FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. FRIENDS AND OPPONENTS.
(MIDDLE TO THE END OF DEC. 1532.)
While the Gospel was thus manifesting its power in Geneva, the bishop
persisted in his inflexible hostility. The Genevan magistrates still
felt great regard for him. On the 13th December 1532 the council sent a
deputation to him to obtain his consent to a tax which was deemed to be
necessary: the Sieur de Chapeaurouge, the ex-captain-general Philippe,
and others appeared respectfully before him. Love of order and the
obedience due to established authority were characteristics of the
Genevese statesmen, and vexed as they were at the abuses which had their
source in the power of the bishop, they could not take upon themselves
to do anything without his consent. The bishop, flattered with these
attentions, made the deputation very welcome for a couple of days, but
on the third all his bad humour returned. When the ambassadors appeared
before him again he said hastily: 'I will grant you nothing, not a
single crown, and I will compel my lords of Geneva to ask my pardon on
their bended knees.' On the 26th December the deputation reported this
language to the council, who were annoyed at it; and while the bishop
was sending these messages to Geneva which did not advance the cause of
popery, the Reformation, on the contrary, was endeavouring in every way
to enlighten men's minds and win their hearts.[587]
[Sidenote: PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL.]
Froment being in communication with Farel and the reformed of
Switzerland, received from them Testaments, tracts, and controversial
works, which his friends and he distributed all over the city, where
they were read with eagerness. Every day more persons were won over to
the evangelical faith. They were of all conditions of life. A certain
tradesman, named Guérin, a cap-maker, listened while working in his shop
to all that was said around him, and thought seriously of religion and
of the abuses of popery. One day he determined to visit the Croix d'Or,
and the words he heard there touched his heart and enlightened his mind.
Being sensible, intelligent, modest, and of decided character, he gave
himself up with all his heart to God's cause, and ere long became
Froment's helper. There were also persons of all ages among the
converts. Claude Bernard had a daughter between seven and eight years
old whom he early introduced to the knowledge of scripture. The child's
precocious understanding was struck with certain simple and clear
passages which condemned the popular superstitions; and the little
controversialist (we are told) confounded the ignorant priests. Unable
to answer her they spread a report that she was possessed of the devil.
A Frenchman of distinction, passing through Geneva, wished to see her,
and was charmed with her infantile graces and piety.
It was soon apparent that there was something more than a new doctrine:
a moral reformation accompanied the revival of faith. In the days of her
bigoted Catholicism Claudine Levet had been very fond of dress; her
conscience now reproached her with having been unreasonable in her love
of costly attire, and more eager to ornament her body than to adorn her
soul. One day she shut herself up in that room where she had heard the
call of God, stripped off (says Froment) 'all superfluous bravery
(_braveté_), laid aside those ornaments and trappings which had only
served to show her off in a vainglorious way, as a peacock spreads his
tail,' and from that time she wore a plain and becoming dress. Having
sold her beautiful robes and other belongings, she gave the money to the
poor, particularly to the evangelicals of France, who having been
banished from their homes on account of truth had come to Geneva. All
her life she loved to receive refugees in her house. 'Verily,' they said
of her, 'verily, she follows the example of Tabitha who was called
Dorcas (Acts ix.), and deserves to be kept in perpetual remembrance.'
Claudine did more than this: she spoke frankly and meekly of the
precious truth she had received, and 'scattered it wherever she happened
to be in the city.' The priests alarmed at such an astonishing
transformation endeavoured to bring her back to the practices of the
church; but Claudine 'showed them tenderly by scripture what was
necessary' (namely, faith and charity). All in the city were surprised
to hear her talk as she did.[588]
[Sidenote: GENEVESE LADIES.]
