Paris, February 11th, 1786.
Dear Sir,
I have not for a long time had the honor to address you, either in
public or private letters. This has been owing to a tour I made
through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets,
which, to my great concern, I found to have taken place during my
absence.
In the course of a journey to Prussia, Silesia, the Austrian
dominions, and back again to Berlin, I could not but have many
opportunities to improve myself by the inspection of famous fields of
battle, the conversation of the greatest Generals, and the sight of
excellent troops; those of Prussia particularly exceeding my
expectations. I had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of
nations, who can bear a despotic government, and to pay a new tribute
of respect and attachment to the constitutional principles we had the
happiness to establish. Wherever I went, America was of course a topic
in the conversation. Her efforts during the contest are universally
admired; and in the transactions, which have so gloriously taken
place, there is a large field of enthusiasm for the soldier, of wonder
and applause for the politician; and to the philosopher, and the
philanthropist, they are a matter of unspeakable delight, and I could
say of admiration. Those sentiments I had the pleasure to find
generally diffused. But to my great sorrow, (and I will the more
candidly tell it in this letter, as it can hurt none more than it
hurts myself,) I did not find that every remark equally turned to the
advantage of my pride, and of that satisfaction I feel in the
admiration of the world for the United States.
In countries so far distant, under constitutions so foreign to
republican notions, the affairs of America cannot be thoroughly
understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are greatly
exaggerated by her enemies. It would require almost a volume to relate
how many mistaken ideas I had the opportunity to set to rights. And it
has been painful for me to hear, it is now disagreeable to mention,
the bad effect which the want of federal union, and of effective
arrangements for the finances and commerce of a general establishment
of militia have had on the minds of European nations. It is foolishly
thought by some, that democratical constitutions will not, cannot,
last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King, or at
least a nobility, are indispensable for the prosperity of a nation.
But I would not attend to those absurdities, as they are answered by
the smallest particle of unprejudiced common sense, and will, I trust,
be forever destroyed by the example of America. But it was impossible
for me to feel so much unconcerned, when those points were insisted
upon, for which I could not but acknowledge within myself there was
some ground; although it was so unfairly broached upon by the enemies
of the United States. It is an object with the European governments to
check and discourage the spirit of emigration, which, I hope, will
increase among the Germans, with a more perfect knowledge of the
situation of America. And while I was enjoying the admiration and
respect of those parts of the world for the character of the United
States; while I was obliged to hear some remarks, which, although they
were exaggerated, did not seem to me quite destitute of a foundation,
I heartily addressed my prayers to heaven, that by her known wisdom,
patriotism, and liberality of principles, as well as firmness of
conduct, America may preserve the consequence she has so well
acquired, and continue to command the admiration of the world.
What I now have the honor to write, is the result of conversations
with the principal characters in the countries I have visited; and
particularly the Austrian and Prussian Ministers, the Emperor, Duke of
Brunswick, Prince Henry, a man equally great and virtuous, the Prince
Royal, and the King of Prussia. With the last I have often dined in
the company of the Duke of York, second son to his Britannic Majesty,
when American affairs past and present were brought on the carpet, and
sometimes in a manner not a little embarrassing for an English Prince.
My stay at Vienna was short, but I had a very long conference with the
Emperor, in which we spoke much of the American trade, and I found he
had imbibed British prejudices. The next day Prince de Kaunitz
introduced the same subject to me, and expressed some astonishment,
that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor. I
answered, advances had been made formerly, and more than were
necessary on the part of America, whom there was as much occasion to
court, as for her to seek for alliances. But that my attachment to his
Imperial Majesty made me wish he would address, on that business, the
Ministers of Congress, now at Paris and London, through the medium of
his Ambassadors. I added, that the best measure to be taken
immediately, was to open the Italian ports to American fish. But I do
not think the United States will ever find a very extensive commercial
benefit in her treaties with that Court.
In everything that concerns France, my respected friend Mr Jefferson
will give you sufficient information. The affair of American commerce
wears a better prospect than it has hitherto done; so far at least,
that a committee has been appointed to hear what we have to say on the
trade between this kingdom and the United States.
