TRUCE BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.
(FROM MARCH 28 TO MAY 4, 1533.)
Just at that time some foreigners were staying in Geneva, and
particularly seven merchants of Friburg, who had come for the fair. They
looked with sorrow on the spectacle around them, and could not
understand how citizens could go so far as to kill one another, 'to
satisfy the appetite of their priests,' says a manuscript.[690] These
worthy Switzers came forward to mediate. The chiefs of the catholic
party, not doubting that they were on their side, asked for their
support. 'We do not meddle in business of this kind,' wisely answered
the Friburgers, 'except it be to restore peace, since we are co-burghers
and good friends with you as well as with the others.' They proceeded to
the Rue des Allemands and said to the reformed: 'Look at the great
multitude of people that is against you. This matter must be settled
before worse befals you.' The reformed, who were ready for the battle,
made answer: 'The disturbance did not begin with us, and we should be
distressed to do anything to the disadvantage of the Council or of the
people. We only ask to be left at peace and to live according to God,
obeying the magistrates, as the Gospel commands. We are acting in
self-defence, for they have conspired to kill us. If so many priests and
monks remain assembled in the square, rest assured that we shall defend
ourselves to the last, if it please God to assist us. But we are not
pleased at having to fight against fathers, brothers, relations, friends
and neighbours to gratify the appetites of the priests and monks.'[691]
[Sidenote: MODERATION OF THE FRIBURGERS.]
The Friburgers, encouraged by these words, returned to the Molard and
addressing the priests, said: 'It is neither good nor honourable, and
above all it is not in accordance with your office, thus to excite the
people to kill one another. It is your duty to be in your houses or at
church praying to God rather than be thus in arms. When the people are
at variance, you should reconcile them instead of exciting them to shed
blood.' These were christian words, and the laymen delivered an
excellent exhortation to the clergy; but the latter were so enraged that
they would listen to nothing. After the pacific address of the
Friburgers, 'they showed themselves more heated than ever in their
desire that all should be killed.'
These worthy merchants, astounded at finding ecclesiastics so eager for
battle, thought that the laymen would be more moderate, and went off to
parley with the magistrates. 'If there is any bloodshed,' they said,
'all the blame will be laid on you. Do your duty: it is yours to
command; order the two parties to withdraw to their homes.' The honour
of the magistrates, who at heart desired peace, was touched, and they
resolved to put down the tumult. Turning to the priests, upon whom the
whole affair depended, they said to them before the people: 'You must
restore peace.' But the clergy would do nothing, and indeed excited the
people all the more to attack the Lutherans. The indignant Friburgers
determined to frighten them. 'We pray you, sirs, not to be so high,'
they said, 'for if it should come to fighting, we would rather be on
their side than on yours.... They are very different soldiers from you,
in better order and well-armed ... we have seen them.' Then pointing to
the listening people, they continued: 'Do you think, sir priests, that
the men here, who have their children, parents, and friends on the other
side, wish to kill them or to be killed by them for love of you?...
Indeed, we pray them to withdraw. And if after that you desire to attack
your enemies, think what you are about; perchance, you may not have the
opportunity of returning.'
The worthy Friburgers did not stop here; after speaking to the
magistrates and priests, they began to harangue the people. Approaching
the citizens, they spoke to them singly: 'You have sons, relations, and
friends on the huguenot side; do you want to kill them, or be killed by
them? We advise you to let the priests fight it out by themselves.'
Many highly approved of this remonstrance. 'We are very foolish,' they
said; 'why should we get killed for the priests?... Let them defend
themselves, if they like. Let them contend with Holy Scripture and not
with the sword.' Some whom reason could not convince were seized with
fear.[692] The good sense of the Friburgers dissipated the charm of
sacerdotal fanaticism. The natural affections, repressed for a moment,
resumed their power. 'Let the affair be arranged,' was the cry from all
quarters; 'Arbitrate, arbitrate.'
[Sidenote: A CONSULTATION.]
The magistrates, seeing the priests deserted, regained their courage.
