of the esteem of Congress, they wish them to be distinguished by the
notice of their sovereign, and for that purpose have directed that
they be recommended to you, and that you be requested to present them
at Court, in such a manner as will bespeak for them the attention they
justly merit.
Congress are persuaded that this task will be particularly agreeable
to you, as they are indebted to your care for the useful services of
these gentlemen, and as nothing is more acceptable to a man of real
merit, than to be made the means of displaying it in others.
This is the third letter I have had the honor to write to you since my
entering upon office, and you will find it numbered in the margin
accordingly. I beg you will be pleased to number all your letters to
me in the same manner, that I may know those which by any means may
be prevented from coming to hand.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 26th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette, who has obtained leave to revisit his family
for the winter, does me the honor to be the bearer of this, and
duplicates of two former letters to you. The degree of estimation in
which he is held here, you will collect from the enclosed resolutions
relative to him, so that you may converse freely with him, and I doubt
not that he will be able to satisfy your inquiries on many important
questions relative to this country, on which account I may confine
myself more to general heads than I would otherwise do.
As to intelligence, there is little of importance, the army all having
gone into winter quarters, after the late glorious campaign, the enemy
having been defeated on every hand. A party of about six hundred of
them, who fell upon the western frontier of New York, were the last
that quitted the stage; having been driven off by an inferior number
of militia, with the loss of their leaders, and many privates killed,
and about fifty, including the wounded, made prisoners. A body of
troops is detached to the southward to reinforce General Greene, with
orders to attempt Wilmington on their way, which the enemy occupy with
about five hundred men, and keep up a connexion with the disaffected
counties in North Carolina.
We have not in a long time heard either from you or Mr Jay, so that we
are much in the dark respecting the probable prospect of a negotiation
this winter, or rather are led to conclude from your silence, that the
prospect is extremely remote; in which case, all your objects will
concentre in preparing for the ensuing campaign, and directing the
operations as far as possible to this country. The success of the
combined operations this summer will give great weight to your
arguments, especially as they are such as would deserve, independent
of that, the most serious attention. But, Sir, you will have a
difficult card to play, to induce France to do what not only our but
her interests essentially require. Never was there a time in which
money was more necessary to us than at present. The total abolition of
paper, the length of the war, the restricted commerce we have carried
on for the first five years of it, the arrears of debts, and the
slender thread by which public credit hangs, put it totally out of our
power to make any great exertions without the immediate supply of
money. Taxation will be carried as far as it can go, but this will
fall very far short of our wants. The richest nations in Europe,
unable to carry on a war by taxation only, are compelled to borrow.
How then will it be expected that a nation, which has had every
difficulty to struggle with, an enemy in the heart of its country, and
all its considerable towns at one time or another in their possession,
a superior navy on its coasts, and the consequential ruin of its
agriculture and commerce, how, I say, can it be expected that such a
nation should find resources within itself for so long and bloody a
war? And yet in this situation, we are alarmed by our advices from
you, by representations from the Minister of France, by assurances
from every quarter, that we must expect no further assistance in
money. Surely it is not possible that France, after having done so
much for us, after having brought us within view of the desired haven,
should oblige us to lose the advantage of all she has done; and yet be
assured that the most serious consequence may attend her stopping her
hand at this critical time. Public credit, which is growing very fast,
will drop to the ground. The contracts made for the ensuing campaign
must be given up; the troops, who were made to expect pay in specie,
will be dissatisfied; and upon the least ill fortune, a failure in
supplies will show their discontents; recruiting will be checked, and
the conclusion of the war on those advantageous terms, which one
vigorous exertion next spring in this country would secure, will be
postponed to a later period, when in fact all we wish, to enable us to
accomplish these great objects, is less than one year's continuance of
the war will cost France. You will, therefore, show the necessity of
setting our credit upon a firm basis, the prospect we have of
accomplishing it, from the great confidence in the integrity and
abilities of the financier, from the economy which is introduced into
our departments, from the industry which money excites, and which a
fluctuating medium had destroyed, and from the total debility which
much attend another shock to public credit.
You are perfectly acquainted, Sir, with the natural resources of the
country, you know the value of our exports, and the security they
afford for any debt that we may contract; in short, there are a
thousand arguments on this subject, which will suggest themselves to
you, not one of which will you, upon this occasion, omit to urge,
since you must be perfectly convinced of its importance in every
view, both to France and to us. The Superintendent will write more
fully upon this subject, which relates so particularly to his
department.
