hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a friend to be
found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the
faith of an act of Parliament! Good God! an act of your Parliament!
This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we
do not know you; but it is not merely this flimsy faith that we are to
act upon; you offer us _hope_, the hope of PLACES, PENSIONS, and
PEERAGES. These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives
irresistible. This offer to corrupt us, Sir, is with me your
credential, and convinces me that you are not a private volunteer in
your application. It bears the stamp of British court character. It is
even the signature of your King. But think for a moment in what light
it must be viewed in America. By PLACES, you mean places among us, for
you take care by a special article to secure your own to yourselves.
We must then pay the salaries in order to enrich ourselves with these
places. But you will give us PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of
your expected American revenue, and which none of us can accept
without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a SUS-_pension_. PEERAGES!
alas! Sir, our long observation of the vast servile majority of your
peers, voting constantly for every measure proposed by a minister,
however weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. We
consider it as a sort of _tar-and-feather_ honor, or a mixture of
foulness and folly, which every man among us, who should accept it
from your King, would be obliged to renounce, or exchange for that
conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with
everlasting infamy.
I am, Sir, your humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, July 22d, 1778.
Sir,
I received your favor of May 15th, and was glad to find that mine of
December 25th had come to hand. Mr Deane's brother writes it was not
signed, which was an accidental omission. Mr Deane is himself I hope
with you long before this time, and I doubt not every prejudice
against him is removed. It was not alone upon the proceedings of
Congress, that I formed my opinion that such prejudices existed. I am
glad to understand that opinion was groundless, and that he is likely
to come back with honor in the commission to Holland, where matters
are already so ripe for his operations, that he cannot fail (with his
abilities) of being useful.
You mention former letters of the Committee, by which we might have
seen the apprehensions of the resentment of foreign officers, &c.
Those letters never came to hand. And we, on our part, are amazed to
hear, that the Committee had had no line from us for near a year,
during which we had written, I believe, five or six long and
particular letters, and had made it a rule to send triplicates of
each, and to replace those that we happened to hear were lost, so that
of some there were five copies sent, and as I hear that Captain Young
is arrived, who had some of them, I think it probable that one of
each, at least, must have come to your hands before this time. Mr
Deane's information, however, may supply the want of them, whose
arrival, as he went with a strong squadron of men of war, is more
likely than that of this vessel, or any other single one by which we
might send more copies.
The affair with M. de Beaumarchais will be best settled by his
assistance after his return. We find it recommended to us, but we know
too little of it to be able to do it well without him.
There has been some inaccuracy in sending us the last despatches of
the Committee. Two copies of the contract with M. Francy, and the
invoices came by the same vessel, Captain Niles. And though one of
your letters mentions sending enclosed a resolution of Congress,
relative to two articles of the treaty, that resolution is not come to
hand. There are circumstances in the affair of those articles, that
make them, in my opinion, of no consequence if they stand, while the
proposing to abrogate them has an unpleasing appearance, as it looks
like a desire of having it in our power to make that commercial kind
of war, which no honest State can begin, which no good friend or
neighbor ever did, will begin, which has always been considered as an
act of hostility, that provoked as well as justified reprisals, and
has generally produced such as rendered the first project as
unprofitable as it was unjust. Commerce among nations, as well as
between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent
exchanges and mutual supplies. The taking unfair advantage of a
neighbor's necessities, though attended with temporary success, always
breeds bad blood. To lay duties on a commodity exported, which our
neighbors want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing. The
statesman who first invented it had the genius of a pickpocket, and
would have been a pickpocket if fortune had suitably placed him. The
nations, who have practised it, have suffered fourfold as pickpockets
ought to suffer. Savoy, by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade of
Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own wine; and (to waive
other instances) Britain, by her duty on exported tea, has lost the
trade of her Colonies. But as we produce no commodity that is peculiar
to our country, and which may not be obtained elsewhere, the
discouraging the consumption of ours by duties on exportation, and
thereby encouraging a rivalship from other nations in the ports we
trade to, is absolute folly, which indeed is mixed more or less with
all knavery. For my own part, if my protest were of any consequence, I
should protest against our ever doing it, even by way of reprisal. It
is a meanness with which I would not dirty the conscience or character
of my country.
