the President of Congress, and for Spain, all of which are sealed and
forwarded, except the last for the President, contained in yours of
the 26th past, which shall go by the first opportunity. The reading of
those letters gave me much information, and therefore pleasure; though
since the fixing of Mr Adams there I do not attend so much to the
affairs of your country as before, expecting indeed but little from it
to our advantage; for though it was formerly in the same situation
with us, and was glad of assistance from other nations, it does not
seem to _feel_ for us, or to have the least inclination to help us; it
appears to want magnanimity.
Some writer, I forget who, says, that Holland is no longer a _nation_,
but _a great shop_; and I begin to think it has no other principles or
sentiments but those of a shopkeeper. You can judge of it better than
I, and I shall be happy to find myself mistaken. You will oblige me,
however, by continuing the history either directly to me, or in your
letters to Congress; but when you enclose a sealed letter in another
to me, please to observe to place the second seal on one side, and not
directly over the first; because the heat of the second is apt to
deface the impression of the first, and to attach the paper to it, so
as to endanger tearing the enclosed in opening the cover.
With best wishes for your health and prosperity, I am ever, dear Sir,
&c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ I pity the writer of the enclosed, though I have no other
acquaintance with him, than having seen him once at Hanover, where he
then seemed to live genteely and in good credit. I cannot conceive
what should reduce him to such a situation, as to engage himself for a
soldier. If you can procure him any friends among the philosophers of
your country, capable of relieving him, I wish you could do it. If
not, and he must go to the Indies, please to give him three or four
guineas for me, to buy a few necessaries for his voyage.
B. F.
* * * * *
TO C. W. F. DUMAS.
Passy, August 10th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
Enclosed I send you a late paper received from Rhode Island. You will
see in it the advantages our troops have gained in South Carolina.
Late advices directly from Philadelphia say, that the enemy have now
nothing left in Georgia, but Savannah; in South Carolina, but
Charleston; nor in North Carolina, but Wilmington. They are, however,
in force in Virginia, where M. de Lafayette has not sufficient
strength to oppose them, till the arrival of the reinforcements, which
were on their march to join him from Maryland and Pennsylvania.
In looking over my last to you, I apprehend I may have expressed
myself perhaps a little too hardly of your country; I foresee you will
tell me that we have many friends there; I once thought so too; but I
was a little out of humor when I wrote, on understanding that no loan
could be obtained there for our use, though the credit of this kingdom
was offered to be engaged for assuring the payment, and so much is
lent freely to our enemies. You can best tell the reason; it will be
well not to let my letter be seen.
I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, September 13th, 1781.
Sir,
I duly received the two letters your Excellency did me the honor of
writing to me, both dated the 19th of June, together with the letter
addressed to the King and the three Commissioners, with the
instructions relative to the negotiations for peace. I immediately
went to Versailles and presented the letter, which was graciously
received. I communicated also to Count de Vergennes a copy of your
instructions after having decyphered them. He read them while I was
with him, and expressed his satisfaction with the unreserved
confidence placed in his Court by the Congress, assuring me that they
never would have cause to regret it, for that the King had the honor
of the United States at heart, as well as their welfare and
independence. Indeed this has already been manifested in the
negotiations relative to the Plenipotentiaries, and I have had so much
experience of His Majesty's goodness to us, in the aids afforded us
from time to time, and of the sincerity of this upright and able
Minister, who never promised me anything which he did not punctually
perform, that I cannot but think the confidence well and judiciously
placed, and that it will have happy effects.
I have communicated to Mr Adams and to Mr Jay the purport of your
despatches. Mr Adams already had received the same; by the first safe
conveyance I shall acquaint the Congress with the steps that have been
taken in the negotiation. At present I would only say, that the
settling of preliminaries meets with difficulty, and will probably
take much time, partly from the remoteness of the mediators, so that
any relaxation of our warlike preparations in expectation of a speedy
peace, will be imprudent as it may be pernicious.
I am extremely sensible of the honor done me by the Congress in this
new appointment. I beg they would accept my thankful acknowledgments;
and since they judge I may be serviceable, though I had requested
leave to retire, I submit dutifully to their determination, and shall
do my utmost to merit in some degree the favorable opinion they appear
to have of me. I am the more encouraged in this resolution, as within
the last three months I find my health and strength considerably
re-established.
I wish, however, that a consul general may soon be appointed for this
kingdom; it would ease me of abundance of troublesome business to
which I am not equal, and which interferes with my own important
functions.
The King having graciously complied with my request, of replacing the
supplies lost in the Marquis de Lafayette, many hands are employed in
providing them, who work hard to have them ready and shipped, so that
they may arrive before winter.
With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ The copying machine for Mr Secretary Thompson is in hand, and
will soon be finished and sent to him.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781.
