with a proper conveyance to France.
That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs report a letter to his Most
Christian Majesty, to be sent by the Marquis de Lafayette.[1]
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Extract of a letter from Congress to the King of France, dated
November 29th, 1781.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Antony, near Paris, March 30th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have been honored with your letter by the Hermione, and have made
the best use I could of the intelligence you were pleased to
communicate. The sailing of the Alliance was unexpected, and I could
not improve that opportunity. This letter will be carried by a vessel
that is immediately despatched. I shall soon have an opportunity to
write by a frigate. Dr Franklin, whom I have acquainted with the
departure of this vessel, has no doubt communicated very important
intelligence. Mahon has been taken rather sooner than was expected;
the siege of Gibraltar is going on, and some do not consider it
impossible that it should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. The
taking of St Kitts was felt in England; the more so, as Sir Samuel
Hood had given great expectations of preserving the Island.
"Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette, has in this campaign so
greatly added to the reputation he had before acquired, that we are
desirous to obtain for him, on our behalf even, notice, in addition to
that favorable reception, which his merits cannot fail to meet with
from a generous and enlightened Sovereign; and, in that view, we have
directed our Minister Plenipotentiary to present the Marquis to your
Majesty."
There is a great deal of confusion in England, which their late
resolutions clearly prove; many think the loss of the majority is a
_finesse_ of Lord North; but from later advices it appears there will
be a change of Ministers. The opposition members do not agree
together, and none of them are true friends to America; none of them
are wishing for independence; they want to make the best bargain they
can, either with France, at the expense of America, or by satisfying
America at the cheapest rate. By Mr Adams's letters I find Holland is
about acknowledging American independence, as far as it will neither
cost them blood nor money; but at this period I think it important to
obtain such a political advantage.
I beg you will please to communicate the contents of my letter to
Congress; as I do not enter into any particulars with the President.
Accept the assurance of the high esteem and most affectionate
sentiments with which I am, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
_P. S._ Since writing the above, we have just got certain intelligence
that Lord North has left his place. It is generally believed he will
be replaced by Lord Rockingham.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
St Germain, June 25th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
It is needless for me to enter into such details as will of course be
communicated to Congress by the Minister. Dr Franklin will doubtless
be very particular. But as Congress have been pleased to order that I
should give my opinion, I now have the honor to tell you what I think
upon the several transactions that have lately taken place.
Before the change of Ministry, the old Administration had sent people
to feel the pulse of the French Court and of the American Ministers.
They had reasons to be convinced that neither of the two could be
deceived into separate arrangements, that would break the union and
make both their enemies weaker. In the meanwhile, a cabal was going on
against the old Ministry. New appointments took place, and it is not
known how far Lord North would have gone towards a general
negotiation.
It had ever been the plan of the opposition to become masters of the
Cabinet. But while every one of them united against the Ministry, they
committed this strange blunder, never to think what would become of
them after their views had been fulfilled. They even made Ministers,
and upon the same day they did not know how to divide the prey; upon
the second they perceived that they had different interests and
different principles to support; upon the third they were intriguing
against each other. And now the British Ministry are so much divided,
that nothing but their disputes can account for their indecision in
public affairs.
The Marquis of Rockingham has nothing of a Minister, but the parade of
levees, and a busy appearance. He is led by Mr Burke. He is also upon
the best terms with Charles Fox. The principles of the latter
everybody knows. That party it appears is on one side of the
Administration.
The Duke of Grafton and Lord Camden think it their interest to support
Lord Shelburne, whom, however, they inwardly dislike. The Earl of
Shelburne seems to have by far the greater share in the King's
confidence. He is intriguing, and, upon a pretence to follow Lord
Chatham's opinions, he makes himself agreeable to the King by
opposing American independence. He is, they say, a faithless man,
wishing for a continuation of the war, by which he hopes to raise his
own importance; and, should the Rockingham party fall, should Lord
Shelburne be found to divide power with another party, he is not far,
it is said, from uniting with Lord North and many others in the old
Administration.
The King stands alone, hating every one of his Ministers, grieving at
every measure that combats his dispositions, and wishing for the
moment when the present Ministry, having lost their popularity, will
give way to those whom he has been obliged to abandon for a time.
Such is the position in which they stand, and I am going to relate the
measures they have taken towards negotiation.
It appears Lord Shelburne, on the one hand, and Charles Fox on the
other, went upon the plan which Lord North had adopted, to make some
private advances, but they neither communicated their measures to each
other, nor said at first anything of it in the Cabinet. Count de
Vergennes said that France could never think to enter into a treaty,
but in concurrence with her allies, and upon being told that America
herself did not so much insist upon asking for independence, he
answered, "people need not ask for what they have got." Mr Adams in
Holland, and Dr Franklin in Paris, made such answers as were
consistent with the dignity of the United States. But they as well as
Count de Vergennes, expressed a sincere desire for peace, upon liberal
and generous terms.