The news of her conversion made a great sensation, particularly among
the Genevese ladies. One day, when the most worldly of them had met
together, they talked of nothing but Madame Levet and her estrangement
from the mass and from amusements. They were Pernette Balthasarde, wife
of a councillor; the wife of Baudichon de la Maison neuve; the wife of
Claude Pastor, Jeanne Marie de Fernex, and many other rich and
honourable ladies.[589] 'Alas!' they said, 'how is it that she has
changed in so short a time?' They had loved her, and all the more
regretted that she was _lost_.... They vented their anger on Froment.
'She has heard that creature,' they said, 'and been bewitched by him.'
These ladies resolved that they would see her no more.[590]
Claudine did not despair of her friends. She continued to live for God,
and all might see that a holy life, full of good works, proceeded from
her faith. The Genevan ladies, although unwilling to visit her, watched
her; and observing 'that she persevered in well-doing, and was still a
constant pattern of holy living,' they drew near her. They were curious
to know the cause of this singular change, and began to speak to her
when they met her, some even going to see her. Claudine received them
affectionately, spoke to them about that which filled her heart—this was
what her friends desired—presented them with the New Testament, and
begged them to read it and to love the Saviour. Several of these ladies
were converted, especially those whom we have named. Claudine, who was
their 'exemplar of life and charity,' pressed them to adopt a Christian
conduct. 'Put aside your great display,' she said to them, 'attire
yourselves simply and without superfluity, and give your minds to great
charities. Faith holds the first place, but after that come good works.'
From that time indeed these women showed great compassion for the
wretched. The fame of their good deeds spread abroad, and the Gospel was
honoured by them. It seemed admitted that no one could be a Christian
_unless he had some poor persecuted foreigner in his house_.[591] Such
was the Christianity of Geneva at the moment when it was beginning to
appear, and such it remained for two centuries.
Aimé Levet, who was at first strongly opposed to Froment and the Gospel,
gradually softened down. The holiness and charity of his wife made him
appreciate the Word of God: 'thus Claudine won her husband to the
Lord.'[592] From that time she had more liberty, and the meetings at the
Croix d'Or being insufficient, little assemblies were held at her house
or at others. When there was no evangelist present capable of explaining
the Bible, they begged this pious christian woman to do it, saying: 'No
one has received from the Lord greater gifts than you.' Claudine would
then read the scripture, and set forth with simplicity the truths and
graces she had found therein. The reformers remembered the precept of
St. Paul, _Let your women keep silence in the churches_; but they added,
'This must be understood of the ordinary charge, for a case may happen
when it will be necessary for a woman to speak in public.'[593] Ere long
the modest Guérin, who studied his Bible day and night, and other
Christians likewise, took an active part in the work of evangelisation.
[Sidenote: CHURCH IN TRANSITION.]
The church was forming. At first there were a few souls awakened
separately here and there in Geneva; now with the element of
individuality, which is the first, was combined the element of
communion, which is not less necessary, for Christianity is a leaven
that _leaveneth the whole lump_. Those who had begun to believe
assembled to advance together in faith. Doubtless it was not yet a
church in its complete state, with all its institutions. Believers, even
without forming a church, may act upon one another, pray in common, and
celebrate the Lord's Supper together; things ordinarily begin in this
way. This state of transition, the lawfulness of which must be
acknowledged, proves that the ecclesiastical organisation, with its
ministers, elders, deacons, presbyteries, and synods, has not the first
place in Christianity, and that the pre-eminence belongs to faith and
christian sanctification. This imperfect mode of existence is
insufficient: it has many deficiencies, and is exposed to many dangers.
The church should be formed. Somewhat later, under Calvin, it attained
indeed its complete form in Geneva. It would be foolish to deny man the
right of being at first a child; but it would be no less so to refuse
him the right and duty of becoming a man.