The King of Prussia is very unwell, and cannot live many months. His
nephew is an honest, firm, military man. From the Emperor's temper a
war could be feared. But our system is so pacific, and it will be so
difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part
which she has no interest to do, that I do not think the tranquillity
of Europe will he deranged. Holland is checking Stadtholderian
influence, but no further. The King of Naples and his father are
quarrelling on account of a Minister, leaning to the House of Bourbon,
and devoted to other powers, whom the son wants to keep. I had lately
an opportunity to know, that the last revolt in Peru has lost a
hundred thousand lives; but from the same account I find that those
people are far remote from the ideas which lead to a sensible
revolution.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, October 28th, 1786.
Dear Sir,
Owing to several circumstances, and particularly to a journey I have
made through some garrison towns, your favor of June the 16th has
reached me very late. That there should remain the least doubt with M.
Gardoqui respecting the adoption of the English limits, is a matter of
amazement to me. The original letter having been sent I herewith
enclose a copy, with a few observations. I think its presentation to
M. Gardoqui will the better convince him, as he knows Count de Florida
Blanca's respect for his own word of honor. And may I be allowed to
add, that the more this letter is known, the better it will impress
the public with ideas favorable to the Spaniards, and the Spaniards,
with a sense of engagements, which men of honor cannot trifle with.[3]
As to the navigation of the Mississippi, you know better than I what
are the strong prejudices of that Court against it. But we both know
equally well, that in a little time we must have the navigation one
way or other, which I hope Spain may at last understand.
It has been said in some newspapers, that the Floridas should be given
up to France. But nothing has come to our knowledge, which gives the
least ground for an idea of that kind. As Mr Jefferson sends you a
letter relative to commerce, which improves the condition of the
treaty with England, whereby she has no claims on the favors enjoyed
by the United States, although she is to be treated like the other
most favored nations, and as M. Dumas is writing on Dutch affairs, I
will only beg leave to inform you, that the appointment of the
convention has had already a good effect in Europe, and that great
benefit will be derived on this side of the water also, from the
commercial and federal measures, which it is my happiness to hear are
now under consideration.
Although there may be a diversity of opinions, whether a peace must be
purchased at any rate from the Barbary Powers, or a war must be
carried on against them until they come to proper terms, there can in
no mind be any doubt about the advantages of a third measure, which is
a confederacy of six or seven powers, each of them giving a small
quota, and the reunion of which would ensure a constant and sufficient
cruise against those pirates, and after they are brought to terms,
would guard against the breaking of a peace which the powers would
mutually guarranty to each other. Portugal, Tuscany, Naples, Venice,
and Genoa, are now at war with those regencies. I would like at the
same time to have the armament so managed as to use American flour,
fish, and naval stores. This plan is not as yet very well digested in
my head, but I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety of
impowering their Ministers to stipulate for such an arrangement.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
_P. S._ In case Congress have no particular orders for me, (in which
case I should be most happy to wait on them, either as a soldier in
their armies, or in any other manner) I may perhaps accept the
invitation of the Empress of Russia, to be presented to her next
spring in her new dominions of Crimea, which excite my curiosity.
Should anything turn out that may employ me as a servant of the United
States, I hope they know my zeal.
FOOTNOTE:
[3] See these letters to and from Count de Florida Blanca, above, pp.
30, 32.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, February 7th, 1787.
Dear Sir,
This letter goes in the first packet from Havre, a change advantageous
both to passengers and correspondents, and through the hands of
Colonel Franks, whose good conduct at Morocco has entitled him to a
share of that respect, which has been deservedly paid to the American
Embassy. Mr Barclay's refusal of the presents has been a matter of
wonder to every African, and I dare say to some Europeans, whose
accounts do full justice to him.
To Mr Jefferson's despatches I refer for useful intelligence. The
affairs of Holland do not make a progress towards conciliation. It
seems that the King of Prussia will not find himself the better for
counteracting in many points, the line of conduct of his deceased
uncle. A treaty of commerce is signed between France and Russia. The
Empress has set out on her journey towards Crimea. She had permitted
my waiting on her, but I am detained by the Assembly of Notables, an
event not very common, neither expected, which does honor to the King
and his Ministry, and will, I trust, be productive of public good.
I have had the honor to send copies of my old correspondence with the
Count de Florida Blanca. The enclosed one will supply any accident
that may have befallen the others. We are told, that the unhappy
disturbances in New England have subsided. To us they do not appear
so dangerous as to Europeans; but sufficiently so to give us a great
deal of concern. May all Americans know the blessings of their own
constitutions, and from comparison judge, that if they are to correct,
it would be madness in them to destroy.