From the very beginning Mr Adams has been persuaded, that the British
Ministry were not sincere--that the greater part of them were equally
against America as any in the old Administration, and that all those
negotiations were not much to be depended upon. His judgment of this
affair has been confirmed by the events; though at present the
negotiation has put on a better outward appearance.
Dr Franklin's pen is better able than mine can be, to give you all the
particulars through which Mr Grenville, a young man of some rank, is
now remaining in Paris, with powers to treat with his Most Christian
Majesty, and all other Princes or States now at war with Great
Britain.
I shall only remark, that in late conversations with Count de
Vergennes, Mr Grenville has considered the acknowledgment of
independence as a matter not to be made a question of, but to be at
once and previously declared. But upon Count de Vergennes's writing
down Mr Grenville's words to have them signed by him, the gentleman,
instead of this expression, "the King of England has _resolved_ at
once to acknowledge," &c., insisted to have the words _is disposed_
made use of in what he intended to be considered as his official
communication. He has also evinced a backwardness in giving Dr
Franklin a copy of his powers; and their Ministry are so backward also
in bringing before Parliament a bill respecting American independence,
that it does not show a great disposition towards a peace, the
preliminaries of which must be an acknowledgment of America as a
separate and independent nation.
It is probable that within these two days, Dr Franklin had some
communication with Mr Grenville, which may throw some light upon the
late points I have just now mentioned.
Mr Jay is arrived from Madrid. Mr Laurens, it seems, intends to return
home. Mr Adams's presence in Holland is for the moment necessary. A
few days will make us better acquainted with the views of Great
Britain; and since the Ministers from Congress have thought that I
ought for the service of America to remain here some time longer, I
shall, under their direction devote myself to promote the interests of
the United States. The footing I am upon at this Court enables me
sometimes to go greater lengths than could be done by a foreigner. But
unless an immediate earnest negotiation, which I am far from hoping,
renders my services very useful, I will beg leave to return to my
labors, and be employed in a shorter way to ensure the end of this
business, than can be found in political dissertation.
I have communicated the opinion of Mr Adams, such as I found it in his
letter. Dr Franklin's ideas will be presented by himself, and also
those of Mr Jay, both of which must be preferable to mine, though I do
not believe they much differ. But from what I have collected by
communications with your Ministers, with those of the French, and by
private intelligence, I conclude;
1st. That the British Ministry are at variance between themselves,
embarrassed upon the conduct they ought to hold, and not firm in their
principles and their places.
2dly. That negotiations will go on shortly, establish principles, and
facilitate a treaty; but that the King of England and some of the
Ministers, have not lost the idea of breaking the union between France
and the United States.
3dly. That the situation of England, want of men and money, and the
efforts France is about to make, will reduce the former to a necessity
for making peace before the end of next spring.
America will no doubt exert herself, and send back every emissary to
her Plenipotentiaries here; for the Ministry in England are now
deceiving the people with the hope that ---- is going to operate a
reconciliation, and with many his ---- of the same nature.
In the course of this affair, we have been perfectly satisfied with
the French Ministry. They have proved candid and moderate. Mr Jay will
write about Spain. Very little is to be said of her, and by her very
little is to be done. It appears Holland is going on well, and I
believe Mr Adams is satisfied, except upon the affair of money, which
is the difficult point, and goes on very slowly.
By all I can see, I judge that if America insists on a share in the
fisheries, she will obtain it by the general treaty; this point is too
near my heart to permit me not to mention it.
The news of Count de Grasse's defeat has been very much felt in
France, and the whole nation was made truly unhappy by this
disagreeable event. The general cry of the people was such, that I do
not believe any French Admiral will, in any case take upon himself to
surrender his own ship. The people at large have perhaps been too
severe, and government have not pronounced, as there is to be a court
martial. But I was happy to see a patriotic spirit diffused through
every individual. The States of several Provinces, the great cities,
and a number of different associations of men, have offered ships of
the line to a greater number than have been lost. In the meanwhile,
government are using the greatest activity, and this has given a spur
to the national exertions. But independent of the stroke in itself, I
have been sighing upon the ruin of the plans I had proposed towards a
useful co-operation upon the coasts of America. My schemes have been
made almost impracticable, and my voyage (the case of negotiations
excepted) has not been so serviceable to the public, as I had good
reasons to expect.
The Spaniards are going at last to besiege Gibraltar. Count d'Artois,
the King of France's brother, and the Duc de Bourbon, a Prince of the
blood, are just setting out to serve there as volunteers. They intend
to begin in the first days of September; so that we may expect one way
or other to get rid of that encumbrance, and let the siege succeed or
miscarry, we may expect hereafter to make use of the combined forces
of the House of Bourbon.