There was not a moment to be lost. The council assembled in the middle
of the Molard, the ushers keeping off the crowd; the syndics were the
first to protest against the spilling of blood; many influential
councillors supported them, and the majority of the people seemed to
declare in favour of peace. Then the premier-syndic, Nicholas du Crest,
Claude Baud, and Pierre de Malbuisson, attended by several captains,
advanced to treat with De la Maisonneuve and his friends. The foremost
of the huguenots, seeing them approach, thought that the battle was
beginning, and one of them, a prompt and energetic man, arranging a
piece of artillery, began to take aim at the centre of the group, and
got ready to apply the match. 'The shot would have made a terrible
breach,' says Froment. This rapid movement alarmed those who were
approaching; on all sides they shouted out, 'Peace is made.' At these
words the gunner stopped, the soldiers drew back, the syndics came
forward on one side, Baudichon and his friends on the other, and the two
parties conferred together.[693]
Confidence was not yet restored. It was agreed to give hostages: three
notable men were given up on each side, and among the six was a canon
named Guet. Immediately the sound of the trumpet was heard in the city,
and the herald proclaimed: 'Every man shall lay down his arms and return
quietly home, without quarrel or dispute, under pain of being hanged;
and no one shall sing song or ballad, provoking to quarrel, under pain
of being whipped and banished.'
The most diverse opinions prevailed at that moment in the city. The
priests and fervent disciples of Rome could find no comfort. Wishing to
destroy the Reformation at any cost, they thought it very christian-like
to put the reformed to death. They were particularly envenomed against
the captain-general; some of them publicly called him a traitor. 'This
peace vexes the christians sorely,' writes Sister Jeanne; and
accordingly they were heard exclaiming: 'We ought now to _despatch them
from the world_, in order to be no more frightened or vexed on their
account.' 'To say the truth,' adds the devout nun, 'it would have been
better than letting them live.'[694]
But while some of the catholic leaders, as Wernli and Moine, returned
home gloomy and discontented, hoping that the business was merely
adjourned; others, both reformed and catholics, gladly recrossed the
thresholds of their homes, and were welcomed with tears of joy. Wives
embraced their husbands, the little children clung round their fathers,
while the elder ones took off their swords. The politicians smiled as
they witnessed the joy of some and the chagrin of others; they shook
their heads and thought that one party or the other would break the
truce as soon as they fancied it would be to their interest to do so.
'It is a sham peace,' they said.[695] But nothing could console certain
of the monks. 'Alas!' they muttered in their convents, 'the christians
would easily have discomfited and reduced the heretics to subjection,
and now these wicked ones will gain the supremacy in the city.'[696]
[Sidenote: PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION.]
On the following day (29th March) the council of sixty assembled 'to
settle the strife of the day before.' The tempest was not yet entirely
appeased; the catholic members of the council looked with threatening
eyes on the most notable of their colleagues, Jean Philippe, François
Faure, Claude Roset, and others. These were the men to be attacked, they
thought, for the strength of the anticlerical movement lay with them.
But for a time, reconciliation was all the fashion. They resolved to
frame a compromise which would satisfy both parties; and some of the
magistrates and principal citizens met to arrange a system for uniting
Rome and the Gospel.'[697]
The Two Hundred, who were joined by many other citizens, being assembled
on the 30th March, the premier-syndic first liberated the hostages and
then proposed the famous project of reconciliation. The council having
accepted it, he forwarded a copy to the captains of each company; and
turning to the Abbot of Bonmont, who pretty regularly discharged the
functions of bishop, considering the prelate's continual absence, the
chief magistrate said to him: 'Mr. Vicar, I shall give you also a copy
of this decree, in order that you may take care to make your priests
live properly.' All the laymen agreed that there lay the main
difficulty. The sitting broke up.
Each company was immediately drawn up on its Place d'Armes; the captain
stood in the centre: huguenots and mamelukes listened to this strange
decree which, regulating a religious matter, was ordered by the civil
authority and proclaimed by the soldiers.
[Sidenote: ARTICLES OF PEACE.]
'In the name of God, the Creator and Redeemer, Father, Son, and Holy
Ghost,' read the captain, and all bared their heads. 'In the interest of
peace, it is resolved,' continued the officer with sonorous voice, 'that
all anger, grudges, injuries, and ill-will between any soever of our
citizens and inhabitants, as well ecclesiastic as secular, and also all
battery, insult, and reproach, committed by one side or the other, be
wholly pardoned.'
The listeners appeared satisfied.
'_Item._ That every citizen, of what state or condition soever he may
be, live henceforward in peace, without attempting any novelty until it
be generally _ordered to live otherwise_.'—'Really, here is a reform,'
said the huguenots, 'but it is in the future.'
