux, Comte de Pontchartrain, Louis, November 6, 1690, to
September 5, 1699.
Phélipeaux, de Pontchartrain, Jérome, September 6, 1699, to
November 8, 1715.
"Council of Marine," September 13, 1715, to September 24, 1718.
Fleuriau d'Armenonville, October, 1718, to April 8, 1722.
Morville Fleuriau, Comte de, April 9, 1722, to August 10, 1723.
Maurepas, Phélipeaux, Comte de, November 13, 1723, to April 24, 1749.
Rouillé Comte de Jouy, April 24, 1749, to July 28, 1754.
Machault d'Arnouville, July 28, 1754, to February 1, 1757.
Peraine de Mauras, February 1, 1757, to June 1, 1758.
De Massiac, June 1, 1758, to November 1, 1758.
(Le Normand de Mézy, Assistant), June 1, 1758, to November 1, 1758.
Berryer, November 1, 1758, to October 13, 1761.
Choiseul, Etienne François, Duc de, October 13, 1761, to April 7,
1766.
FRENCH SOVEREIGNS SINCE THE DISCOVERY OF MONTREAL, 1535-1763
François I, January 1, 1515.
Henri II, March 31, 1547.
François II, July 10, 1559.
Charles IX, December 5, 1560.
Henri III, May 30, 1574.
Henri IV, August 2, 1589.
Louis XIII, May 14, 1610.
Louis XIV, May 14, 1642 (72 years' reign).
Louis XV, September 1, 1715, to May 10, 1774.
ENGLISH SOVEREIGNS, 1535-1763
Henry VIII, April 22, 1509.
Edward VI, January 28, 1547.
Mary, July 6, 1553.
Elizabeth, November 17, 1558.
James I, July 24, 1603.
Charles I, March 27, 1625.
"The Commonwealth," January 30, 1649.
Charles II, May 8, 1660.
James II, February 6, 1685.
William and Mary, February 13, 1689.
William III, December 28, 1694.
Anne, March 8, 1702.
George I, August 1, 1714.
George II, June 11, 1727.
George III, October 25, 1760, to 1810.
LOCAL GOVERNORS OF MONTREAL
1--Paul de Chomedey de Maisonneuve, 1642-1665.
2--Etienne Pézard de la Touche,[236] 1664.
3--Zacharie Dupuis (Commandant), 1665-1668.
4--Pierre de St. Paul de Lamothe (Commandant), 1669.
5--De la Fredière (Commandant), 1669.
6--François Marie Perrot, 1669-1674 and 1682.
7--Th. X. Tarieu de Lanaudière (Commandant), 1674-1684 (sometimes
written "de la Nougère").
8--Henault des Rivaux,[237] 1684-1685.
9--Louis Hector de Callières, 1685-1698.
10--Philippe de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, 1698-1703.
11--Claude de Ramezay, 1703-1724.
12--Charles Le Moyne, 1st Baron de Longueuil, 1724-1733.
13--Jean Bouillet de la Chassaigne, 1730-1733.
14--Du Bois Berthelot de Beaucourt, 1733-1739.
15--Jean Nicholas Roch de Ramezay, 1739-1749.
16--Charles Le Moyne, 2d Baron de Longueuil, 1749-1755.
17--Pierre de Rigaud, 1757-1760.
M. de Maisonneuve was kept in office by the seigneurs until June,
1665, the seigneurs having opposed the nomination made by the _Conseil
Souverain_.
SEIGNEURS OF THE SEMINARY
The names of the superiors of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, so long the
Seigneurs of Montreal, deserve to be put on record.
1--Gabriel de Queylus, July 29, 1657-October 22, 1661.
2--Gabriel Souart, October 22, 1661-autumn of 1668.
Gabriel de Queylus, autumn 1668-autumn 1671.
3--François Dollier de Casson, 1671-1674.
Gabriel Souart, 1674-autumn 1676.
4--François Lefebre, August, 1676-July, 1678.
François Dollier de Casson, July, 1678-September 27, 1701.
5--François Vachon de Belmont, September 28, 1701-May 22, 1732.
6--Louis Normant de Farradon, May 25, 1732-June 18, 1759.
7--Etienne Montgolfier, June 21, 1759-August 27, 1791.
8--Gabriel Jean Brassier, August 30, 1791-October 20, 1798.
9--Jean Henry Auguste Roux, October 23, 1798-April 7, 1831.
10--Joseph Vincent Quiblier, April 12, 1831-April 21, 1846.
11--Pierre Louis Billaudèle, August 1, 1846-April 21, 1856.
