observed, that the King's engagements were such, that he could not
treat without the concurrence of his allies, that the treaty should,
therefore, be for a general, not a partial peace, that if the parties
were disposed to finish the war speedily by themselves, it would
perhaps be best to treat at Paris, as an Ambassador from Spain was
already there, and the Commissioners from America might easily and
soon be assembled there. Or, if they chose to make use of the proposed
mediation, they might treat at Vienna; but that the King was so truly
willing to put a speedy end to the war, that he would agree to any
place the King of England should think proper.
"I leave the rest of the conversation to be related to your Lordship
by Mr Oswald, and that he might do it more easily and fully, than he
could by letter, I was of opinion with him, that it would be best he
should return immediately and do it _viva voce_. Being myself but one
of the four persons now in Europe, commissioned by the Congress to
treat of peace, I can make no propositions of much importance without
them. I can only express my wish, that, if Mr Oswald returns hither,
he may bring with him the agreement of your Court to treat for a
general peace, and the proposal of place and time, that I may
immediately write to Messrs Adams, Laurens, and Jay. I suppose, that
in this case, your Lordship will think it proper to have Mr Laurens
discharged from the engagements he entered into, when he was admitted
to bail. I desire no other channel of communication between us, than
that of Mr Oswald, which I think your Lordship has chosen with much
judgment. He will be witness of my acting with all the simplicity and
good faith, which you do me the honor to expect from me, and if he is
enabled, when he returns hither, to communicate more fully your
Lordship's mind on the principal points to be settled, I think it may
contribute much to the blessed work our hearts are engaged in.
"By the Act of Parliament relative to American prisoners, I see the
King is empowered to exchange them. I hope those you have in England
and Ireland may be sent home soon to their country, in flags of truce,
and exchanged for an equal number of your people. Permit me to add,
that I think it would be well if some kindness were mixed in the
transaction, with regard to their comfortable accommodation on
shipboard, as these poor unfortunate people have been long absent from
their families and friends, and rather hardly treated. With great and
sincere respect, I have the honor to be, my Lord, &c.
B. FRANKLIN."
To the account contained in this letter, of what passed in the
conversation with the Minister, I should add his frank declaration,
that, as the foundation of a good and durable peace should be laid in
justice, whenever a treaty was entered upon, he had several demands of
justice to make from England. Of this, says he, I give you previous
notice. What these demands were, he did not particularly say. One
occurred to me, viz. reparation for the injury done in taking a number
of French ships by surprise, before the declaration of the preceding
war, contrary to the law of nations. Mr Oswald seemed to wish to
obtain some propositions to carry back with him, but M. de Vergennes
said to him very properly, there are four nations engaged in the war
against you, who cannot, till they have consulted and know each
other's minds, be ready to make propositions. Your Court being without
allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It
is therefore more natural to expect the first proposition from you.
On our return from Versailles, Mr Oswald took occasion to impress me
with ideas, that the present weakness of the government of England,
with regard to continuing the war, was owing chiefly to the division
of sentiments about it. That in case France should make demands too
humiliating for England to submit to, the spirit of the nation would
be roused, unanimity would prevail, and resources would not be
wanting. He said there was no want of money in the nation, that the
chief difficulty lay in the finding out new taxes to raise it, and,
perhaps, that difficulty might be avoided by shutting up the
Exchequer, stopping the payment of the interests of the public funds,
and applying that money to the support of the war. I made no reply to
this, for I did not desire to discourage their stopping payment, which
I considered as cutting the throat of the public credit, and a means
of adding fresh exasperation against them with the neighboring
nations. Such menaces were besides an encouragement with me,
remembering the adage, that _they who threaten are afraid_.
The next morning, when I had written the above letter to Lord
Shelburne, I went with it to Mr Oswald's lodgings, and gave it to him
to read before I sealed it, that in case anything might be in it with
which he was not satisfied, it might be corrected; but he expressed
himself much pleased.