Just at this time the evangelicals received an unexpected help. A
Franciscan coming from abroad began to preach the Advent sermons in the
Rive church, and this monk, Christopher Bocquet by name, happened to
have some inclination for the Gospel. Being invited to preach in a city
where two parties were at war, he abstained from both superstitions and
abuse—frequent themes with many catholic preachers—but at the same time
he abstained from certain distinctive doctrines of the Reformation which
he did not quite understand, and keeping to a certain common ground of
Christianity, he delivered 'moderate' sermons.[594] Dressed in his brown
frock, and with the cord round his waist, and humbly bending his head,
he entered the Cordeliers' church, went up into the pulpit, and
contemplating the mixed crowd before him, proclaimed to all a Saviour
who had come not in magnificent array, but in gracious love, and called
upon every heart to rejoice at his sight. The evangelicals were edified,
and the number of persons frequenting the church increased every day.
But Friar Christopher 'had hardly finished his sermon,' when the
huguenots hurried away to Froment's meeting-place, where _the trumpet
gave no uncertain sound_. They were not the only persons who went
thither. Many catholics having heard the reformers say that the monk and
the schoolmaster preached fundamentally the same things, followed the
crowd going to the Croix d'Or, and some of them took a liking for what
they heard.
Thus the people were more and more enlightened. The evangelicals met
sometimes at one house, sometimes at another; they read and discussed
the little tracts that were sent them, but above all applied themselves
to Holy Scripture. It was there only that these simple Christians were
willing to seek the light which their consciences needed. 'Let us
specially study the sacred writings,' they said, 'in order that we may
distinguish in religion what comes from God, from that which men have
added to it.'[595] The Genevans retired from these meetings strengthened
and full of joy, and their love for the Word of God continued to
increase.
If the Reformation met with faithful adherents in Geneva, it also
encountered resolute adversaries. The astonished and bewildered priests
seemed to sleep. Contenting themselves with a war of trifles, they made
no active and combined opposition to the evangelical movement. It was
the laity who uttered the cry of alarm. Angry at the inactivity of the
clergy, they gave the signal of a 'holy war' destined in their opinion
to expel the infidels from their well-beloved Zion. Thomas Moine[596]
was at their head—a decided, impetuous man, a fluent speaker, and one
who had attained great consideration in the Romish party; he complained
that they had permitted the enemy to establish himself little by little
in the ancient episcopal city. He said that it was time to wake up, and
reproached the Genevese ecclesiastics for their cowardice. Moine did not
speak in vain.
[Sidenote: SERMON AT THE MADELEINE.]
The vicar of La Madeleine touched by his words, determined to exalt the
honour of his church and corporation, and gave notice that he would
preach against the heretical schoolmaster and the foreign preacher. The
large area was soon filled with fervent catholics, among whom were some
of the reformed, in particular Chautemps, Claude Bernard, Salomon, and
Perrin. The vicar praised the catholic apostolic Roman Church, extolled
its head, who was (he said) the representative of God, and defended its
worship and institutions. Then having praised the fold, he described the
'wolves' that prowled around it to devour the sheep. He accused Froment
of ignorance and falsehood, and conjured his hearers not to throw
themselves into the paws of wild beasts, thieves, and robbers....
On leaving the church the four huguenots who had heard him met to
inquire what was to be done. These men who at the first moment had, like
the others, given so bad a reception to the schoolmaster, had been
touched (three of them at least) by the simple preaching of the Gospel.
The Bible, as we have seen, had become their court of appeal, which
grieved the priests, who dared not deny the divinity of the book, but as
they had never studied it, were much embarrassed to find the proof of
their dogmas in it. After some deliberation Chautemps and his friends
waited upon the vicar. 'Froment,' they said, 'is a good and learned man;
you say that he has lied; prove it by Scripture?' The vicar having
consented, the huguenots demanded that the discussion should take place
in public, so that all might profit by it; but the priest desired it to
be held at the parsonage. The champions of the Reformation gave way, and
arrangements were made for the disputation to take place on the last day
of the year. The poor priest (Claude Pelliez by name) was greatly
embarrassed: he retired to his room, took up the Vulgate, which he did
not often open, and began to look for passages to oppose to the reformed
doctrines; but he searched in vain, he could find none.
[Sidenote: A CONTROVERSY.]