'_Item._ That no one speak against the holy Sacraments, and that in this
respect every one be _left at liberty according to his conscience_.'
Liberty and conscience! what strange words. If the people of Geneva
gained that, everything was gained.
'That no one,' continued the captain, 'preach without the license of the
superior, the syndics, and the council; and that _the preacher say
nothing that is not proved by Holy Scripture_.'
No article caused greater satisfaction. 'Good,' said some of the
reformed, 'our doctrine is that of Holy Scripture.'—'Good,' said some of
the catholics, 'the superior will contrive that no heretic preaches.'
The captain added the prohibition to eat meat on Friday, to sing songs
against one another, or to say 'You are a Lutheran,' 'You are a papist.'
Moreover he ordered the heads of families to inform their wives and
children of the decree. The catholic ladies and their boys had been
sufficiently forward at the time of the battle not to be forgotten.
The captain having finished said to his company: 'Let those who desire
peace and love hold up their hands and make oath before God.'
The reformers, who obtained Holy Scripture and liberty of conscience,
held up their hands. The catholics seeing that the episcopal authority
and fast days were left them, did the same; but in one of the companies,
a huguenot who did not care for this mixture, said: 'I refuse!'—'To the
Rhone with him,' exclaimed the catholics immediately; 'to the Rhone.
Throw him into the Rhone without mercy, like a mad dog.'[698] Nobody,
however, was drowned, and next day there was a general procession
through the city to return thanks to God for the peace.
The catholics triumphed. Religious liberty and the Bible seemed such
strange things that they had nothing to fear from them. They learnt the
contrary afterwards; but at this time the words looked like a decoy,
that had no reality, merely intended to attract and catch the huguenots.
On Palm Sunday, a very learned dominican (as it was said) come from
Auxerre, was commissioned to preach the victory of Rome. The crowd was
so great that the convent church could not contain it. He was conducted
to the open space in front of the building, where he got up into a
pulpit that had been brought out for him. Standing proudly before his
congregation, the disciple of St. Dominic said: 'Here I am ready to
enter into the lists with these preachers. Let my lords of Berne send as
many as they like, I will undertake to confound them all.' He had a
copious flow of 'big words, to the great contempt of the Word of
God.'[699] The huguenots, scarcely able to contain themselves,
exclaimed: 'These canting knaves desire to blindfold the eyes of the
simple, so that they may not see the sun which has risen on us in his
brightness.'
The dominican continued hurling his thunderbolts without intermission,
then suddenly the assembly became disturbed. The women screamed, the men
were agitated ... it was believed that the huguenots were sallying from
the city (for the convent was in a suburb) and about to fall on the
congregation. 'Shut the gates' (of the city), cried some; and the devout
were still more frightened at this exclamation. Some drew their swords,
others their daggers, all got ready to defend themselves. The poor monk,
fancying the Lutherans were there already and about to put him to death,
grew frightened, turned pale ... 'and fell out of the pulpit in a
faint.' But no huguenots appeared. The congregation began to enquire
into the cause of the alarm, and discovered a young hare which had been
let loose among the people, and was running here and there between the
women's dresses. It was a trick played by some foolish jester. There was
a good deal of laughter in the city at the intrepid champions of Rome
who had so heroically drawn their daggers against a leveret.[700]
[Sidenote: THE LORD'S SUPPER.]
A ceremony of another kind, more serious and absorbing, was in
preparation. It was Passion-week, and the evangelicals felt the
necessity of meeting in a spirit of christian fraternity around the
Lord's table. On Holy Thursday (10th April) fourscore men and several
women assembled in the garden at the Pré l'Evêque. First, one of them
washed the feet of the others, in remembrance of the like act done by
our Lord. It was not an idle imitation with them: they understood
Christ's meaning: 'reminding them that no one should refuse to descend
to serve his brethren and equals, however low and abject the service
might be;' and they felt that 'if charity is abandoned, it is because
every one takes more than he wants, and despises almost all the others.'
After the washing of the feet, the holy sacrament was celebrated. These
energetic men humbled themselves like little children before God, and
approaching the table in sincere faith, many experienced that the
presence of the Redeemer, although spiritual, is real and strengthens
the inner man.