In going to him, I had also in view the entering into a conversation,
which might draw out something of the mind of his Court on the subject
of Canada and Nova Scotia. I had thrown some loose thoughts on paper,
which I intended to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without
a fixed intention of showing them to him. On his saying that he was
obliged to me for the good opinion I had expressed of him to Lord
Shelburne in my letter, and assuring me, that he had entertained the
same of me, I observed, that I perceived Lord S. had placed great
confidence in him, and as we had happily the same in each other, we
might possibly, by a free communication of sentiments, and a previous
settling of our own minds on some of the important points, be the
means of great good, by impressing our sentiments on the minds of
those with whom they might have influence, and where their being
received might be of importance. I then remarked, that his nation
seemed to desire a reconciliation, that to obtain this, the party
which had been the aggressor and had cruelly treated the other, should
show some marks of concern for what was past, and some disposition to
make reparation; that perhaps there were things, which America might
demand by way of reparation, and which England might yield, and that
the effect would be vastly greater if they appeared to be voluntary,
and to spring from returning good will; that I, therefore, wished
England would think of offering something to relieve those, who had
suffered by its scalping and burning parties. Lives indeed could not
be restored nor compensated, but the villages and houses wantonly
destroyed might be rebuilt, &c. I then touched upon the affair of
Canada, and, as in a former conversation he had mentioned his opinion,
that the giving up of that country to the English, at the last peace,
had been a politic act in France, for that it had weakened the ties
between England and her Colonies, and that he himself had predicted
from it the late revolution, I spoke of the occasions of future
quarrel that might be produced by her continuing to hold it, hinting
at the same time, but not expressing too plainly, that such a
situation, to us so dangerous, would necessarily oblige us to
cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He appeared much
struck with my discourse, and, as I frequently looked at my paper, he
desired to see it. After some little delay, I allowed him to read it;
the following is an exact copy.
NOTES FOR CONVERSATION.
"To make a peace durable, what may give occasion for future wars
should if practicable be removed.
"The territory of the United States and that of Canada, by long
extended frontiers, touch each other.
"The settlers on the frontiers of the American provinces are generally
the most disorderly of the people, who, being far removed from the eye
and control of their respective governments, are more bold in
committing offences against neighbors, and are forever occasioning
complaints and furnishing matter for fresh differences between their
States.
"By the late debates in Parliament, and public writings, it appears
that Britain desires a _reconciliation_ with the Americans. It is a
sweet word. It means much more than a mere peace, and what is heartily
to be wished for. Nations make a peace whenever they are both weary of
making war. But if one of them has made war upon the other unjustly,
and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great injuries, and refuses
reparation, there may, for the present, be peace, the resentment of
those injuries will remain, and will break out again in vengeance when
occasions offer. These occasions will be watched for by one side,
feared by the other, and the peace will never be secure; nor can any
cordiality subsist between them.
"Many houses and villages have been burnt in America by the English
and their allies, the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will
insist on reparation; perhaps they may. But would it not be better for
England to offer it? Nothing would have a greater tendency to
conciliate, and much of the future commerce and returning intercourse
between the two countries may depend on the reconciliation. Would not
the advantage of reconciliation by such means be greater than the
expense?
"If then a way can be proposed, which may tend to efface the memory of
injuries, at the same time that it takes away the occasions of fresh
quarrels and mischief, will it not be worth considering, especially if
it can be done, not only without expense, but be a means of saving?
"Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that possession
consists in the trade for peltry. Her expenses in governing and
defending that settlement must be considerable. It might be
humiliating to her to give it up on the demand of America. Perhaps
America will not demand it; some of her political rulers may consider
the fear of such a neighbor, as a means of keeping the thirteen States
more united among themselves, and more attentive to military
discipline. But on the mind of the people in general, would it not
have an excellent effect, if Britain should voluntarily offer to give
up this Province; though on these conditions, that she shall in all
times coming have and enjoy the right of free trade thither,
unincumbered with any duties whatsoever; that so much of the vacant
lands there shall be sold, as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for
the houses burnt by the British troops, and their Indians; and also to
indemnify the royalists for the confiscation of their estates?
"This is mere conversation matter between Mr Oswald and Mr Franklin,
as the former is not empowered to make propositions, and the latter
cannot make any without the concurrence of his colleagues."
* * * * *
He then told me, that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, more
satisfactory and convincing, than the reasonings in that paper; that
he would do his utmost to impress Lord Shelburne with them; that, as
his memory might not do them justice, and it would be impossible for
him to express them so well, or state them so clearly as I had written
them, he begged I would let him take the paper with him, assuring me
that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length complied
with this request also. We parted exceeding good friends, and he set
out for London.
By the first opportunity after his departure, I wrote the following
letter to Mr Adams, and sent the papers therein mentioned, that he
might fully be apprized of the proceedings. I omitted only the paper
of _Notes for Conversation_ with Mr Oswald, but gave the substance,
as appears in the letter. The reason of my omitting it was, that, on
reflection, I was not pleased with my having hinted a reparation to
tories for their forfeited estates, and I was a little ashamed of my
weakness in permitting the paper to go out of my hands.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, April 20th, 1782.
"Sir,
"I hope your Excellency received the copy of our instructions, which I
sent by the courier from Versailles, some weeks since. I wrote to you
on the 13th, to go by Captain Smedley, and sent a packet of
correspondence with Mr Hartley. Smedley did not leave Paris so soon as
I expected; but you should have it by this time.
"With this I send a fresh correspondence, which I have been drawn
into, viz. 1st, A letter I sent to Lord Shelburne before he was a
Minister. 2dly, His answer since he was a Minister, by Mr Oswald.