12--Dominique Granet, April 21, 1856-February 9, 1866.
13--Joseph Alexander Baile, March 14, 1866-April 20, 1881.
14--Frederick Louis Colin, April 20, 1881-November 27, 1902.
15--Jean Marie Charles Lecoq, December 3, 1902.
FOOTNOTES:
[230] The Marquis de Tracy was king's lieutenant-general in America. He
arrived at Quebec, June 30, 1665, and was virtually governor-general of
Canada till his departure, August 28, 1667.
[231] Rolland Michel Barrin, Comte de la Galissonière, was sent out to
act as minister during the captivity of de la Jonquière, who on his
way was made a prisoner by the English in a naval engagement off Cape
Finisterre, May 3, 1747.
[232] Bishop Laval was consecrated as vicar apostolic for New France
December 8, 1658, and landed at Quebec, June 16, 1659.
[233] Bishop St. Vallier was on his way back from France on La Seine
when it was captured by the English on July 26, 1724. He was made a
prisoner and detained in England till June 15, 1709. He then spent four
years in France and arrived in Quebec on the 17th of August, 1713.
[234] Bishop Mornay never came to America. He was consecrated at Paris
April 22, 1714, as coadjutor to the Bishop of Quebec and in that
capacity governed that part of the diocese of Quebec which extended
along the Mississippi. François Louis de Pourroy de L'Auberivière
arrived at Quebec August 12, 1740, but died eight days later of the
fever.
[235] Also Bulletin des Recherches Historiques. Beauceville, Quebec,
February, 1914.
[236] Named only.
[237] Named only.
APPENDIX II
AN INVENTORY OF THE CHARTS AND PLANS OF THE ISLAND AND TOWN OF MONTREAL
UP TO 1760
By the kindness of the archivist of the district of Montreal, Mr.
E. Z. Massicotte, we include the following list of plans, etc., of
Montreal, up to 1760. It is not offered as a complete list. Such would
necessitate a voluminous book. It is, however, a very representative
one, and a contribution to history and archaeology. The compiler has
consulted the following works: Dionne, "Inventaire Chronologique,"
Volume IV; Holmden, "Catalogue des Cartes et plans des Archives
Fedérales;" Gagnon, "Essai de Bibliographie;" in addition he has noted
the collections in the City Hall, the Château de Ramezay, the Court
House, of Montreal, and finally those in his own collection.[238]
No. 1. 1611. Carte figurative du Saut Saint Louis et d'une partie
de la rive sud de l'ile de Montréal. Dressée par Champlain. Morin,
Vieux Montréal, pl. 1, 6×9.
No. 2. 1645. Montréal vu à vol d'oiseau de 1645 à 1650. Morin,
Vieux Montréal, pl. 2, 20-1/2×14.
No. 3. 1650. Montréal de 1650 à 1672. Morin, Vieux Montréal, pl.
3, 11×12.
No. 4. 1658. Carte historique de l'ile de Montréal indiquant la
position des forts, redoutes et chapelles de mission avec la date
de leur construction de 1658 à 1758. Morin, Vieux Montreal, pl. 7,
6-1/2×13.
No. 5. 1665. Plan de Villemarie. "Jésuit Relations," Cleveland, T
50. Frontispiece, 6×4. Dionne, IV, No. 65.
No. 6. 1665. Plan of the district of Montreal or Villemarie.
"Jésuit Relations," etc. T 67, p. 52. Dionne IV, No. 66.
No. 7. 1672. Plan de Villemarie et des rues projetées pour
l'embellissement de la haute ville. Gravé par Martin,
8-1/2×12-1/2. Dans Faillon, III, 375. Dionne, IV, No. 57, gives to
this plan a date which accords neither with the context nor with
the _procès verbal_ of the bounds of the streets, which was made
in 1672. See, also, Morin, Vieux Montréal.
No. 8. 1672. Plan de Villemarie en 1672. Abbé Rousseau, Vie de
Maisonneuve, p. 225, 5-1/2×4.
No. 9. 1672. Plan of Villemarie showing first streets laid out and
projected new streets and churches, also the old château and fort,
6-1/2×3-1/2. Sandham, Fortifications, etc. Dionne, IV, No. 103.
No. 10. 1673. Plan de Montréal de 1673 à 1687. Morin, Vieux
Montréal, pl. 4, 9-1/4×12-1/2.
No. 11. 1680. The first map of Montreal, from a photograph in the
possession of Wm. McLennan, Esq. Semi Centennial.
No. 12. 1680. Plan de Villemarie dans l'Isle de Montréal. Copy
from the archives of the Parliament at Quebec. Dionne, IV, No. 115.