In the afternoon of the 31st December, St. Sylvester's day, Chautemps,
Bernard, Perrin, and Salomon went to the parsonage of the Madeleine,
wearing their swords as was customary. Some priests whom the curate had
invited were already there, but they had to wait for the champion of
Romanism who had not yet been able to find a single text. The four
huguenots took off their belts, threw their swords on the bed, and
sitting round the table with the priests, began to talk familiarly
together. At last the vicar, who had had some trouble to tear himself
away from his folios, in which he still hoped to find something,
appeared with a bulky volume under his arm. The huguenots rose as he
entered; beneath the table at which they were sitting stood some
wine-bottles which they and the priests had emptied while waiting for
him, and which Perrin had paid for. The conference now began. The vicar
opened his big volume, in which some strips of paper indicated the
places he thought favourable to him, and read a long extract opposed to
Froment's doctrine. 'What book is that,' asked Perrin; 'it is not a
Bible.' The huguenots added, 'You have not been able to find in the
Bible one word with which to answer Froment;' and laughed at him. 'What
is that you say,' retorted the priest, reddening with anger; 'it is the
_Postillæ perpetuæ in Biblia_ of the illustrious Nicholas Lyra!'—'But
you promised to refute Froment out of Scripture,'—Lyra,' said the
priest, 'is the most approved interpreter.' The huguenots were
determined not to accept the commentaries of man as if they were the
very Word of God. The Bible incorruptible and infallible, before which
all human systems must fall, was the only authority. 'Lyra is not a good
doctor,' said Perrin.—'Yes!'—'No!'—'Yes!'—'You do not keep your word.'
Perrin had understanding rather than real piety: he was a lamp, but it
had no oil. Haughty, violent, and headstrong, he wanted everything to
bend before him, and so did the vicar. The quarrel grew hot, and instead
of discussing they abused each other. Then one of the churchmen having
left the room stealthily, a band of priests suddenly entered with one De
la Roche at their head, who carried a naked sword which he pointed in
front of him. 'What!' said Claude Bernard, 'we came in good faith, we
four only, to your house to discuss; we have drunk with your friends, we
have thrown our swords on the bed ... and you traitorously send for an
armed band of priests. It is a trap.' With these words the four citizens
grasped their swords, made a way through their opponents, got out into
the street, and held their ground, ready to defend themselves. One of
the priests ran to the belfry of the Madeleine and began to ring the
tocsin.[597] Thus ended the first theological dispute at Geneva.
[Sidenote: TUMULT AT THE MADELEINE.]
It was about noon—a time favourable for a riot. On hearing the church
bell the city was thrown into commotion, and everybody hurried to the
spot. It was said that the huguenots desired to get possession of the
building so that the schoolmaster might preach in it. Priests came
forward with their adherents to defend the sanctuary; huguenots took up
arms to protect their brethren hemmed in in front of the church. 'Alas!'
said the friends of peace, 'the priests are ringing the tocsin, and thus
exciting the citizens to kill one another.' The four huguenots, with
drawn swords and their backs to the wall, prepared to give the churchmen
a warm reception; while their friends, as they arrived, drew up by their
side. The tumult was general. 'Let us close in to the church,' said the
priests, who wished to surround it to prevent the evangelicals from
entering. Huguenots and catholics hastened from every quarter to the
Madeleine. Terror seized the most timid. The poor ladies of St. Claire,
who were at dinner, hearing the noise, rose from the table in alarm, and
exclaiming, 'Alas! they have threatened to marry us ... they are going
to put their abominable plot into execution,' made a procession round
their church and garden with great devotion and many tears.[598]
Just at this time the council broke up, and two of the syndics, Ramel
and Savoie, who were going home, had to pass through the midst of the
riot. The two parties were on the point of coming to blows. The syndics
advanced, checked the combatants by interposing their official staves,
and ordered them to lay down their arms, which was done. 'There was
neither violence nor bloodshed.'[599]
But all was not ended. Some members of the chapter and several priests,
hearing that a fight was going on at the Madeleine, had collected in the
Rue des Chanoines, where William Canal, incumbent of St. Germain's,
harangued them. The catholic faith is threatened, the throne of the pope
is shaken, the great honour due to Mary is endangered.... We must fall
upon those who impugn it, and free the city from their persons and their
errors. Such was the sum of his discourse.