Sir,
Your Excellency's letter of June 11th, is yet unanswered. I have the
honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that it is reasonable
that articles of rent of the hotel, payment of couriers, postage of
letters, salaries of clerks, stationary for the bureau, and feasts and
illuminations made upon public occasions, should be deemed expenses of
the States. Indeed, otherwise it will be impossible for American
Ministers to live in any such manner as is expected of them, both by
Europeans and Americans.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, &c. &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
Congress having lately thought it advisable to alter the arrangement
of their great executive departments, and to dissolve the Boards and
Committees under whose direction they formerly were, I am to inform
you, that they have done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of
Foreign Affairs; in which capacity they have made it my duty, as it
will always be my inclination, to maintain an intimate and regular
correspondence with you. I have this day taken the oaths of office,
and as the recital of fortunate events is the most pleasing task
annexed to it, I shall give you a short sketch of the state of our
military operations.
When General Washington was fully apprized, that Count de Grasse was
to visit this Continent, he made every provision for the attack of New
York, where the enemy had about six thousand troops, and seven ships
of the line, which were thought inadequate to its defence. He
collected the troops, as well those of allies as our own, and made a
movement towards New York. The delay of our recruits in coming in, a
small reinforcement to the enemy from Europe, and some other
circumstances, gave us reason to be apprehensive for the event of this
attempt, though the magnitude of the object still urged the General to
undertake it. It was the enemy's place of arms, the repository of
their magazines, and the only harbor for large ships left them on this
side of Halifax. Every preparation was accordingly made, when some
circumstances deemed unfortunate at the time, but which like many
others of our supposed evils have in the end been productive of good,
occasioned an alteration in the destination of Count de Grasse. He
sailed for the Chesapeake. The General still appearing to prosecute
his first design moved his army, and made such preparations as induced
the enemy to believe, that he meant to possess himself of Staten
Island, as preparatory to his design upon New York.
In the meantime the army filed off through Hackensack and Newark, to
keep up the deception, and arrived by expeditious marches at the head
of the Elk. Count de Grasse arrived at the critical moment, and
Cornwallis, at the head of about seven thousand men, found himself
completely invested at Yorktown by an army of near fourteen thousand
regular troops. The British fleet, which arrived at New York about the
time that Count de Grasse reached the Chesapeake, made an ineffectual
attempt to relieve their army. They were defeated and compelled to
return to New York, after losing the Terrible, a seventyfour, and two
frigates; by which means, a junction of the fleet from Rhode Island
was formed with that under the Count de Grasse. It arrived the day
after the action, and narrowly escaped falling in with the English
fleet.
Our batteries were opened on the 7th. The enemy having evacuated their
principal outworks and been repulsed in one or two sallies, our second
parallel was begun on the 11th, within three hundred yards of their
lines, and the least sanguine among the officers fix the end of the
month as the era of Cornwallis's captivity. His whole force at York,
and on the opposite side of the river, including seamen and regulars,
amounts to about seven thousand men.
The enemy sailed from Sandy Hook yesterday, with twentythree ships of
the line, and three fiftys, with several frigates, and a number of
fire ships. They have nine thousand of their best troops, if we are
rightly informed, on board their ships of war. They are resolved to
make some attempt for the relief of Cornwallis, whose capture must
draw after it the loss of all the posts they hold in the Southern
States, and the total ruin of their affairs in America. Georgia has
re-established her government, where the enemy have no other footing
than in Savannah. South Carolina is about doing the same. General
Greene has very prudently wasted the strength of the enemy, and raised
the confidence of the militia, by fighting them in detail. His late
victory, which I enclose you an account of, in his own words, affords
the most promising prospect of speedily recovering the possession of
that country.
Congress are, however, looking forward to another campaign. They have
voted twentyfive thousand men for the ensuing year. These, when raised
and appointed, together with the success which has hitherto, and which
we may promise ourselves will still continue to attend the allied
arms, will enable you to open your diplomatic campaign with great
advantage, and permit you, Sir, to rejoice in the close of that great
work, to which you have so sedulously and ably contributed.
I need not tell you, Sir, how anxious I shall be to hear from you on
every occasion. Nothing short of the most constant and regular
information will satisfy the expectations of Congress. We have much to
learn, and but few opportunities of acquiring information. Your
situation enables you not only to let us know what passes with you,
but to extend your inquiries to Courts where we have no Ministers, and
of whose politics we would not choose to be ignorant, though they may
but remotely concern us at present. For my own part, I freely confess,
that I rely much upon your knowledge and experience to supply my want
of both.
I propose to write so frequently to you as to keep you fully informed,
not only of what is, but of what is not done, since the last may
sometimes be as important to you as the first.