I would beg leave to remind you of another want, which we depend on
your representations, and the good dispositions of the Court of
Versailles, to remove. The chase here seems to be pretty well over,
the enemy, tired of running across the country, have taken to their
burrows, and the whole business that remains to us, is to take
measures for unearthing them next spring. In order to this, ships are
absolutely necessary. The situation of New York and Charleston renders
them untenable against a naval force, and extremely strong against an
attack by land; besides that success in such an operation would not be
decisive, since, after putting us to immense expense of men and
ammunition of every kind, while they keep the command of the water,
they might change their position and be as troublesome as ever. At any
rate, the reduction of both these places, from their distance, and the
difficulty of removing the men and stores, cannot be effected the same
campaign without a naval force, and with it, it will be the business
of a few weeks. The advantage to France, independent of her interests
as they stand connected with ours, in keeping a great naval force on
this continent is obvious.
_1st._ The expense to which they put the English, by obliging them to
maintain an equal force at this distance from home, at four times the
cost at which the French navy may be maintained in this country;
which, with proper management, need not exceed what they expend even
in France.
_2dly._ The number of seamen they employ in the transport service,
being so many deducted from what might supply their navy, with the
same expense as if so employed.
_3dly._ The protection afforded to the trade on this coast, and the
prospect of capturing the enemy's victuallers, and the consequent ruin
of their affairs.
_4thly._ But above all, the decided advantage it will afford our
combined operations, and the speedy termination of the war, by an
advantageous peace. It is true, France may have other objects, which
may interfere with these. To this we can say nothing; she must judge
for herself. All we can do is to point out what we conceive will be
most useful to her as well as to us, and submit to her determination.
It would be well, however, if we were apprized of it as soon as
possible.
If a negotiation should open this winter, or there should be a
probable prospect of it, you will do me the favor to give me the
earliest advices of it. There are many delicate points, on which you
would like to know the sentiments of people on this side of the water,
which I will endeavor to acquaint you with.
I should inform you, that Congress, have discharged the commission for
negotiating a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and taken that
burthen from Mr Adams's shoulders; that in compliment to the Marquis
de Lafayette, they have made him the bearer of a letter to the King of
France, which I enclose; that in answer to your favor of the 11th of
June, they have passed the enclosed resolution.
Mr Morris will write to you on this subject, and enable you to
discharge the bills. Should France send a fleet next spring, it would
be advantageous to have it unincumbered with such orders, as may
prevent its taking advantage of circumstances. This has unhappily
prevented this campaign from being absolutely decisive. But neither
this, nor any other great object can escape your observation, bent as
it is upon promoting the happiness of your country.
In order to enable you to meet the claim of the tories to the property
that has been confiscated, I am endeavoring to collect for you an
accurate account of the damages wantonly done by the enemy in this
country, which will at least serve to set against that claim.
Congress are preparing for an active campaign. They have directed
eight millions of dollars to be raised by tax. There is not, however,
the least idea that this, or even one half of it, will be collected in
the time specified; you will not, therefore, suffer the Court to
deceive themselves, by hopes of exertions founded on this measure, but
urge again and again the absolute necessity of supplying money.
I have conversed so freely with the Marquis de Lafayette on the
general state of our politics, that I would rather refer you to him,
than trouble you with a longer letter on the subject.
I cannot however close this, without desiring you to inquire whether
any intercepted letters from Mr Deane to persons in this country have
been published in Europe. Rivington has given us many, which are
generally believed to be his.
The Marquis will satisfy your inquiries about them.
I am, dear Sir, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
WILLIAM ALEXANDER TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, December 15th, 1781.
My Dear Sir,
I told you the last time I had the pleasure of seeing you at Passy,
that I would make a trip to London, but had no notion it would be so
soon. On coming to town last evening, I found such pressing letters,
that I propose setting off this evening, or tomorrow at latest. I
would have called, if possible, to receive your commands, but as I am
pinched in time, I must content myself with sending for them. The
bearer will call for them an hour after receiving this letter.