The tumult being quieted round the church,[600] the lieutenant of
justice (Châteauneuf) had turned towards the Rue des Chanoines, where he
had been told that the priests were in commotion. Finding them
determined to follow Canal sword in hand to the Madeleine, he commanded
them to stop. The priest of St. Germain's, unwilling to submit to the
orders of a civil magistrate, rushed hastily towards the church.
Châteauneuf laid his hand upon him, when the rebellious parson turned
round and levelled his arquebuse at that officer; but a friendly arm
prevented his firing. Canal ran off, and the other priests
dispersed.[601]
[Sidenote: FROMENT DESIRED NOT TO PREACH.]
The council reassembled in the evening. Each opinion was represented in
that body, which halted between two opinions. After a riot like that
which had just occurred, it was necessary to take certain precautions,
especially as the morrow was New Year's day, and at such times men's
minds are more easily excited. The council summoned the principal
friends of the reform, and Froment also was invited, although the
Registers make no mention of his presence. 'We exhort you,' said the
syndics, 'to make Anthony Froment cease from disputing and preaching, as
well as the others who teach in private houses; and we conjure you to
live as your fathers did.' No one would make any promise; on the
contrary, the reformed withdrew, saying, 'We will hear the Word of God
wherever we can: nobody has a right to hide it.' Then turning to
Froment, they begged him not to be silent under such prohibition.[602]
'We are constrained,' they said, 'to hear the schoolmaster and his
friends, because the decree of the council ordering the Word of God to
be preached in every parish has not been observed.' The reformed, while
desiring before all things to obey God, put themselves in the right:
they appealed to lawful ordinances, and this was the ground which they
intended keeping.
The council, acknowledging that this position of the evangelicals was
impregnable, sent for the Abbot of Bonmont, the vicar-episcopal, and
begged him to detain at Geneva the cordelier who had preached the Advent
so well, and to press the Dominicans also to provide a preacher
calculated to edify their congregation. They required further that there
should be true preachers of the Word of God in every parish. The
vicar-episcopal, being a peaceful man, promised everything, even to
punishing Canal the priest.
The tumult was appeased, but great agitation still reigned in men's
minds. Some saw that the storm was over, others that it might easily
break out again. As it was St. Sylvester's eve, there were numerous
meetings throughout the city, catholics and huguenots being equally
excited, and both waiting anxiously for the morrow.[603]
[587] Council Registers, 13 and 26 Dec.; Gautier MS.
[588] Froment, _Gestes_, p. 18.
[589] Froment, _Gestes_, p. 18.
[590] Froment, _Gestes_, p. 17.
[591] Froment, _Gestes_, pp. 16-18; Roset, _Chron._ liv. x. ch. ii.
[592] Froment, _Gestes_, p. 17.
[593] Calvin, 1 Cor. xiv. 34.
[594] 'Moderatas ad populum conciones habebat.'—Spanheim, _Geneva
restit._ p. 48.
[595] MS. erroneously ascribed to Bouivard in Berne library, _Hist.
Helv._ V. 12.
[596] He signed his name _Mohennos_, which was pronounced _Moine_—the
spelling of the public registers.
[597] La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 49.
[598] La Sœur J. de Jussie, _Le Levain du Calvinisme_, p. 49.
[599] Council Registers, _ad diem_.
[600] 'Ab invasione per eos cœpta.'—Council Registers of 31 Dec. 1532.
[601] Roset, _Chron._ liv. ii. ch. iv.
[602] Berne MS. ascribed to Bonivard.
[603] Council Registers. Roset, _Chron._ liv. ii. ch. iv.