As far, Sir, as you may find a similar task consistent with your
health, your leisure, and your various avocations, you will render us
essential services in imposing it upon yourself.
Congress having resolved, that all communications with their
Ministers abroad, shall pass through this office, you will do me the
honor, Sir, to direct in future all your public letters to me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, October 24th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
I three days since did myself the honor to write to you, informing you
of my appointment to the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs; and
preparing you for the happy event which has taken place. Enclosed you
have the capitulation of Yorktown and Gloucester, by which a British
army of 5600 men was surrendered to the allied arms of France and
America; and no inconsiderable fleet, with 800 seamen, to the navy of
His Most Christian Majesty.
Since my last, which was written the day after I entered upon office,
I have seen yours of the 14th of May. There are many things in it
which deserve the attention I mean to pay it, when the first hurry
that the intelligence I communicate occasions is over. But, Sir, there
is a part which I cannot delay to take notice of, because I feel
myself interested in opposing the resolution that you seem to have
formed of quitting the station, which, for the honor of the United
States, you now hold. I shall be impatient till I hear, that you
comply with the wishes of Congress on this subject, as communicated
long since. Though the new powers with which you are invested impose
additional burthens upon you, yet as they at once contain the amplest
testimonials of the approbation of Congress, and directly lead to the
completion of the great cause in which you so early engaged, I cannot
but flatter myself that you will take it upon you. I sent with my
first letter to you one to the Count de Vergennes, informing him of my
appointment. You will do me the honor to present it.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS MC'KEAN, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Passy, November 5th, 1781.
Sir,
Herewith you will receive a copy of my last; since which I have been
honored with two letters from the late President, the one dated March
2d, relating to Captain Jones's cross of merit, which I have
communicated as directed; the other, dated July 5th, respecting the
release and exchange of Mr Laurens.
Having no direct communication with the British Ministers, and Mr
Burke appearing, by a letter to me, warmly interested in favor of his
friend, General Burgoyne, to prevent his being recalled I have
requested and empowered him to negotiate that exchange, and I soon
expect his answer. The late practice of sending to England prisoners
taken in America, has greatly augmented the number of those
unfortunate men, and proportionally increased the expense of relieving
them. The subscriptions for that purpose in England have ceased. The
allowance I have made to them of sixpence each per week during the
summer, though small, amounts to a considerable sum; and during the
winter, I shall be obliged to double, if not treble it. The Admiralty
there will not accept any English in exchange, but such as have been
taken by Americans, and absolutely refuse to allow any of the paroles
given to our privateers by English prisoners discharged at sea, except
in one instance, that of fiftythree men taken in the Snake sloop, by
the Pilgrim and Rambler, which was a case attended, as they say, with
some particular circumstances. I know not what the circumstances were,
but shall be glad to see the fiftythree of our people, whom they
promised to send me by the first cartel. I have above five hundred
other paroles solemnly given in writing, by which the Englishmen
promised either to send our people in exchange, or to surrender
themselves to me in France, not one of which has been regarded, so
little faith and honor remain in that corrupted nation. Our
privateers, when in the European seas, will rarely bring in their
prisoners when they can get rid of them at sea. Some of our poor brave
countrymen have been in that cruel captivity now near four years. I
hope the Congress will take this matter into immediate consideration,
and find some means for their deliverance, and to prevent the sending
more from America. By my last accounts, the number now in the several
prisons amounts to upwards of eight hundred.
I request also some direction from Congress (having never received
any) respecting the allowance to be made to them while they remain
there. They complain that the food given them is insufficient. Their
petition to the English government to have an equal allowance with the
French and Spanish prisoners has been rejected, which makes the small
pecuniary assistance I can send them more necessary. If a certain
number of English prisoners could be set apart in America, treated
exactly in the same manner, and their exchange refused till it should
be agreed to set these at liberty in Europe, one might hope to succeed
in procuring the discharge of our people. Those, who escape and pass
through France to get home, put me also to a great expense for their
land journies, which could be prevented if they could be exchanged, as
they would be landed here in ports.
The Ambassador of Venice told me, that he was charged by the senate to
express to me their grateful sense of the friendly behavior of Captain
Barry, commander of the Alliance, in rescuing one of the ships of
their State from an English privateer, and setting her at liberty; and
he requested me to communicate this acknowledgment to Congress. There
is a complaint from Holland against Captain Jones, for having taken
the brigantine Berkenbosch and sending her to America, and I have been
desired to lay before Congress the enclosed depositions relating to
that capture, and to request their attention to it.
The Ambassador of Portugal also frequently asks me if I have received
any answer to their complaint, long since sent over. I wish it was in
my power to give one of some kind or other. But none has yet come to
my hands. I need not mention the importance of attending to the
smallest complaints between nations, the neglect of them having
sometimes very serious consequences.