The objections stated against the last of the two articles, had all
been made and considered here; and were sent, I imagine, from hence by
one who is offended, that they were not thought of weight sufficient
to stop the signing of the treaty, till the King should, in another
council, reconsider those articles, and after agreeing to omit them,
order new copies to be drawn, though all was then ready engrossed on
parchment as before settled. I did not think the articles of much
consequence; but I thought it of consequence, that no delay should be
given to the signing of the treaty after it was ready. But if I had
known that those objections would have been sent to the Committee, I
should have sent the answers they received, which had been
satisfactory to _all_ the Commissioners when the treaty was settled,
and until the mind of one[8] of them was altered by the opinion of two
other persons.[9] It is now too late to send those answers. But I wish
for the future, if such a case should again happen, that Congress
would acquaint their Commissioners with such partial objections, and
hear their reasons before they determine that they have done wrong. In
the meantime this only to you in private; it will be of no use to
communicate it, as the resolutions of Congress will probably be
received and executed before this letter comes to hand.
[8] Arthur Lee--See his Correspondence, Vol. II p. 127.
[9] Ralph Izard and William Lee--See Mr Izard's Correspondence, Vol.
II. p. 372.
Speaking of Commissioners in the plural, puts me in mind of inquiring
if it can be the intention of Congress to keep _three_ Commissioners
at this Court; we have indeed four with the gentleman intended for
Tuscany, who continues here, and is very angry that he was not
consulted in making the treaty, which he could have mended in several
particulars; and perhaps he is angry with some reason, if the
instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to consult
him. We shall soon have a fifth, for the envoy to Vienna not being
received there, is, I hear, returning hither. The necessary expense of
maintaining us all, is, I assure you, enormously great. I wish that
the utility may equal it. I imagine every one of us spends nearly as
much as Lord Stormont did. It is true, he left behind him the
character of a niggard; and when the advertisement appeared for the
sale of his household goods, all Paris laughed at an article of it,
perhaps very innocently expressed, "_Une grande quantité du linge de
table, qui n'a jamais servi." "Cela est tres vraisemblable,_" say
they, "_car il n'a jamais donné à manger._" But as to our number,
whatever advantage there might be in the joint counsels of three for
framing and adjusting the articles of the treaty, there can be none in
managing the common business of a resident here. On the contrary, all
the advantages in negotiation that result from secrecy of sentiment,
and uniformity in expressing it, and in common business from despatch,
are lost. In a Court, too, where every word is watched and weighed, if
a number of Commissioners do not every one hold the same language, in
giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens their
weight; and when it may be prudent to put on, or avoid certain
appearances of concern, for example, or indifference, satisfaction, or
dislike, where the utmost sincerity and candor should be used, and
would gain credit, if no semblance of art showed itself in the
inadvertent discourse, perhaps of only one of them, the hazard is in
proportion to the number. And where every one must be consulted on
every particular of common business, in answering every letter, &c.
and one of them is offended if the smallest thing is done without his
consent, the difficulty of being often and long enough together, the
different opinions, and the time consumed in debating them, the
interruptions by new applicants in the time of meeting, &c. &c.
occasion so much postponing and delay, that correspondence languishes,
occasions are lost, and the business is always behindhand.
I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long enough
together; this is considerable, where they cannot all be accommodated
in the same house; but to find three people whose tempers are so good,
and who like so well one another's company and manner of living and
conversing, as to agree well themselves, though being in one house,
and whose servants will not by their indiscretion quarrel with one
another, and by artful misrepresentations draw their masters in to
take their parts, to the disturbance of necessary harmony, these are
difficulties still greater and almost insurmountable. And in
consideration of the whole, I wish Congress would separate us.
The Spanish galiots, which have been impatiently expected, are at
length happily arrived. The fleet and army returning from Brazil is
still out, but supposed to be on the way homewards. When that and the
South Sea ships are arrived, it will appear whether Spain's accession
to the treaty has been delayed for the reasons given, or whether the
reasons were only given to excuse the delay.
The English and French fleets of nearly equal force are now both at
sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet, there will be a battle,
for though England through fear affects to understand it to be still
peace, and would excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce
of France, by pretences of illicit trade, &c. yet France considers the
war begun, from the time of the King's message to Parliament,
complaining of the insult France had given by treating with us, and
demanding aids to resist it, and the answer of both Houses offering
their lives and fortunes. And the taking several frigates are deemed
indisputable hostilities. Accordingly, orders are given to all the
fleets and armed ships to return hostilities, and encouragement is
offered to privateers, &c. An Ambassador from Spain is indeed gone to
London, and joyfully received there, in the idea that peace may be
made by his mediation. But as yet we learn nothing certain of his
mission, and doubt his effecting anything of the kind.