3dly, A letter from Mr Laurens. 4thly, My letter to M. de Vergennes.
5thly, My answer to Lord Shelburne. 6thly, My answer to Mr Laurens.
7thly, Copy of Digges's report. These papers will inform you pretty
well of what passed between me and Mr Oswald, except that in a
conversation at parting, I mentioned to him, that I observed they
spoke much in England of obtaining a _reconciliation_ with the
Colonies; that this was more than a peace; that the latter might
possibly be obtained without the former; that the cruel injuries
constantly done us by burning our towns, &c. had made deep impressions
of resentment that would long remain; that much of the advantage to
the commerce of England from a peace would depend on a _reconciliation_;
that the peace without reconciliation would probably not be durable;
that after a quarrel between friends, nothing tended so much to
_conciliate_, as offers made by the aggressor of reparation for
injuries done by him in his passion. And I hinted, that if England
should make us a voluntary offer of Canada, expressly for that
purpose, it might have a good effect.
"Mr Oswald liked much the idea, and said they were too much straitened
for money to make us pecuniary reparation, but he should endeavor to
persuade their doing it this way. He is furnished with a passport to
go and return by Calais, and I expect him back in ten or twelve days.
I wish you and Mr Laurens could be here when he arrives, for I shall
much want your advice, and cannot act without your concurrence. If the
present crisis of your affairs prevents your coming, I hope, at least,
Mr Laurens will be here, and we must communicate with you by
expresses, for your letters to me by post are generally opened. I
shall write by the next post, requesting Mr Jay to be here also as
soon as possible.
"I received your letter advising of your draft on me for a quarter's
salary, which will be duly honored. With great esteem, I have the
honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN."
Supposing Mr Laurens to be in Holland with Mr Adams, I, at the same
time, wrote to him the following letter.
* * * * *
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Passy, April 20th, 1782.
"Sir,
"I received, by Mr Oswald, the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me on the 7th instant. He brought me also a letter from Lord
Shelburne, which gave him the same good character that you do, adding,
'He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give full credit to
everything he assures you of.' Mr Oswald, however, could give me no
other particulars of his Lordship's mind, but that he was sincerely
disposed to peace. As the message seemed, therefore, rather intended
to procure or receive propositions than to make any, I told Mr Oswald
that I could make none but in concurrence with my colleagues in the
commission, and that if we were together, we should not treat but in
conjunction with France; and I proposed introducing him to M. de
Vergennes, which he accepted.
"He made to that Minister the same declaration of the disposition of
England to peace, who replied, that France had assuredly the same good
disposition; that a treaty might be immediately begun, but it must be
for a _general_, not a _particular_ peace. That, as to the place, he
thought Paris might be the most convenient, as Spain had here already
an Ambassador, and the American Commissioners could easily be
assembled here; this, upon a supposition of the parties treating
directly with each other without the intervention of mediators, but if
the mediation was to be used, it might be at Vienna. The King, his
master, however, was so truly disposed to peace, that he would agree
to any place that the King of England should choose, and would, at the
treaty, give proof of the confidence that might be placed in any
engagements he should then enter into, by the fidelity and exactitude
with which he should observe those he already had with his present
allies.
"Mr Oswald is returned with these general answers by the way of
Calais, and expects to be here again in a few days. I wish it might be
convenient for you and Mr Adams to be here at the same time; but if
the present critical situation of affairs there, makes his being in
Holland necessary just now, I hope you may, nevertheless, be here,
bringing with you his opinion and advice. I have proposed to Lord
Shelburne, to discharge you from the obligations you entered into at
the time of your enlargement, that you may act more freely in the
treaty he desires.
"I had done myself the honor of writing to you a few days before the
arrival of Mr Oswald. My letter went by Mr Young, your Secretary, and
enclosed a copy of your commission, with an offer of money if you had
occasion for any. Hoping that you will not return to England before
you have been at Paris, I forbear enlarging on the state of our
affairs here and in Spain. M. de Vergennes told me he should be very
glad to see you here. I found Mr Oswald to answer perfectly the
character you gave me of him, and was much pleased with him. I have
the honor to be, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN."
Just after I had despatched these letters, I received the following
from Mr Adams.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, April 16th, 1782.
"Sir,
"Yesterday noon, Mr William Vaughan, of London, came to my house with
Mr Laurens, the son of the President, and brought me a line from the
latter, and told me the President was at Haerlem, and desired to see
me. I went to Haerlem and found my old friend at the Golden Lion. He
told me he was come partly for his health and the pleasure of seeing
me, and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present just
ideas and views of things, at least to see if we agreed in sentiment,
having been desired by several of the new Ministry to do so. I asked
him if he was at liberty? He said no, that he was still under parole,
but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. I told him that I could
not communicate to him, being a prisoner, even his own instructions,
nor enter into any consultation with him as one of our colleagues in
the commission for peace; that all I should say to him would be as one
private citizen conversing with another; but that upon all such
occasions, I should reserve a right to communicate whatever should
pass to our colleagues and allies.