We are waiting for intelligence from the East Indies, where it appears
we have got a superiority, and are entitled to expect good news from
that quarter. The enemy had some despatches by land, but either our
operations are of a later date, or they only have published a part of
their intelligence.
_Paris, June 29th._ Dr Franklin and Mr Jay will acquaint you with
Count de Vergennes's answer to Mr Grenville, and also with what Mr
Grenville has said respecting the enabling act. This act and also the
answer to Count de Vergennes, are every day expected in Paris, and the
way in which both will be expressed may give us a pretty just idea
upon the present intentions of the British Ministry. The only thing
that remains for me to inform you of, is, that under the pretence of
curiosity, admiration, or private affairs, England will probably send
emissaries to America, who cannot hope to insinuate themselves under
any other but a friendly appearance.
With the greatest regard, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.
You should not, my Dear Sir, have been thus long without hearing from
me, had I not persuaded myself, that I should see you before a letter
could reach you. I still entertain this hope from a passage in Dr
Franklin's letter, but have been in this often disappointed; I will
not indulge it longer, so far as to let it arrest my pen.
The Count de Segur delivered me your letters of April. I thank you
sincerely for having made him the bearer of them, since you know the
eagerness with which I embrace your friends, even without taking into
consideration, that merit which makes them so. The Count leaves town
for the army today, so that I shall not have the full benefit of your
introduction to him till next winter, when I flatter myself you will
join our circle. The Prince de Broglio told me last night, that he had
a letter from you to me. I expect to see him here this morning.
I cannot help remarking the just estimate you made of the British
Ministry. Late events have fully justified it. They are made up of
heterogeneous particles, and, as might naturally be expected, they
begin to fly off from each other. You have nothing to apprehend from
your adopted country. We are immovably fixed in our determination to
adhere to our allies, in spite of every endeavor to change our
sentiments. I am sorry that I have not leisure to enlarge. My horses
wait to carry me to the banks of the Hudson, while I write; let me
however inform you of the misfortune that has happened to Chevalier de
Latouche; his frigate being pursued by the enemy was run on shore in
the Delaware, and is lost. The gentlemen, his passengers, are however
happily saved, together with the money and papers. Everything else is
lost, and what is most to be lamented, he himself must have fallen
into the hands of the enemy. The flag that went to inquire his fate is
not yet returned.
The fleet of the Marquis de Vaudreuil has also sustained a loss in the
sinking of the Magnifique, in the harbor of Boston. Congress have
endeavored to repair this, by presenting the America to his Majesty.
The troops from Virginia have joined those on the Hudson. Our army is
in noble order at present; you will be charmed to see our countrymen
well dressed, since you used to admire them even in their rags.
I send you the papers for a month back; they contain all our public
news, and some particulars worthy your attention.
I am, my Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Philadelphia, November 2d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
The confusion occasioned by the misfortune of the Eagle, and the delay
that the gentlemen who saved their baggage experienced in getting
here, prevented my receiving your favor of the 25th and 29th of July
till the last of September, although I had acknowledged the receipt of
the letters, by the same conveyance, much earlier.
Your letter contained so much important matter, that it was laid
before Congress, for knowing it would be advantageous to you and place
your assiduity and attention to their interests in its strongest
point of light. I choose to consider most of yours as public letters;
this last was particularly acceptable, as neither Dr Franklin nor Mr
Jay had been so explicit, as we had reason to expect. Our system of
politics has been so much the same for a long time, tending only to
one point, a determination to support the war till we can make peace
in conjunction with our allies, that the whole history of our Cabinet
amounts to nothing more than a reiteration of the same sentiments in
different language; and so plain is our political path, so steadily do
we walk in it, that I can add nothing to what I have already written
you on that subject.
The events of the campaign are as uninteresting; the inactivity and
caution of the enemy have given us leisure to form the finest army
this country ever saw, while they conspire to render that army useless
for the present. The troops are gone into winter quarters; ours at
Fishkill, West Point, and its vicinity; the French as far east as
Hartford.
This day we are informed from New York, that fourteen sail of the
line, one of forty guns, and seven frigates, sailed from thence on the
26th. We cannot learn that they had troops on board or under convoy.