No. 13. 1685. Villemarie dans l'Isle de Montréal envoyé par M.
Denonville, le 13 Novembre, 1685, 13×9-1/2. Manuscript chart in
colour. Dionne, IV, No. 145a.
No. 14. 1685. Plan de Villemarie, Faillon, Vie de Mll. LeBer, p.
102. 8-1/2×4-1/2.
No. 15. 1686. Deshaies' Map of the Island of Montreal and
Vicinity. Copy of A. L. Pinard, deposited in the Parliament
Library, Ottawa, Girouard. Supplement to Lake St. Louis, p. 376.
This must be an extract of No. 17, below.
No. 16. 1687. Plan de Montréal de 1687 à 1773, Morin Vieux
Montréal, pl. 5. 13×18-1/2.
No. 17. 1687. Côtes du Canada. Cartes des côtes habitées du Canada
par paroisses et par seigneuries. Signé: Deshaies, 45-1/2×12.
Dionne, IV, 149.
No. 18. 1703. Carte du gouvernement de Montréal, 2-3/4×5. B. de la
Potherie, Hist. de l'Amérique Sept. Dionne, IV, No. 234.
No. 19. 1704. Plan de Villemarie dressé en 1704 par Levasseur de
Néré. Dépôt des fortifications des colonies à Paris, No. 468. Cité
par Faillon 11, 25.
No. 20. 1717. Plan de la ville de Montréal en la Nouvelle France
dans l'Amérique Septentrionale. Fait à Montréal, ce 10 août 1717,
par Chaussegros deLery, Ingénieur du Roy, 5×8-3/4. Dionne, IV,
260. Copy by P. L. Morin made in Paris in January, 1858, Sulte, H.
des C. F. 11, 18.
No. 21. 1720. Plan de Villemarie ou Montréal, au Canada. Deux
feuilles de 19-1/4×29-1/2 chacune. Dans Pinart, "Recueil de
cartes, plans et vues relatifs aux Etats-Unis et au Canada."
Paris, 1896. Nos 5 et 6. Dionne, No. 272.
No. 22. 1721. Carte de l'Ile de Montréal indiquant la position de
chaque fort, manoir, moulin, fortification, cours d'eau, etc. M. Dionne
IV, No. 281.
No. 23. 1723. Plan de la ville de Montréal en Canada, à 46 d., 55 m. de
latitude septentrionale. Paris, 1723. Par Moullard Sanson, G. O. D. R.
avec Priv. Dédié à M. de Catalogne. 22×10. Dionne IV, No. 287. Also in
L'Opinion Publique.
No. 24. 1724. Plan de Montréal de 1724 à 1760. Morin, Vieux Montréal,
pl. 6. 12-1/4×19-1/2.
No. 25. 1725. Plan de la ville de Montréal, en Canada. Par Moullard
Sanson, dédié à Catalogne, Nouvelle édition. Dionne IV, No. 291. Also
in Morin, Vieux Montréal pl. 12, 8×17-3/4.
No. 26. 1729. Plan de la ville de Montréal dans la Nouvelle-France
fait à Montréal ce 21 août 1729. Chaussegros deLery Avec "Renvoy."
27×19-3/4. Coloured copy. Ottawa, Holmden, No. 620.
No. 27. 1733. Carte d'une partie de l'Ile de Montréal, depuis la pointe
à Cardinal jusqu'au Courant Ste-Marie avec la ville de Montréal et le
canal commencé par MM. du Séminaire. Dionne IV, No. 310.
No. 28. 1744. Carte de l'Isle de Montréal et de ses Environs
Dressée sur les manuscrits du Depost des Cartes Plans et Journaux
de la Marine par N. Bellin Ingénieur et Hidrographe. 1744.
12×9-1/2. Civic Library at Montreal. Dionne IV, No. 342, says that
it is taken from Charlevoix II, p. 227.
No. 29. 1750. General map of the Parishes of the Island of
Montreal and of the Neighbourhood. About 1750, Girouard, Supplmt.
to the Lake St. Louis, p. 455.
No. 30. 1752. Plan de l'enceinte de la ville de Montréal et du
profil de ses différentes fortifications. Dionne IV, No. 377.
No. 31. 1755. Plan de Ville Marie et de Cayenne, 7×3-1/2. Dionne
IV, No. 421.
No. 32. 1758. Plan of the town and fortifications of Montreal or
Ville Marie in Canada by Jeffreys, London. 13×19-1/2. Jeffreys,
General Topography, 1758, No. 20. Dionne IV, No. 464.
