"Your prudence, integrity, ability, and diligence in discharging the

eminent trust reposed in you, have secured our entire confidence, and

now solicit from us the strongest declarations of our satisfaction

with your behavior.

"That you may be blessed with a favorable voyage, the approbation of

your sovereign, the perfect recovery of your health, and all

happiness, is among the warmest wishes of every member of this body.

"By order of Congress,

JOHN JAY, _President_."

* * * * *

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

The conduct of your Majesty's Minister, M. Gerard, during his

residence in America, has been in every respect so commendable, that

we cannot forbear testifying to your Majesty our sense of his merit,

without feeling that uneasiness which arises from a neglect of the

obligations of justice.

His behavior appears to us to have been uniformly regulated by a

devotion to your Majesty's dignity and interest, and an adherence to

the terms and principles of the alliance, while, at the same time, he

demonstrated his attachment to the honor and prosperity of these

States.

Thus serving his sovereign, he acquired our entire confidence and

esteem, and has evinced your royal wisdom in selecting a person so

properly qualified to be the first Minister sent to the United States

of America.

That the Supreme Ruler of the universe may bestow all happiness on

your Majesty, is the prayer of your faithful and affectionate friends

and allies.

Done at Philadelphia, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of

our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventynine, by the Congress

of the United States of America.

JOHN JAY, _President_.

* * * * *

In Congress, September 25th, 1779.

The committee to whom was referred the paper of intelligence

communicated by M. Gerard, on the 7th instant,[27] reported the

draft of a letter in answer to the said communication, which was

read as follows;

"Sir,

"The sentiments contained in the paper laid before Congress on the 7th

instant have given us great uneasiness, as they admitted the

possibility of an event, which we cannot contemplate without pain and

regret. Nevertheless, as they demonstrate the anxieties of a faithful

friend, Congress are willing again to testify their unalterable

attachment to the terms and principles of the alliance, more

especially as we wish you on leaving America to take with you a solemn

assurance of our fixed dispositions.

"Reposing ourselves upon that Almighty power, whose interposition in

our behalf we have often seen and adored, confident of the unanimity

and zeal of our fellow-citizens throughout these States, assured of

the assistance and support of our great ally, relying that the good

and brave everywhere regard our cause with interested attention, we

firmly repeat what we have already declared, that no offer of

advantage, however great and alluring, no extremes of danger, however

alarming, shall induce us to violate the faith we have given and the

resolutions we have adopted, for the observance of which we have

solemnly pledged our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."

After debate, Ordered, that the President return the following answer;

"Sir,

"Congress feel themselves obliged by your communication of the 7th

instant, and are happy that M. Gerard will be able to contradict from

the fullest evidence every insinuation, which may be made prejudicial

to the faith and honor of the United States."

FOOTNOTE:

[27] See this paper above, p. 349.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

C. A. DE LA LUZERNE;

MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM FRANCE TO THE UNITED STATES.

Caesar Anne de la Luzerne succeeded M. Gerard as Minister

Plenipotentiary from France to the United States. He had previously

been employed in a diplomatic capacity, and with much success, in

Bavaria, which he left in July, 1778. He was soon after appointed to

supply the place of M. Gerard, and arrived in Philadelphia on the 21st

of September, 1779. As his predecessor was still discharging the

functions of his office, the Chevalier de la Luzerne did not receive

his first audience of Congress till the 17th of November.

From that time to the end of the war he applied himself sedulously to

the duties of his station, and by the suavity of his manners, as well

as by the uniform discretion of his official conduct, he won the

esteem and confidence of the American people. His efforts were all

directed to the support of the alliance, on the principles of equity,

and the broad basis of reciprocal interests established in the

treaties.

After remaining in the United States more than five years, he obtained

permission to visit France, although he did not then resign his

commission as Minister. A few months afterwards, however, he wrote to

Mr Jay, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs, that, being designed by the

King for another appointment, his character as Plenipotentiary to the

United States had ceased. M. Barbe Marbois, who had been the Secretary

of Legation during the whole of M. de la Luzerne's residence in

America, succeeded him as _Charge d'Affaires_.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne accepted the appointment of Ambassador

from France to the Court of London, in January, 1788. He remained

there till his death, which happened on the 14th of September, 1791,

at the age of fifty years.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

C. A. DE LA LUZERNE.

* * * * *

SUBSTANCE OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN M. DE LA LUZERNE AND GENERAL

WASHINGTON AT HEAD QUARTERS, WEST POINT.[28]

September 16th, 1779.