The Magnifique is lost, I believe without hope of recovery. She will,
however, be well replaced by the America, which all accounts concur in
calling a fine ship. But unless your fleet is very considerably
strengthened in those seas, another campaign may slip away as
uselessly as the last; for I see no reason to suppose, while Lord
Shelburne is at the head of Administration, that the negotiations for
peace will wear a serious aspect. I believe with you, that his royal
master is set upon risking everything, rather than acknowledge our
independence, and as he possesses the art of seduction in a very
eminent degree, it will require more firmness to resist his
solicitations, than is generally found among courtiers. I am very much
pleased to hear that the siege of Gibraltar is at last undertaken,
with some prospects of success. This I sincerely wish. England has
found in that single fortress a more powerful ally than any other she
could make in Europe. It has for the most part employed the navy of
Spain, and cost them five ships of the line.
You need feel no anxiety on the score of an apology for your absence;
everybody here attributes it to its true cause, and considers it as a
new proof of your attachment to the interests of America.
The papers I send with this will serve to confirm this assertion. I
thank you for the acquaintance of the Prince de Broglio and the Count
de Segur; they handed me your letters the day I was unfortunately
obliged to leave town. They have, however, promised to be here this
winter, and to give me an opportunity of consoling myself for your
absence by the attention they will enable me to show to those you
love. Your brother-in-law is gone I find to the siege of Gibraltar. I
beg you to write particularly to remind him of his American friends.
He shall hear from me by the first opportunity; in the meanwhile, tell
him he will not do justice to our expectations if he neglects to
promote the great object, which we discussed together a little before
he left this country, foreseeing then that he would ere long be called
to Spain. I ought not to conclude this without informing you, that the
chair of state is transferred to Mr Boudinot, Mr Hanson's term having
expired.
I am, my Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE CONGRESS.
Brest, December 3d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to beg the attention of Congress upon a subject,
which, though it appears personal, may bring about events of public
utility.
On a past voyage I have had the happiness to return with such means as
proved useful to the United States, and when I embarked last, I had a
leave of absence till such a time as I would think proper.
What has been done respecting former demands of money, has been
communicated to Congress. As to the late ones, I leave it to the
Ministers of Congress to give an account of those transactions.
I have the heartfelt happiness to think, that I did not leave
Versailles until I had, to the utmost, exerted every means in my
power; and I wish they had been an aid to promote every view of
Congress and every interest of the United States.
The Ministers of Congress in Europe have in former letters acquainted
them with the request they made, that I should defer my departure to
America. They thought I might serve her in the political field, and I
yielded to their opinion.
Now, Sir, that I am going to embark, I have done it by their advice.
Upon the voyage, the mode and the time of it, I have taken their
opinion, and it has been, that I was acting consistent with the
interests of America, and the instructions of General Washington. But
I could not submit to think, that any member of Congress, might, from
public report, imagine that I enlarge so far their permission, as to
follow pursuits, that would not particularly promote the views of
America; and as they do not choose being intruded upon with minute
details of military plans, let it suffice to say, that I beg leave to
refer them to the opinion of General Washington.
With a heart bound to America by every sentiment of a grateful, an
everlasting, and, I may add, a patriotic love,
I have the honor to be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I was honored by yours of the 14th of October last. It contains much
useful information, and upon the whole exhibits a pleasing picture of
our affairs in Europe. Here the scene is more chequered with good and
evil; the last I think predominates. The want of money has excited
very serious discontents in the army. They have formed committees. A
very respectable one, with General McDougal at their head, is now
here. Their demands, though strictly just, are such as Congress have
not the means of satisfying. The states upon whom they call, complain
of inability. Peace is wished for with more anxiety than it should be;
wearied out with the length of the war, the people will reluctantly
submit to the burdens they bore at the beginning of it; in short,
peace becomes necessary. If the war continues we shall lean heavier
upon France than we have done. If peace is made she must add one
obligation more to those she has already imposed. She must enable us
to pay off our army; or we may find the reward of her exertions and
ours suspended longer than we could wish.
Charleston is at length evacuated; the enemy made a convention with
General Greene and were suffered to depart in peace. In one of the
papers I send you, you will see the general orders at going off.
The embarkation of your army, before the war in this country had
closed, gave me some pain. Their stay might have answered useful
political purposes, had they been at hand to operate against New York,
which they will not otherwise quit.
Congress saw this in its true light, but were too delicate to mention
it; I enclose their resolutions on being apprized of it. You speak of
operations in America. I agree with you, that they are devoutly to be
wished, both by France and by us; but if they are to depend upon
operations in the West Indies, it is ten to one but they fail. The
machine is too complex. If it is to be worked in any part by Spanish
springs, the chance against it is still greater, for whatever the
latter may be in Europe, in the West Indies they lose their
elasticity.
The great cause between Connecticut and Pennsylvania has been decided
in favor of the latter. It is a singular event. There are few
instances of independent States submitting their cause to a Court of
Justice. The day will come, when all disputes in the great republic of
Europe will be tried in the same way; and America be quoted to
exemplify the wisdom of the measure.