War in Germany seems to be inevitable, and this occasioning great
borrowings of money in Holland and elsewhere, by the powers concerned,
makes it more difficult for us to succeed in ours. When we engaged to
Congress to pay their bills for the interest of the sums they should
borrow, we did not dream of their drawing on us for other occasions.
We have already paid of Congress' drafts, to returned officers,
eightytwo thousand two hundred and eleven livres, and we know not how
much more of that kind we have to pay, because the Committee have
never let us know the amount of those drafts, or their account of them
never reached us, and they still continue coming in. And we are now
surprised with advice of drafts from Mr Bingham, to the amount of one
hundred thousand more. If you reduce us to bankruptcy here, by a
nonpayment of your drafts, consider the consequences. In my humble
opinion, no drafts should be made on us without first learning from us
that we shall be able to answer them.
M. de Beaumarchais has been out of town ever since the arrival of your
power to settle with him. I hope he will be able to furnish the
supplies mentioned in the invoice and contract. The settlement may be
much better made with the assistance of Mr Deane, we being not privy
to the transactions.
We have agreed to give Monsieur Dumas two hundred louis a year,
thinking that he well deserves it.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS TO B. FRANKLIN, AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT
OF FRANCE.
We, the Congress of the United States of North America, having thought
it proper to appoint you their Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court
of His Most Christian Majesty, you shall in all things, according to
the best of your knowledge and abilities, promote the interest and
honor of the said States, at that Court, with a particular attention
to the following instructions.
1. You are immediately to assure His Most Christian Majesty, that
these States entertain the highest sense of his exertions in their
favor, particularly by sending the respectable squadron under the
Count d'Estaing, which would probably have terminated the war in a
speedy and honorable manner, if unforeseen and unfortunate
circumstances had not intervened.
You are further to assure him, that they consider this speedy aid not
only as a testimony of his Majesty's fidelity to the engagements he
has entered into, but as an earnest of that protection, which they
hope from his power and magnanimity, and as a bond of gratitude to the
union, founded on mutual interest.
2. You shall, by the earliest opportunity, and on every necessary
occasion, assure the King and his Ministers, that neither the
Congress, nor any of the States they represent, have at all swerved
from their determination to be independent in July, 1776. But as the
declaration was made in the face of the most powerful fleet and army,
which could have been expected to operate against them, and without
any the slightest assurance of foreign aid, so, although in a
defenceless situation, and harassed by the secret machinations and
designs of intestine foes, they have, under the exertions of that
force, during those bloody campaigns, persevered in their
determination to be free. And that they have been inflexible in this
determination, notwithstanding the interruption of their commerce, the
great sufferings they have experienced from the want of those things,
which it procured, and the unexampled barbarity of their enemies.
3. You are to give the most pointed and positive assurances, that
although the Congress are earnestly desirous of peace, as well to
arrange their finances and recruit the exhausted state of their
country, as to spare the further effusion of blood, yet they will
faithfully perform their engagements, and afford every assistance in
their power to prosecute the war for the great purposes of the
alliance.
4. You shall endeavor to obtain the King's consent to expunge from the
treaty of commerce the eleventh and twelfth articles, as inconsistent
with that equality and reciprocity, which form the best security to
perpetuate the whole.
5. You are to exert yourself to procure the consent of the Court of
France, that all American seamen, who may be taken on board of
British vessels, may, if they choose, be permitted to enter on board
of American vessels. In return for which, you are authorised to
stipulate, that all Frenchmen who may be taken on board of British
vessels, by vessels belonging to the United States, shall be delivered
up to persons appointed for that purpose by His Most Christian
Majesty.
6. You are to suggest to the Ministers of His Most Christian Majesty
the advantage, that would result from entering on board the ships of
these States British seamen, who may be made prisoners, thereby
impairing the force of the enemy, and strengthening the hands of his
ally.
7. You are also to suggest the fatal consequences, which would follow
to the commerce of the common enemy, if, by confining the war to the
European and Asiatic seas, the coasts of America could be so far freed
from the British fleets, as to furnish a safe asylum to the frigates
and privateers of the allied nations and their prizes.
8. You shall constantly inculcate the certainty of ruining the British
fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, and consequently the British
Marine, by reducing Halifax and Quebec; since, by that means they
would be exposed to alarm and plunder, and deprived of the necessary
supplies formerly drawn from America. The plan proposed to Congress
for compassing these objects is herewith transmitted for your more
particular instruction.[10]
[10] For a copy of this Plan, see the _Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p.