No. 33. 1758. Same plan. In Jeffreys, Natural and Civil History of
the French Domination, etc., London, 1760, p. 12. Dionne IV, 465.
No. 34. 1758. Plan of the town and fortifications of Montreal or
Villemarie in Canada, Montreal. Published by W. Greig and Engraved
by P. Christie from a plan published by Thos. Jeffreys, Geographer
to His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales, January, 1758. In
Bosworth, Hochelaga Depicta, p. 90.
No. 35. 1759. An accurate wholesheet plan of the town and
fortifications of Montreal or Ville Marie, in Canada; with an
exact description of the same, the manner of the trading therein
with the Indian natives and a general idea of the commerce carried
on between France and Canada. 14-1/2×9-1/2. Taken from "The Universal
Magazine" of November and December, 1759, accompanied by 14 pp. in 8
of descriptive text. Gagnon, Essai de biblio. Can. No. 4469 et Dionne,
Inv. IV, No. 478.
No. 36. 1759. Tabula Cornea being a projection of a map engraved
on a powder horn in the possession of Fred W. Lucas, a fac-simile
reproduction from a plan on which are seen Montréal, Three Rivers, Fort
Chambly, Forts George, Niagara. Dionne IV, No. 475.
No. 37. 1759. A new and correct map of Canada with a perspective view
of the town of Montreal on the river St. Lawrence. R. Bennett sculp.
8×9-1/2. In the Grand Magazine, London. Dionne IV, No. 476.
No. 38. 1759. Plan of the town and fortifications of Montreal or
Villemarie, in Canada. Engraved for the London Magazine. About 1759. In
folio. Gagnon, Essai de biblio. No. 4470.
No. 39. 1759. Plan of the town and fortification of Montreal or
Villemarie, in Canada. Engraved for the London Magazine. Sandham,
Villemarie, 1870, p. 49. Dionne IV, No. 477.
No. 40. Ibid. 6-1/2×4. Sandham, Fortif. Dionne IV, No. 1040.
No. 41. Fortifications de Montréal, 1860. D. Pomarede Sculp., 6×8-1/2.
Sulte. Hist. C. F. III. Dionne IV, No. 521.
No. 42. 1760. Montreal from an old print, 4×2-1/2. Sandham, Fortif.
Dionne IV, No. 1029.
No. 43. 1760. A perspective view of Montreal in 1760. 9×5-3/4. Hart,
Fall of New France, p. 147. Dionne IV, No. 1129.
No. 44. 1760. Plan of the town of Montreal at the date of the British
occupation. N. M. Hinshelwood, Montreal and vicinity, 1902. p. 20,
7×4-3/4.
No. 45. 1760. Plan of the town and fortifications of Montreal, or
Villemarie in Canada. Inset. View of Montreal. Engraved for the
London Magazine, 1760. Uncoloured print from Atlas F, 10×7-1/4.
Holmden, No. 623 and 4090.
No. 46. 1760. A perspective view of the town and fortifications of
Montreal, in Canada, Eng. for the Royal Magazine, 1760. B. Cole,
Sculp. 9×6. Gagnon, Essai de biblio. No. 4545.
FOOTNOTE:
[238] Cf. also Bulletin des Recherches historiques. Beauceville,
Quebec, February, 1914.
When the source of the map is of a French origin, the description is
left in French for more convenient reference by the student.
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
Punctuation and accented words have been standardised. Additional
changes have been made as follows:
Page(s) Original -----> Correction
viii, 173 PICOTE DE BELESTIE -----> PICOTE DE BELESTRE
3 "... he made preparations for return home...." ----->
"... he made preparations for the return home...."
8 Agohama's -----> Agohanna's
12, 265 JOILETTE -----> JOLIET
14 Iroquios -----> Iroquois
17 "... and in manner they go...." -----> "... and in summer
they go...."
21 "... the romantic story of Montreal in a sealed book...."
-----> "... the romantic story of Montreal is a sealed
book...."
30 "... au voyait, qu' il y a fait...." -----> "... au voyage,
qu' il y a fait...."
33 Thémimes -----> Thémines
34 Bréboeuf -----> Brébeuf
37 "... within the the River...." -----> "... within the
River...."
51 Hennipin -----> Hennepin
126 Druilletes -----> Druillettes
137 Thubière -----> Thubières
141 harrassed -----> harassed
143 "... foundation of parish of Montreal." ----->
"... foundation of the parish of Montreal."