I hope the convention at Philadelphia will answer the essential and
urgent purposes of the confederation, commerce, and the establishment
of a uniform and republican militia. Each State has within itself the
means fully sufficient to set right the opinions of mistaken citizens,
and those means seem to me principally founded on the good sense,
knowledge, and patriotic liberality of the people. Every wrong measure
of theirs would hurt, not only the consequence of the United States,
but also the cause of liberty in all parts of the world.
With the most sincere regard and attachment, I have the honor to be,
&c.
LAFAYETTE.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 3d, 1787.
My Dear Sir,
Had I been sooner acquainted with Mr Forrest's departure, I would have
given you more particular accounts of the latter part of our session,
but have only time to enclose the speeches that were made by the heads
of the several departments. Not that such etiquette speeches are in
any way interesting on the other side of the Atlantic, but because you
will in the same book find that of the Archbishop of Toulouse,
wherein he gives the King's answer to the several demands of the
Bureau. You will see, that if the madness and corruption of the late
administration have laid us under a necessity to acknowledge that,
after all other means would be exhausted, taxes must be employed to
fill up the vacancy, yet we have gained not a little by the
convocation of the Assembly. A more equal repartition of taxes,
including the clergy, who hitherto had escaped them, and the powerful
ones among the noblesse, who were not very exact; Provincial
Assemblies on an elective principle, which, by the bye, are big with
happy, very happy consequences, that will come to light as we go on;
economies to the amount of forty millions at least; the destruction of
interior custom houses; a modification of the Gabelle; an annual
publication of the account of the finances; the printing of all
pensions, gifts, &c.; more proper arrangements within some
departments; and a more general instruction, habit of thinking on
public affairs, &c. &c. are the good effects of this Assembly, which,
although it was not national, since we were not representatives,
behaved with great propriety and patriotism.
On the last day of our session, I had the happiness to carry two
motions in my Bureau which were, I may almost say, unanimously agreed
to; the one in favor of the Protestant citizens of France, the other
for an examination of the laws, particularly the criminal ones.
Enclosed is the resolve framed by the Bureau, which Count D'Artois,
our President, presented to the King, and was graciously received. I
was the more pleased with it, as some step of the kind, with respect
to the protestants, that had been tried in the Parliament of Paris,
had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that
even in asking for tolerance, we must measure our expressions. I was
more liberally supported, by a learned and virtuous prelate, the
bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had
introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many
compliments to the Roman creed, to appease the priests and devotees.
I cannot express to you, my Dear Sir, what my feelings have been,
whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of
in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy
epocha of federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of
America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced
at the news of her noble exertions in continuance of those principles,
which have placed her so high in the annals of history, and among the
nations of the earth.
The archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest, and one of the most honest
men, that could be put at the head of administration. He will be the
prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man
equally enlightened and liberal.
I beg you will present my respectful compliments and those of Madame
de Lafayette to Mrs Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel
Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr Madison, Doctor
Cochran, the Governor, in a word, to all friends.
Please send the enclosed printed speeches, and copied resolves of the
Bureau, to Mr Otho, who must be very desirous of getting them.
Most respectfully and affectionately yours,
LAFAYETTE.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, October 15th, 1787.
Sir,
The present state of politics having been laid before Congress, I
shall the less intrude on their time with repetitions, as the late
transactions in Holland have nothing pleasing to dwell upon. That the
republican party have been disunited in many respects, and blinded in
the choice of a General, that our cabinet have been treacherously
deceived, are true, but insufficient apologies. The Ottomans, roused
by England, will, probably, pay for their folly with one half of their
empire. It now lies with England, whether a maritime war is to break
out, which must involve the continent, and connect France with the two
Imperial Courts. France is sincere in her politics and moderate in her
pretensions, as it is the ardent wish of the King, Ministers, and
nation, to devote themselves to internal improvements. But the affairs
of Holland, those in the east, the giddiness of the King of Prussia's
head, and British rancor for the assistance given to America, are
causes of war, which, notwithstanding the disposition of this
Ministry, may, probably, be blown up in Great Britain.