The mediation proposed is not agreed to by England, who refuses to
treat with our United States but as a Sovereign with subjects, and I
apprehend that a change in that resolution is only to be expected from
time, the growing insupportable expense of the war, or a course of
misfortunes in the progress of it. The spirits of that nation have
been continually kept up by the flattering accounts sent over, of our
being weary of the contest, and on the point of submission. Their
Ministers, as appears by their intercepted letters, have been
themselves so far deceived as to expect daily those submissions, and
to have the pleasure of laying them before the King. We may, perhaps,
be able to guess a little by the King's speech at the approaching new
session of Parliament, whether they still continue under this
delusion. As long as it subsists peace is not to be expected.
A loan has been proposed to be obtained for us of the States of
Holland on the credit of this government. All public operations are
slow in that country, and though the affair is at length said to be
concluded, it is not yet executed. Considerable advances have,
however, been made here in expectation of being reimbursed by it. The
last aids granted us have been so absorbed by my payment of the drafts
on Mr Jay and Mr Adams, and acceptance of those for the enormous
unexpected purchases in Holland, which were to have gone in Captain
Gillon's ship, but left behind, that I shall have nothing to spare for
extraordinaries, unless some of the Holland loan comes soon into my
hands. I am now told from Amsterdam, that the two ships freighted
there to carry those goods are detained, as their contract was to sail
under convoy of the South Carolina, which left them; and they must now
take more men to defend them, and of consequence claim a higher
freight, and to have it paid before they sail, unless I will buy the
ships, and send them on account of Congress, neither of which is in my
power to do. It was with reluctance I engaged in that affair, having
little confidence in Captain Gillon's management, and fearing some
embarrassment of our credit. I consented in fine to engage for the
payment of ten thousand pounds sterling, being the value of the goods
suitable for Congress, said to be already shipped in that vessel, and
as there was said to be still some room, and she was thought a safe
conveyance, I concluded to furnish an additional sum to fill that
supposed vacancy, which I limited to five thousand pounds sterling
more. You will judge of my surprise, when I saw the accounts of that
additional purchase, which amounted, instead of five, to fifty
thousand pounds sterling. I at first absolutely refused to pay for
them. But Captain Jackson came to me from thence express, urged that
the purchase was made by order of Colonel Laurens; that the goods were
on board; that if I would not undertake to pay for them, they must be
relanded, and returned or sold, which would be a public disgrace to
us; that they were all articles exceedingly wanted in America, &c. &c.
In fine, I was prevailed on, and accepted the bills, and was obliged
to go with this after-clap to the Ministers, a proceeding always
disagreeable, after the dispositions of the funds of the year have
been arranged; and more so in this case, as the money was to be paid
for the manufactures of other countries, and not laid out in those of
this kingdom, by whose friendship it was furnished. This fresh grant
was at first absolutely refused; at length I obtained it, and I hoped
the difficulty was over.
But after all, the officers declare the ship was overloaded, that
there was not room to lodge the people and provisions, nor to act in
fighting her; the goods are turned out into two other ships, those are
left, and it is now proposed to me, either to buy them, or to advance
a freight nearly equal to their value. I cannot make a new demand for
this purpose; and I shall not wonder if this government, observing how
badly our shipping and transporting the supplies are managed, should
take that business for the future entirely into their own hands, as
they have begun to do in the case of replacing the cargo of the
Marquis de Lafayette, and indeed, till some active, intelligent
person, skilled in maritime affairs, is placed here as consul, I
cannot but think it will be much better executed, and more for our
advantage. Some considerable parts of that new cargo are already
shipped, and the rest I hear are in great forwardness.
The very friendly disposition of this Court towards us still
continues, and will, I hope, continue forever. From my own
inclination, as well as in obedience to the orders of Congress,
everything in my power shall be done to cultivate that disposition;
but I trust it will be remembered, that the best friends may be over
burthened; that by too frequent, too large, and too importunate
demands upon it, the most cordial friendship may be wearied, and as
nothing is more teazing than repeated, unexpected large demands for
money, I hope the Congress will absolutely put an end to the practice
of drawing on their Ministers, and thereby obliging them to worry
their respective Courts for the means of payment. It may have
otherwise very ill effects in depressing the spirit of a Minister, and
destroying that freedom of representation, which, on many occasions,
it might be proper for him to make use of.
I heartily congratulate you, Sir, on your being called to the
honorable and important office of President, and wish you every kind
of prosperity.
Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the Congress, and believe
me to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 24th, 1781.
Sir,
Major General du Portail will have the honor to present this.
Congress, in consideration of their long and faithful services in this
country, have granted permission to him and Colonels de Laumoy and de
Gourion, to revisit their friends in Europe for the winter.