CHAPTER XLV.

Having dealt with the _preliminary_ Evidence, we now come to the

discussion of the _main_ Evidence which tends to show that _subsequent_ to

the penning of the Letter Father Edward Oldcorne, Priest and Jesuit,

performed acts or spoke words which clearly betoken _a consciousness_ on

his part of being the responsible person who penned the document.

That this may be done the more thoroughly, it will be necessary to ask my

readers to engage with me in a metaphysical discussion.

But, before attempting such a discussion, which indeed is the crux of this

historical and philosophical work, we will retrace our steps somewhat, in

the order of time, to the end that we may, amongst other things, haply

refresh and recreate the mind a little preparatory to entering upon our

severer labours.

Now, on Wednesday, November the 6th, Father Oswald Tesimond went from

Coughton, near Redditch, in Warwickshire, the house of Thomas

Throckmorton, Esquire, to Huddington, in Worcestershire, the seat of

Robert Winter, who had married Miss Gertrude Talbot, of Grafton. The

Talbots, like the Throckmortons, were a people who happily managed to

reconcile rigid adherence to the ancient Faith with stanch loyalty to

their lawful Sovereign.[A]

[Footnote A: I believe that the grand old Catholic family of Throckmorton

still own Coughton Hall, which is twelve miles from Hindlip.]

Tesimond, leaving behind him his Superior Garnet at Coughton, went, it is

said, to assist the unhappy traitors with the Sacraments of their Church.

But, I imagine, he found most of his hoped-for penitents, at least

externally, in anything except a penitential frame of mind.

This was the last occasion when Tesimond’s eyes gazed upon his old York

school-fellows of happier, bygone days——the brothers John and Christopher

Wright.[148]

Now, to Father Tesimond, as well as to Father Oldcorne, Hindlip Hall[A]

and Huddington[B] (in Worcestershire), Coughton,[C] Lapworth,[D]

Clopton,[E] and Norbrook[F] (in Warwickshire), must have been thoroughly

well known; for at Hindlip Hall for eight years Tesimond likewise had been

formerly domesticated.

Where resided either temporarily or permanently:——

[Footnote A: Thomas Abington.]

[Footnote B: Robert Winter and Thomas Winter.]

[Footnote C: Thomas Throckmorton.]

[Footnote D: John Wright and Christopher Wright.]

[Footnote E: Ambrose Rookwood.]

[Footnote F: John Grant.]

Dr. Gardiner’s “_History of James I._” (Longmans) contains a map showing

the relative positions of these places.

On Wednesday, the 6th November, Fathers Garnet and Tesimond were at

Coughton. Catesby, along with Percy, John Wright, Christopher Wright, Sir

Everard Digby, Ambrose Rookwood, and others, was at Huddington. Catesby

and Digby had sent a letter to Garnet.

Bates was the messenger, and was come from Norbrook, the house of John

Grant, where the plotters rested in their wild, north-westward flight from

Ashby St. Legers. For to Ashby the fugitives had posted headlong from

London town on Tuesday, the “fatal Fifth.”

Catesby and Digby urged Garnet to make for Wales.[A]

[Footnote A: Catesby had great influence over Tesimond, and it was

Tesimond whom Catesby first informed of the Gunpowder Plot, in the

Tribunal of Penance. Tesimond had a sharp and nimble, but probably not

very powerful, mind. Catesby gave Tesimond permission to consult Father

Henry Garnet as to the ethics of the Plot. Moreover, Catesby gave the

Jesuits permission to disclose the particular knowledge of the Plot they

had received, provided they thought it right to do so. This is how we come

to know what passed between Catesby and Tesimond, and then between

Tesimond and Garnet. Tesimond had received from Catesby about the 24th

July, 1605, in the Confessional, a particular knowledge of the Plot, in

the sense that he was told there was projected an explosion by gunpowder,

with the object of destroying the King and Parliament; but all particulars

respecting final plans he did not know till a fortnight before the 11th of

October, I think.]

After half-an-hour’s earnest discourse together, Father Garnet gave leave

to Tesimond to proceed to Huddington to administer to the wretched

fugitives the rites——the last rites——of the Church they had so disgraced

and wronged. Garnet remained at Coughton. Tesimond tarried at Huddington

about two hours.

Tesimond arrived at Hindlip from Huddington in a state of the greatest

excitement possible. He showed himself on reaching Hindlip to be a

choleric man, while Father Oldcorne——who seems to have kept perfectly calm

and cool throughout the whole of the momentous conference——Tesimond

himself denounced, if he did not reproach, as being phlegmatic.

Tesimond, evidently, had been commissioned by Catesby,[B] at Huddington,

to incite Mr. Abington, his household, and retainers, including (I take

it, if possible) Oldcorne himself, to join the insurgents at Huddington,

Holbeach, Wales, and wherever else they might unfurl the banner of “the

holy war,” or, in other words, the armed rebellion against King James, his

Privy Council, and Government.

[Footnote B: Tesimond, in my opinion, was completely over-mastered by the

more potent will of his penitent (?) Catesby. _Cf._, The case of Hugh

Latimer and Thomas Bilney; Bilney made a Protestant of Latimer, who was

Bilney’s confessor. These afford striking examples of the power of

psycho-electrical will force.]

Tesimond’s mission, however, to Hindlip, proving fruitless, he thereupon

rode towards Lancashire, in the hope of rousing Lancashire Catholics to

arms, as one man, in behalf of those altars and homes they loved more than

life.

The Gunpowder Plot and Lord Mounteagle's Letter, Being a Proof, with Moral Certitude, of the Authorship of the Document Together with Some Account of the Whole Thirteen Gunpowder Conspirators, Including Guy Fawkes · 第 45 / 76 章