The Minister opened the conference by observing, that the Council of

Massachusetts had represented to him the disadvantages, which their

commerce was likely to suffer from the late misfortune in Penobscot,

and the advantages which would result if his Excellency, Count

d'Estaing, could detach a few ships of the line and frigates to be

stationed upon their coast for protecting their commerce, and

countenancing the operations of their cruisers against that of the

enemy. But before he should propose such a measure to Count d'Estaing,

he wished to know from the General, what purposes the detachment would

answer to his military operations, and whether it would enable him to

prosecute any offensive enterprise against the enemy. That if he could

accompany the request of the Council with assurance of this kind, a

motive of such importance would have the greatest influence in

determining the concurrence of Count d'Estaing, and might the better

justify him in deranging or contracting his plans in the West Indies,

by making a detachment of his force.

The General answered, that if Count d'Estaing could spare a detachment

superior to the enemy's naval force upon this continent, retaining

such a force in the West Indies, as would put it out of the enemy's

power to detach an equal force to this continent without leaving

themselves inferior in the Islands, the measure would have a high

probability of many important and perhaps decisive advantages; but

these would depend upon several contingencies; as the time in which

the detachment can arrive, and the position and force of the enemy

when it arrives. That the season proper for military operations was

now pretty far advanced, and to make a winter campaign would require a

disposition of our magazines peculiar to it, which could not be made

without a large increase of expense, a circumstance not to be desired

in the present posture of our affairs, unless the arrival of a naval

succor was an event of some certainty. That with respect to the

position and force of the enemy, they had now about fourteen thousand

men at New York and its dependencies, and between three and four

thousand at Rhode Island; that to reduce the former, if it should be

concentered on the Island, would require extensive preparations

beforehand, both as to magazines and aids of men, which could not with

propriety be undertaken on a precarious expectation of assistance.

But that if the garrison of Rhode Island should continue there, we

should have every reason to expect its reduction by a combined

operation; it might, however, be withdrawn; he added, that the enemy

appear to be making large detachments from New York, which the present

situation of their affairs seems to exact; that there is a high

probability of their being left so weak as to give us an opportunity,

during the winter, of acting effectually against New York, in case of

the arrival of a fleet to co-operate with us, even with the force we

now have and could suddenly assemble on an emergency; that, at all

events, the French squadron would be able to strike an important

stroke, in the capture and destruction of the enemy's vessels of war,

with a large number of transports and perhaps seamen.

He concluded with observing, that though in the great uncertainty of

the arrival of a squadron, he could not undertake to make expensive

preparations for co-operating, nor pledge himself for doing it

effectually, yet there was the greatest prospect of utility from the

arrival of such a squadron, and he would engage to do everything in

his power for improving its aid, if it should appear upon our coast;

that if the present or future circumstances should permit Count

d'Estaing to concert a combined operation with the troops of these

States against the enemy's fleets and armies within these States, he

would be ready to promote the measure to the utmost of our resources,

and should have the highest hopes of its success; it would, however,

be necessary, to prevent delay and give efficacy to the project, that

he should have some previous notice.

The Minister replied, that the General's delicacy upon the occasion

was very proper, but as he seemed unwilling to give assurances of

effectual co-operation, in conveying the application to the Admiral he

would only make use of the name of the Council, which would, no doubt,

have all the weight due to the application of so respectable a body.

The General assented, observing, that occasional mention might be made

of the military advantages to be expected from the measure.

The Minister next informed the General, that there had been some

negotiations between Congress and M. Gerard, on the subject of the

Floridas and the limits of the Spanish dominions in that quarter,

concerning which, certain resolutions had been taken by Congress,

which he supposed were known to the General. He added, that the

Spaniards had in contemplation an expedition against the Floridas,

which was either already begun or very soon would be begun, and he

wished to know the General's opinion of a co-operation on our part;

that it was probable this expedition would immediately divert the

enemy's force from South Carolina and Georgia, and the question then

would be, whether General Lincoln's army would be necessary elsewhere,

or might be employed in a co-operation with the Spanish forces. That

the motive with the French Court for wishing such a co-operation was,

that it would be a meritorious act on the side of the United States

towards Spain, who, though she had all along been well disposed to the

revolution, had entered reluctantly into the war and had not yet

acknowledged our independence; that a step of this kind would serve to

confirm her good dispositions, and to induce her not only to enter

into a treaty with us, but, perhaps, to assist with a loan of money.

That the forces of Spain in the Islands were so considerable, as would

in all appearance make our aid unnecessary; on which account the

utility of it, only contingent and possible, was but a secondary

consideration with the Court of France; the desire to engage Spain

more firmly in our interests, by a mark of our good will to her, was

the leading and principal one.