145 d'Avagour -----> d'Avaugour
153 Sabastian Dupuis -----> Sébastien Dupuis
167 "... at Three Rivers he had Mitiwemeg...." -----> "... at
Three Rivers he had met Mitiwemeg...."
188, 242 Chomédy -----> Chomedey
199 Barthélmy -----> Barthélemy
204 Carrignan-Sellières -----> Carignan-Sallières
249 May 17, 1764 -----> May 17, 1674
249 Germaine-en-Laye -----> Germain-en-Laye
252 Madelene -----> Madeleine
253 Ojibeways -----> Ojibways
257 Gorgondière -----> Gorgendière
260 Lotbinière -----> Lothbinière
269 Kamanistiquia -----> Kaministiquia
278 De La Croix Chevriere -----> De La Croix de Chevrières
285, 426 Vandreuil -----> Vaudreuil
297 Perrade -----> Pérade
309 Chuchlière -----> Chauchetière
317 Nicholas Perrott -----> Nicolas Perrot
321 "The following seven missions were founded by Mother
Bourgeoys: (1) The Mission of the Mountain--Notre Dames
des Neiges. (2) L'enfant Jésus at Pointe aux Trembles.
Ile d'Orléans near Quebec. (6) Notre Dame de la
Visitation at Château Richer. (7) Notre (3) Les Saint
Anges at Lachine. (4) La Visitation at Champlain. (5)
Ste. Famille at the Dame des Victoires at Quebec (Lower
Town)." -----> "The following seven missions were
founded by Mother Bourgeoys: (1) The Mission of the
Mountain--Notre Dames des Neiges. (2) L'enfant Jésus at
Pointe aux Trembles, Ile d'Orléans near Quebec. (3) Les
Saint Anges at Lachine. (4) La Visitation at Champlain.
(5) Ste. Famille at the Notre Dame des Victoires at
Quebec (Lower Town). (6) Notre Dame de la Visitation at
Château Richer."
352 Hoquart -----> Hocquart
357, 431 Deschambeault -----> Deschambault
378 Tadousac -----> Tadoussac
385 Longueil -----> Longueuil
389, 442 Lagalissonière, le Galissoniere -----> La Galissonière
431 Bourgainville -----> Bougainville
436 Bourlemaque -----> Bourlamaque
442 M. de la Jonquière, detained a prisoner in English ----->
M. de la Jonquière, detained a prisoner in England
442 D'Alleboust -----> D'Ailleboust
448 Moullart Sanson -----> Moullard Sanson
Abenaquis, Abenrakis -----> Abenakis
Deschesnaux, Duchesnau -----> Duchesnaux
Dupéron, Duperron -----> Duperon
Galinee, Gallinée, Galinèe -----> Galinée
Groseillers -----> Groseilliers
Lauzon -----> Lauson
Le Ber -----> Leber
Ragenau, Rageneau -----> Ragueneau
Tegakwita, Tegakwitha -----> Tekakwitha
The following variants were retained:
Recollect and Récollet
Lamothe-Cardillac, Lamotte-Cardillac and La Motte-Cadillac
Duchesnaux and Duchesneau
Agné and Agnée
Arontal and Aronthal
Bardillère and Bardillière
Chauminot and Chaumonot
Chouart and Chouard des Groseillers
Cornibotz and Cornibots
Courtemanche and Courtmanche
Duchesnaux and Duchesneau
Garagontié and Garacontié
Gannensagonas and Gannensagouas
Gogogouen and Gogogouin
Irocois and Iroquois
La Chine and Lachine
Maillet and Maillé
Maricour and Maricourt
Nougère and Nouguère
Onneiouts, Onneyouts, Onneyuts and Onneyutus
Pottawatomies, Pottawattomies and Poutéouatamies
Rousillière and Roussillière
Sidzac du Gué and Sidrac de Gué
La Valterie and La Valtrie
Varenne and Varennes
Other notes:
Page 29: "... assassination in August, 1659." Henry III was
assassinated on August 2, 1589.
Page 43: "... if I would make a settlement a Frenchman at the Rapids
of St. Louis...." Meaning uncertain. Could it be "... settlement as
a Frenchman?..."
Page 174: Oi8guere are the Cayugas. See this text: "At the gloomiest
moment, in July, 1661, 'there appeared above Montreal two canoes of
Iroquois, who, bearing a white flag,.... They were sent by the
Onondagas and Cayugas, and brought back four French captives....'"
William Martin Beauchamp, Past and Present of Syracuse and Onondaga
county, New York: From Prehistoric Times to the Beginning of 1908.
Vol. 1. New York: S.J. Clarke, 1908, p. 92.