As soon as the news of this celebration became known, all the city spoke
of it, and sarcasms were not spared. 'These _Jews_,' they said, 'have
bitten one after another into a slice of bread and cheese, in token of
peace and union.... And thereupon the catholics laughed,' sister Jeanne
informs us.[701]
But the laughter was soon changed into fear. As they returned from the
Pré l'Evêque, several huguenots (and some of the most dreaded were among
them) walked through the streets together. A few silly gossips having
caught sight of them in the distance, reported everywhere that large
bodies of heretics were assembling in the squares and plotting to
prevent the celebration of the mass on Easter Sunday. It being Holy
Thursday, the communion was about to be administered in the churches;
but the women, terrified by the tales they heard, did not dare stir out.
The men grasped their arms; the priests and monks did the same; and both
pastors and flocks began to celebrate the supper of peace, protected by
breastplates, daggers, and clubs. All of them kept their ears on the
watch; they were agitated at the least noise; but no one came to disturb
them, and the communion passed off quietly.[702]
[Sidenote: CONVENIENT INTERPRETATIONS.]
'It will be on Good-Friday then,' said a few of the catholics; 'the
huguenots, it is well known, are preparing to make a demonstration that
day in the Dominicans' church, where the monk of Auxerre is to preach.'
To prevent such a mishap it was decided that the good father should
preach at St. Pierre's, 'the like of which had never been seen within
the memory of man, on such a day.' The canons believed themselves safe
in their cathedral, as in a fortress. For more security numerous bodies
of men patrolled the city; one of the chief catholics, M. de Thorens,
paraded proudly up and down surrounded by a troop of bravoes. On Friday
morning, priests and worshippers went armed to St. Pierre's. Some of the
reformed were astonished at seeing them under arms on such a day, and
reminded them of our Lord's words: _Put up thy sword in his sheath_.
That means, said the priests, 'that it must be kept close _until it is
time to draw it_.' Convenient interpretations are always to be found.
These good people were disquieted without a cause: there was not the
least disturbance, and the preacher of Auxerre said whatever he
pleased.[703] But he did not feel at ease in the city of the huguenots,
and Easter Day was no sooner past than he returned 'hastily into his own
country.' No one dared preach after his departure, which greatly
surprised devout catholics.[704]
The ordinance of the council had forwarded religious liberty in Geneva,
but it was little more than in theory; the practice was more difficult.
In the opinion of some, Geneva ought to be entirely reformed; in the
opinion of others, entirely catholic: men of decision asked 'how long
they would halt between two opinions?' and daring partisans repeated
that the sword alone could cut the difficult knot. The premier-syndic,
Nicholas du Crest, and councillor Roy started for Berne to pray the
senate not to support the Reform; while the evangelicals, on the other
hand, desired that it should be allowed to develope itself freely. Many
had a fervour of mind, a sincere hunger and thirst for righteousness;
their souls sought after eternal salvation; and they were as ambitious
of heavenly truth as conquerors are of glory and empire. The clergy, by
depriving them of their ministers, had reduced them to simple attempts
at mutual edification; but they desired the full preaching of the
Gospel, without which the Church pines away. 'We are suffering from
want,' they said; 'we are deprived of our rights. A bold monk is
perpetually shouting that he is prepared to confound all the ministers
that Berne is willing to send us.... Well then, let us ask Berne for
ministers whose learning and eloquence may reduce these insolent and
prating Dominicans to silence.'
[Sidenote: EMBASSY TO BERNE.]
The journey of Syndic du Crest disquieted Maisonneuve. Who can tell but
the respect due to the chief magistrate of the republic may induce the
powerful canton of Berne to take a false step?... He will endeavour to
prevent so great a misfortune. He communicated his intentions to the
faithful Salomon, who being full of confidence in his friend, departed
with him immediately on this perilous journey.[705]
Du Crest and Councillor Roy, arriving at Berne on the 6th April, fancied
one day they saw Maisonneuve and Salomon in the street. They stopped in
surprise, eyed them both from head to foot, and looked as if
petrified.... It was really the two huguenots. The premier-syndic was
exasperated, and going up to them, asked rudely, 'What are you doing
here?' 'We are told that you have instructions to speak against us,'
answered Maisonneuve: 'we are here to defend ourselves.' The next day,
when the two magistrates went to the council, they were still more
surprised to find the two reformed leaders in the outer hall. They hoped
at least to enter the council-room alone; but no! the door was hardly
open when the two huguenots went forward unceremoniously with the two
magistrates, and sat down quietly at their left. Was there then a second
power in Geneva, which also sent its ambassadors?