The General assured the Minister, that he had the deepest sense of the

friendship of France, but replied to the matter in question, that he

was altogether a stranger to the measures adopted by Congress relative

to the Floridas, and could give no opinion of the propriety of the

co-operation proposed in a civil or political light; but considering

it merely as a military question, he saw no objection to the measure,

on the supposition that the enemy's force in Georgia and South

Carolina be withdrawn, without which it would, of course, be

impossible.

The Minister then asked, in case the operation by the Spaniards

against the Floridas should not induce the English to abandon the

Southern States, whether it would be agreeable that the forces, either

French or Spanish, employed there, should co-operate with our troops

against those of the enemy in Georgia and South Carolina.

The General replied, that he imagined such a co-operation would be

desirable.

The Minister inquired in the next place, whether in case the Court of

France should find it convenient to send directly from France a

squadron and a few regiments attached to it, to act in conjunction

with us in this quarter, it would be agreeable to the United States.

The General thought it would contribute much to advance the common

cause.

The Minister informed us, that Dr Franklin had purchased a fifty gun

ship, which the King of France intended to equip for the benefit of

the United States, to be sent with two or three frigates to

Newfoundland to act against the enemy's vessels employed in the

fishery, and afterwards to proceed to Boston to cruise from that port.

He concluded the conference with stating, that in Boston several

gentlemen of influence, some of them members of Congress, had

conversed with him on the subject of an expedition against Canada and

Nova Scotia; that his Christian Majesty had a sincere and

disinterested desire to see those two Provinces annexed to the

American Confederacy, and would be disposed to promote a plan for this

purpose; but that he would undertake nothing of the kind unless the

plan was previously approved and digested by the General. He added,

that a letter from the General to Congress some time since, on the

subject of an expedition to Canada, had appeared in France, and had

been submitted to the best military judges, who approved the

reasoning, and thought the objections to the plan, which had been

proposed, very plausible and powerful. That whenever the General

should think the circumstances of this country favorable to such an

undertaking, he should be very glad to recommend the plan he should

propose, and he was assured that the French Court would give it all

the aid in their power.

The General again expressed his sense of the good dispositions of his

Christian Majesty, but observed, that while the enemy remain in force

in these States, the difficulties stated in his letter alluded to by

the Minister would still subsist; but that whenever that force should

be removed, he doubted not it would be a leading object with the

government to wrest the two aforementioned Provinces from the power of

Britain; that in this case, he should esteem himself honored in being

consulted on the plan; and was of opinion, that though we should have

land force enough for the undertaking, without in this respect

intruding upon the generosity of our allies, a naval co-operation

would certainly be very useful and necessary.

The rest of the conference consisted in mutual assurances of

friendship of the two countries, &c. interspersed on the General's

side with occasional remarks on the importance of removing the war

from these States, as it would enable us to afford ample supplies to

the operations in the West Indies, and to act with efficacy in

annoying the commerce of the enemy, and dispossessing them of their

dominions on this continent.

Head Quarters, September 18th, 1779.

The foregoing is, to the best of my recollection, the substance of a

conference at which I was present at the time mentioned, and

interpreted between the Minister and the General.

A. HAMILTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[28] The Chevalier de la Luzerne arrived at Boston on the 2d of

August, and on his way to Philadelphia visited General Washington at

West Point. Hence this conference took place before his public

introduction to Congress as Minister Plenipotentiary.

* * * * *

RECEPTION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER BY CONGRESS.[29]

In Congress, November 17th, 1779.

According to order the Chevalier de la Luzerne was introduced by Mr

Mathews and Mr Morris, the two members appointed for that purpose; and

being seated in his chair, the Secretary of the Embassy delivered to

the President a sealed letter from his Most Christian Majesty, in the

terms following;

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

"To our dear great Friends and Allies, the President and Members of

the General Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

"The bad state of health of M. Gerard, our Minister Plenipotentiary to

you, having laid him under the necessity of applying for a recall, we

have made choice of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, a Colonel in our

service, to supply his place. We have no doubt, that he will be

agreeable to you, and that you will repose entire confidence in him.

We pray you to give full credit to all he shall say to you on our

behalf, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of our

wishes for your prosperity, as well as the constancy of our affection

and our friendship for the United States in general, and for each one

of them in particular. We pray God to keep you, our very dear great

friends and allies, in his holy protection.

"Done at Versailles, the 31st of May, 1779.

"Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS."

The Minister being announced, he addressed Congress in the following

speech.

Translation.

"Gentlemen,

"The wisdom and courage, which have founded your Republic, the

prudence which presides over your deliberations, your firmness in

execution, the skill and valor displayed by your Generals and

soldiers during the course of the war, have attracted the admiration

and regard of the whole world.