I shall probably be interrogated about the dispositions in this
country to peace. My own idea is, that you seek only your
independence, and that _this_ country, were that secured, will be
moderate in other matters, as the object of the war does not seem to
be conquest. Let me know if this is proper language. I notice that a
courtly argument has been used in Parliament for continuing the
continental war, that withdrawing would make you insolent, and give
France exclusive advantages. Were it not proper that this were
contradicted flatly? Any commissions you may have will be taken care
of, and I shall be back, barring accidents, in three weeks.
Wishing you everything that is good, I remain, with equal esteem and
respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
W. ALEXANDER.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER.
Passy, December 15th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for informing me of your intended journey. You know so
well the prevailing sentiments here, and mine in particular, that it
is unnecessary for me to express them; and having never been believed
on that side of the water, it would be useless. I will say, however,
that I think the language you mention very proper to be held, as it is
the truth; though the truth may not always be proper.
Wishing you a good voyage, and happy return to your children, I am,
with great esteem, dear Sir, yours, &c. &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, December 15th, 1781.
My Dear Friend,
I received your favor of September 26th, containing your very
judicious proposition of securing the spectators in the opera and play
houses from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it
might be useful. You will see by the enclosed, that the subject has
been under consideration here. Your concern for the security of life,
even the lives of your enemies, does honor to your heart and your
humanity. But what are the lives of a few idle haunters of play
houses, compared with the many thousands of worthy men and honest
industrious families, butchered and destroyed by this devilish war! O!
that we could find some happy invention to stop the spreading of the
flames, and put an end to so horrid a conflagration!
Adieu, I am ever yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, December 16th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
Since my last, of which I send you a duplicate by this conveyance,
nothing material has happened here, unless it be the evacuation of
Wilmington, which is, perhaps, the most important post of
communication with the disaffected people of the country of any they
have held in America. The tories of North Carolina possessed a
boldness and spirit, which were not found elsewhere, and upon occasion
appeared openly in arms. They are by these means abandoned to the
enemy, and the resentment of their country.
The cypher, which I shall use with you, is No. 4 of those sent by Mr
Morris; in that, the duplicate is written which went uncyphered by the
Marquis de Lafayette.
I enclose a resolution of Congress for erecting a pillar to
commemorate the victory at Yorktown. I must request your assistance in
enabling me to carry it into effect, so far as it relates to me, by
sending the sketch they require, with an estimate of the expense with
which it will be attended. I could wish it to be such, as may do honor
to the nations, whose union it designs to celebrate, and for that
reason should think the execution ought to be deferred till our
finances are in a better situation than they are at present; but as
this lies with Congress only, you will be so obliging as to enable me
to do my duty, by laying the sketch before them as soon as you can
conveniently get the same executed.
I have also the honor to enclose an ordinance of Congress, which
comprises all their former resolutions with respect to captures, with
the addition of some others; among them, one for "prohibiting the
importation of British goods," unless such as may have been taken from
the enemy. This will make some arrangements with the Court of France
necessary. The high duties upon prize goods consumed in France render
them considerable articles of exportation, and unless some mode is
fallen upon to evidence their having been captured, they will be
liable to seizure here. I would propose that the Lieutenants of the
Admiralty, or some other officers in the seaport towns, should, to an
inventory of the goods shipped, annex a certificate under hand and
seal, of their having been captured from the enemy, and that this
should be done without any charge to the purchaser. You, Sir, who are
better acquainted with the interior of the government of France, than
I can be supposed to be, will be pleased to suggest some mode of
executing this business; or if none better presents itself, to use
means for carrying what I propose into effect. I send by this
conveyance a number of American papers, and beg in return to be
favored with those of France, or any new publication that may deserve
attention.
I am, dear Sir, with great respect and esteem, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_Enclosed._
1. An ordinance, ascertaining what captures on the waters shall be
lawful.
2. Resolve, directing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to prepare a
sketch of emblems, &c.
3. Resolves for raising eight millions of dollars, and the proportion
of each State.
4. Recommendations to the several States for enacting laws against the
infraction of the laws of nations.