Maisonneuve was in reality an ambassador; his heart burnt for a great
cause—that of the Gospel and of the new times. The truth which he
represented filled him with courage: he rose first, even before the
Genevan magistrate had spoken, and said with holy boldness: 'Most
honoured lords, we and a great number of our fellow-citizens desire the
pure Word of God to be preached in Geneva. The voice of the Gospel, so
little heard in times of yore, is now resounding throughout Christendom,
and we do not wish to give up hearing it. Neither banishment nor threats
can reduce us to carelessness and inactivity.' And then without fearing
the premier-syndic, who was listening, he continued: 'My lords, do you
know to what extremity we are reduced? Our magistrates are making war
upon us, and trying to drive from Geneva that Gospel which you have
established in Berne. After the visit we paid you recently, they
summoned us before them.... And this Nicholas du Crest here present has
trampled our liberties under foot and spoken to us as if we were
thieves.... Instead of answering your letters they went from house to
house exhorting their partisans to take up arms. They rang the tocsin;
gathered together the canons, priests, and common people; and contrived
a wicked and bloody conspiracy.... And why, my lords? We must (they
said) cut off the heads of those who went to Berne.... Behold, most
honoured lords, the value they attach to your citizenship!... O
liberties of Geneva! O alliance of the League! O justice of the laws!...
Everything is trodden under foot by priests determined to leave us for
our inheritance nothing but slavery and superstition, tears, sighs, and
groans.... A remedy must be applied, and you alone can do it, most
honoured lords. A fanatical monk, who preaches against pure religion,
has offered to enter the lists against every minister of the Gospel you
may send us.... Do what he asks.... Grant to us and our brethren one of
your preachers. Obtain for him a public place where he may freely
declare the Word of God. Let him combat with this dominican in a
properly regulated discussion, and thus ensure the triumph of the
Gospel.'
Maisonneuve knew the risk he incurred by speaking with so much
frankness, and he therefore added: 'Perhaps you will also see that this
just request does not prevent our returning home and living there in
peace.'[706]
[Sidenote: THE ENVOY'S DISCOMFITURE.]
The syndic and the Genevan councillor, who had not expected such a
speech, were embarrassed. Having come as accusers, they found themselves
accused. The angry looks of the Bernese councillors disturbed the
magistrate of Geneva still more than the words of the protestant
ambassador. The avoyer, turning to the syndic, asked him whether he had
any answer to make. 'We have no orders on the subject, and, therefore,
have nothing to say,' was his reply. 'Well then,' said the lords of
Berne, 'we will send a deputation to Geneva shortly, to see what is
going on there with regard to religion.'[707]
The council rose. It seemed as if a favourable wind was about to blow on
the evangelical ship. But a storm was preparing, which might perhaps
dash it to pieces.
[690] Choupard MS. _Vie de Farel._
[691] Froment, _Gestes_, p. 57.
[692] Roset MS. _Chron._
[693] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 55.—Council Registers, 28th
March 1533.—Roset MS. _Chron._ liv. ii. ch. 10.
[694] La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 56.—Council
Registers of 28th and 29th March.—Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 56.
[695] Froment, _Gestes de Genève_, p. 56.
[696] La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le Levain du Calvinisme_, pp. 55-56.
[697] Council Registers, 29th March.
[698] Council Registers for the 30th March.—La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le
Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 59.—Gautier MS.
[699] Gautier MS. Extracted from the petition presented to Berne by
Maisonneuve and Salomon.
[700] Council Registers from 2nd to 11th April.—Gautier MS.—Spon,
_Hist. Eccl._ pp. 490-492.
[701] La Sœur J. de Jussieu, _Le Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 61.
[702] Ibid. p. 60.
[703] La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le Levain_, p. 60.
[704] Ibid. p. 61.
[705] Council Registers of the 2nd and 11th April. Gautier MS.—Spon,
_Hist. Eccles._ I. pp. 490-492.
[706] Requête de ceux de Genève.—Council Registers of 11th April,
1583.—Gautier MS.—Spon, _Hist. Eccles._, p. 491.
[707] Requête de ceux de Genève.—Council Registers of 11th April,
1533.—Gautier MS.