"The King, my master, was the first to acknowledge a liberty acquired

amidst so many perils and with so much glory. Since treaties dictated

by moderation have fixed upon a permanent basis the union of France

with the American Republic, his Majesty's whole conduct must have

demonstrated how dearly he cherishes your prosperity, and his firm

resolution to maintain your independence by every means in his power.

The events, which have successively unfolded themselves, show the

wisdom of those measures. A powerful ally has acknowledged the justice

of those motives, which had compelled the King to take arms, and we

may reasonably hope for the most solid success from the operations of

the united fleets. The naval force of the enemy has been diverted from

your continent, compelled to flee to the defence of their own

possessions. All their efforts have been too feeble to prevent our

troops from conquering a considerable part. Other British Islands

feared the same lot, when the French General stopped the current of

his success to seek new dangers here. In conforming to his Majesty's

intentions, he has acceded to his own inclinations, to the desires of

the French, and to the request of the Americans, who invited him to

join his arms to those of your Republic. Events have not completely

answered his courage and his efforts, but his blood and that of my

countrymen, shed in a cause so dear to us, has cemented the basis on

which the alliance is founded, and impressed on it a character as

indelible as are all those by which it is already consecrated.

"That alliance, Gentlemen, becomes daily more indissoluble, and the

benefits, which the two nations derive from it, have given it the most

perfect consistency.

"The relations of commerce between the subjects of the King, my

master, and the inhabitants of the Thirteen United States, continually

multiply, and we may already perceive, in spite of those obstacles,

which embarrass the reciprocal communication, how natural it is, how

advantageous it will be to the two nations, and all who participate in

it, and how much the monopolising spirit, the jealous attention and

prohibitory edicts of the enemy to your freedom, have been prejudicial

to your happiness. It is under these circumstances, Gentlemen, that

the King has been pleased to appoint me his Minister Plenipotentiary

to your Republic. You have seen in the letter, which I had just now

the honor to deliver from him, fresh assurances of his friendship. I

consider as the happiest circumstance of my life a mission, in the

course of which I am certain of fulfilling my duty, when I labor for

your prosperity, and I felicitate myself upon being sent to a nation,

whose interests are so intimately blended with our own, that I can be

useful neither to France nor the American Republic, without rendering

myself agreeable both to the one and the other.

"It was certainly desirable that the affairs with which I am charged

had remained in the hands of that enlightened Minister, whom I

succeed, and whose health compels him to return to France. I have not

his abilities; but like him, I have an unbounded zeal for the welfare

and success of the common cause. Like him, I am directed to concur in

everything, which can be useful or agreeable to your Republic. I have

the same attachment to the people whom you, Gentlemen, represent, and

the same admiration of their conduct. I have the most fervent wish to

give you the proof of it; and I hope by these different titles to

merit your confidence and your esteem.

LUZERNE."

The translation of the foregoing speech being read to the House by the

Secretary of Congress, the President returned the following answer.

"Sir,

"The early attention of our good friend and ally to these United

States is gratefully felt by all their virtuous citizens, and we

should be unfaithful representatives if we did not warmly acknowledge

every instance of his regard, and take every opportunity of expressing

the attachment of our constituents to treaties formed upon the purest

principles.

"His Most Christian Majesty, in rendering himself a protector of the

rights of mankind, became entitled to assistance from the friends of

man. This title could not but be recognised by a monarch, whose diadem

is adorned with equity and truth. That monarch, by joining his arms to

those of our great ally, has given a fatal blow to the common enemy,

and from the justice of the motives which unite the combined fleets,

we expect the most solid benefits will crown their operations. Nor can

we doubt that other powers will rejoice to see that haughty nation

humbled, in proportion as they have been insulted by her presumptuous

arrogance. We well know, and all the world must acknowledge, the

moderation and friendship of the Most Christian King, in neglecting

conquests which courted his acceptance, for the benevolent pleasure of

succoring his allies. In this, as in every other instance, we

perceive his strict adherence to the principles of our defensive

alliance. We are sensible of the zeal of the French General in

executing his Majesty's orders. We esteem his courage, we lament his

wounds, and we respect that generous valor, which has led your

countrymen to contend with ours in the same common cause in the same

field of glory; a noble emulation, which has poured out the blood of

the two nations and mingled it together as a sacred pledge of

perpetual union.

"The consequences, which have followed from the appearance of the

French fleet upon our coasts, particularly by disconcerting the

enemy's plans of operations, and destroying a considerable part of

their naval force, demonstrate the wisdom of the measure. That they

have not been still more beneficial is to be attributed to those

incidents, which in the hand of Providence determine all human events.

But our disappointment is compensated by reflecting on the perfect

harmony, that subsisted between the Generals and the troops of the two

nations.

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