"He said that Lord Shelburne, and others of the new Ministers, were
anxious to know whether there was any authority to treat of a separate
peace, and whether there could be an accommodation upon any terms
short of independence; that he had ever answered them that nothing
short of an express or tacit acknowledgment of our independence, in
his opinion, would ever be accepted, and that no treaty ever would, or
could be made separate from France. He asked me, if his answers had
been right? I told him that I was fully of that opinion. He said that
the new Ministers had received Digges's report, but his character was
such, that they did not choose to depend upon it; that a person by the
name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see you, about the same
time he came away to see me.
"I desired him, between him and me, to consider, without saying
anything of it to the Ministry, whether we could ever have a real
peace, with Canada or Nova Scotia in the hands of the English? And
whether we ought not to insist, at least, upon a stipulation, that
they should keep no standing army, or regular troops, nor erect any
fortifications upon the frontiers of either? That, at present, I saw
no motive that we had to be anxious for a peace, and if the nation was
not ripe for it upon proper terms, we might wait patiently till they
should be so.
"I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of politics.
He has a very poor opinion, both of the integrity and abilities of the
new Ministry, as well as the old. He thinks they know not what they
are about; that they are spoiled by the same insincerity, duplicity,
falsehood, and corruption, with the former. Lord Shelburne still
flatters the King with ideas of conciliation and a separate peace, &c.
yet the nation, and the best men in it, are for universal peace and an
express acknowledgment of American independence, and many of the best
are for giving up Canada and Nova Scotia. His design seemed to be
solely to know how far Digges's report was true. After an hour or two
of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left him to return to
London.
"These are all but artifices to raise the stocks, and if you think of
any method to put a stop to them, I will cheerfully concur with you.
They now know sufficiently, that our commission is to treat of a
general peace, and with persons vested with equal powers; and if you
agree to it, I will, never to see another messenger that is not a
Plenipotentiary.
"It is expected that the seventh Province, Guelderland, will this day
acknowledge American Independence. I think we are in such a situation
now, that we ought not, upon any consideration, to think of a truce,
or anything short of an express acknowledgment of the sovereignty of
the United States. I should be glad, however, to know your sentiments
upon this point. I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
To the above, I immediately wrote the following answer.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, April 21st, 1782.
"Sir,
"I have just received the honor of yours, dated the 16th instant,
acquainting me with the interview between your Excellency and Mr
Laurens. I am glad to learn, that his political sentiments coincide
with ours, and that there is a disposition in England to give us up
Canada and Nova Scotia.
"I like your idea of seeing no more messengers, that are not
Plenipotentiaries; but I cannot refuse seeing again Mr Oswald, as the
Minister here considered the letter to me from Lord Shelburne as a
kind of authentication given that messenger, and expects his return
with some explicit propositions. I shall keep you advised of whatever
passes.
"The late act of Parliament, for exchanging American prisoners _as
prisoners of war_, according to the law of nations, _anything in their
commitments notwithstanding_, seems to me a renunciation of their
pretensions to try our people as subjects guilty of high treason, and
to be a kind of tacit acknowledgment of our independency. Having taken
this step, it will be less difficult for them to acknowledge it
expressly. They are now preparing transports to send the prisoners
home. I yesterday sent the passports desired of me.
"Sir George Grand shows me a letter from Mr Fizeaux, in which he says,
that if advantage is taken of the present enthusiasm in favor of
America, a loan might be obtained in Holland, of five or six millions
of florins, for America, and if their house is empowered to open it,
he has no doubt of success; but that no time is to be lost. I
earnestly recommend this matter to you, as extremely necessary to the
operations of our financier, Mr Morris, who, not knowing that the
greatest part of the last five millions had been consumed by purchase
of goods, &c. in Europe, writes me advice of large drafts, that he
shall be obliged to make upon me this summer.
"This Court has granted us six millions of livres for the current
year; but it will fall vastly short of our occasions, there being
large orders to fulfil, and near two millions and a half to pay M.
Beaumarchais, besides the interest, bills, &c. The house of Fizeaux
and Grand is now appointed banker for France, by a special commission
from the King, and will, on that, as well as other accounts be, in my
opinion, the fittest for this operation. Your Excellency being on the
spot can better judge of the terms, &c. and manage with that house the
whole business, in which I should be glad to have no other concern
than that of receiving assistance from it, when pressed by the dreaded
drafts. With great respect, I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN."
In reply to this, Mr Adams wrote to me as follows.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.
"Sir,
"I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's
son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The
instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other
despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence with
Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good
opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the
Earl of Shelburne.