It is natural for a citizen and servant of the United States to
consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am
happy to find in their indulgence and long experienced confidence,
every encouragement to offer my opinion.
A co-operation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally
please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, my
views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored with the choice
of Congress, to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased
to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. A successful war, too,
might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the
United States so circumstanced for the present, as to render a war too
expensive for them and too dangerous to their commerce?
Convinced as I am, that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty
and love for them, not to indulge my ambition further than a
neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every
American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market
for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling;
all which being consistent with treaties gives no ground of complaint.
Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does
not hinder the French Colonies from being supplied with all their
wants. Privateering itself, if under French colors, does no harm; and
so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both
nations, at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity
and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would
wish at least it was delayed as long as possible, and postponed, for
obvious reasons, to the last campaign.
It is to be confessed, that France might lay some claims on more
decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation
of affairs in America, I have reasons to believe she would not hurry
her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping
neutrality.
But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the
restoration of the forts, and, perhaps, the navigation of the
Mississippi, two points, which I confess I could never submit to the
idea of giving up. The one is ours[4] by the laws of nations, the
other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add, that
either concession would be inconsistent with the character of the
United States.
Mr Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken respecting the
commerce between this kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been
terminated in time for the departure of Count de Mourtier, a gentleman
whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and
approbation of Congress.
We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at
Philadelphia, as an event which, being engrafted in the present
dispositions of the people, will, probably, add a lustre and a proper
weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and, while it ensures
internal happiness and prosperity, will baffle the insidious wishes,
and annihilate the absurd reports of her enemies.
The next month is the appointed time for the sessions of all
Provincial Assemblies, an establishment, which will be productive of
the best consequences.
The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not
certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any
principles of vanity or self-sufficiency; but to the gratitude so
well grounded, and the zeal, which shall ever rank me among the most
devoted servants of the United States.
With every sentiment of personal attachment and regard, I have the
honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
FOOTNOTE:
[4] It must be remembered, that in these letters General Lafayette
always speaks of himself as an American.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
COMMISSIONERS
FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
As early as September 27th, 1779, John Adams was appointed by Congress
Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and
commerce with Great Britain, whenever that power should be prepared to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and enter into a
treaty. Mr Adams went to Europe on this mission, but as no opportunity
occurred for putting it into execution, he received another
appointment as Minister to Holland.
Meantime Congress, on the 14th of June, 1781, annulled Mr Adams's
first commission for negotiating a treaty, and associated with him
four other persons for this purpose, namely, Benjamin Franklin, John
Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. To these five commissioners,
or to a majority of them, or any one of them alone, in case accident
prevented the presence of the others, was assigned the power of making
a treaty of peace with such commissioners, as should be appointed for
the same object on the part of the English Court. Richard Oswald was
the British Commissioner. He went to Paris in the Spring of 1782, and
commenced the negotiation with Dr Franklin, who was then the only one
of the American Commissioners present. Mr Jay arrived in Paris from
Spain on the 23d of June, and united with Dr Franklin in the labors of
the mission. As Mr Adams was then employed in completing a treaty with
Holland, he did not join his colleagues till near the end of October.
The Provisional articles were signed on the 30th of November. Mr
Laurens was present at the signature of the treaty, having arrived
only two days previous to that event. Mr Jefferson did not engage in
the mission.
Adams, Franklin, and Jay remained in Paris after the signature of the
preliminary articles, as Commissioners for making a Definitive Treaty.
The English government sent David Hartley to Paris for the same
purpose. Many propositions passed between the Commissioners of the
respective countries, but after ten months' fruitless discussion, the
Definitive Treaty was signed in the exact words of the Provisional
Articles, on the 3d of September, 1783.
As the Commissioners corresponded singly with the Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, and the President of Congress, during the whole period of the
negotiation, they wrote but few letters in concert. The records of the
Commissioners, kept by their Secretary, have also been lost. Nearly
all the papers, which have much value, have been found and arranged
for the present publication, but there are yet some deficiencies. The
history of the negotiation can only be understood by reading
carefully, in connexion with these papers and letters, the
correspondence of each of the Commissioners during the same period.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
COMMISSIONERS
FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
* * * * *
COMMISSION TO TREAT OF PEACE.
The United States of America, in Congress assembled, to all to whom
these presents shall come, send greeting.