5. Letter to Messrs Wallace, Johnson, and Muir, at Nantes.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, January 2d, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
I have received the favor of yours of the 15th of December by Mr
Alexander. I most heartily join with you in the wish, that we could
find some means to stop the spreading flames of this _devilish war_. I
will not despair. The communications, which he has imparted to me from
you, have revived my hopes of peace. I laid them before the Minister
immediately. We are at a suspense for the present upon a very material
preliminary. I did intend writing to you at the present pause, that we
might make our ground good as we go on, but an accident which has
happened obliges me to do it without delay. For having had a most
essential question transmitted to me from Lord North for explanation,
when I would have applied to Mr Alexander, I could not find him; and
now I find that he has left his hotel these four or five days, and his
return being uncertain, I must apply to you. I will state to you what
has passed.
Upon my first interview with Mr Alexander, he told me, that the late
events would make no difference in the prospect of peace; that America
had no other wish than to see a termination of this war; that no
events would make them unreasonable on that subject, which sentiments
likewise your letter expresses; and that no formal recognition of
independence would be required. I thought this a very fair opening;
but the next point, which he explained to me, seemed to be still more
material towards peace, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a
separate treaty with Great Britain, and their allies were disposed to
consent to it. I believe that it has been the unfortunate union of
common cause between America and France, which has for the last three
years turned aside the wish of the people of England for peace. I
verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between England and France,)
that this country would fight for a straw to the last man, and the
last shilling, rather than be dictated to by France. I therefore
consider this as the greatest rub out of the way. I have often argued
this point with you upon former occasions, having at all times
foreseen, that it would be the greatest rub in the road to peace, and
I have often stated it to you as an act of _justice_ due to America
from her allies, not to drag her through a war of European resentments
and jealousies, beyond her original views and engagements; and
moreover, I think the separation of the causes in the negotiation
promises much the shortest road to a general peace.
Upon Mr Alexander's opening thus much to me, I told him I would apply
for the earliest opportunity of laying these matters before the
Minister. Accordingly on Friday morning, December the 21st, I applied
through the means of the Earl of Guilford, father to Lord North, a
nobleman of a most respectable character, advanced in years, and
attached by every possible tie to a son now in the most arduous
situation, I therefore requested the favor through his hands, as
giving me the most conciliatory access to the Minister, to whom I was
preparing to make an application for peace. After the appointment was
made with Lord North for Friday evening, I returned to Mr Alexander,
to consider the specific manner and terms in which I should make my
application. It had occurred to me, from what Mr Alexander had stated
to me, that the Conciliatory Bill,[27] which I had moved in the last
Parliament, on June the 27th, 1780, would still serve as a foundation
to proceed upon; I therefore carried it with me.
[27] See this bill above, pp. 157, 158.
He told me, that he and you knew the sense of the bill very well, and
that it would be entirely consonant to your sentiments, that I should
state it to Lord North, as drawing an outline for a negotiation of
peace. However, to avoid all errors, I read the bill through to him,
and explained the view of each clause, viz. the style of _Provinces of
North America_, a general phrase, to avoid any term denoting
dependence or independence; the truce for an indefinite term; the
articles of intercourse for ten years certain; to restore an amicable
correspondence, and to abate animosities; the suspension of certain
acts of Parliament; to avoid every possible question of dependence or
independence; and to finish the work, by a ratification of each
article of intercourse as agreed to, thereby to prevent all possible
return of war. I compared the articles of intercourse for a short
term, and their ratification into a permanent peace, to a well known
mode of proceeding in the laws of England, by lease and release, from
temporary to perpetual amity and peace.
Upon these grounds I took my commission from him for Lord North, viz.
the question of dependence or independence _sub silentio_, a separate
treaty with America, and to state the Conciliatory Bill of June, 1780,
as, the outline of negotiation. I saw Lord North in the evening, and
stated the foregoing propositions to him, as I have now stated them to
you. After having stated the compromise _sub silentio_ and the
separate treaty, I left with Lord North the copy of the bill of June,
1780, together with a paper, entitled, _Conciliatory Propositions_, as
explanatory of that bill, both enclosed with this. The next morning,
viz. Saturday, December the 22d, I saw Mr Alexander, and reported to
him what I had stated to Lord North, and showed him a copy of the
paper, entitled _Conciliatory Propositions_. He told me, that I had
executed my commission perfectly to his intelligence of the matter. I
should tell you, that at the conclusion of my conversation with Lord
North, we both settled jointly the result thus; "I recommend to your
Lordship the propositions which I have had the honor of stating to
you, as _general grounds of a proposed negotiation, leading towards
peace, under liberal constructions_." Lord North said in answer, "so I
understand them."