111.
9. You are to lay before the Court the deranged state of our finances,
together with the causes thereof; and show the necessity of placing
them on a more respectable footing, in order to prosecute the war
with vigor on the part of America. Observations on that subject are
herewith transmitted,[11] and more particular instructions shall be
sent, whenever the necessary steps previous thereto shall have been
taken.
[11] See the _Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p 118.
10. You are, by every means in your power, to promote a perfect
harmony, concord, and good understanding, not only between the allied
powers, but also between and among their subjects, that the connexion
so favorably begun may be perpetuated.
11. You shall in all things take care not to make any engagements, or
stipulations, on the part of America, without the consent of America
previously obtained.
We pray God to further you with his goodness in the several objects
hereby recommended; and that he will have you in his holy keeping.
Done at Philadelphia, the 26th day of October, 1778.
By the Congress.
H. LAURENS, _President_.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.
Sir,
As the Marquis de Lafayette will deliver this, we refer you to his
conversation, in addition to the gazettes, for an account of the
movements of the enemy. He will doubtless gain some further knowledge
of them, than we are yet possessed of before he leaves Boston. We
shall speedily have opportunities of forwarding duplicates and
triplicates of what he now carries; and upon any material event we
shall despatch a vessel occasionally. Enclosed with other papers is a
resolve of Congress of the 22d, which we have officially sent to all
the Commissioners.
We must earnestly request, that, as we shall have opportunities of
frequently conveying to you gazettes and other species of
intelligence, you would strive to communicate, in the speediest and
best way, to the gentlemen at the other Courts, what they are alike
interested to know, that they may prosecute in the best manner the
service of these States abroad. An exact copy of your credentials is
among the papers herewith sent.
We wish you success in your new commission, and are, with much regard,
&c.
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, December 8th, 1778.
Sir,
By Mr Cummins, on the 28th of last month, I forwarded several papers
of importance, triplicates of which Mr Bromfield, the bearer of this,
will deliver. But an accident then took place obliging me to hold back
a letter, which I had written to you. Time was wanting in which to
write another, the vessel having fallen down to Reedy Island, and the
express being mounted. My letter was chiefly on the circumstances of
an intended plan of operations, which was enclosed, but detained for
alterations to be made in Congress.
Our only important struggle now is with our currency. We shall be able
at least to keep it from growing worse; but we want the aid of
skilful financiers, and of monied men, to bring about any considerable
appreciation, as you will more clearly perceive by one of the papers
herewith to be delivered.
I am, Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
DR PRICE TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, January 18th, 1779.
Doctor Price returns his best thanks to the Honorable Benjamin
Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, for conveying to him the
resolution of Congress of the 6th of October last,[12] by which he is
invited to become a member of the United States, and to give his
assistance in regulating their finances. It is not possible for him to
express the sense he has of the honor, which this resolution does him,
and the satisfaction with which he reflects on the favorable opinion
of him which has occasioned it. But he knows himself not to be
sufficiently qualified for giving such assistance; and he is so
connected in this country, and also advancing so fast in the evening
of life, that he cannot think of a removal. He requests the favor of
the Honorable Commissioners to transmit this reply to Congress; with
assurances that Dr Price feels the warmest gratitude for the notice
taken of him, and that he looks to the American States, as _now_ the
hope, and likely _soon_ to become the refuge of mankind.
[12] _In Congress, October 6th, 1778_--"_Resolved_, That the Honorable
Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, or any of them, be
directed forthwith to apply to Dr Price, and inform him that it is the
desire of Congress to consider him a citizen of the United States; and
to receive his assistance in regulating their finances. That if he
shall think it expedient to remove with his family to America, and
afford such assistance, a generous provision shall be made for
requiting his services."
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, January 29th, 1779.
Sir,
By the way of Martinique, I send you a large course of newspapers. In
those of late date you will see, that the enemy are exerting their
force but too successfully in Georgia. We hope the Count d'Estaing
will be able to operate with us by a detachment from his fleet, so
that we may wrest from our foes the fruits of their present success.
You will know by letters from Martinique, whether these our hopes are
well or ill founded.
We have not had a line from you since the short letter of information
respecting Byron's sailing, which you signed jointly with Mr Adams. I
hope this does not arise from any other circumstance, than want of a
good conveyance for important despatches. We have had a few short
letters from Mr Adams, with gazettes. Late as it is, I enclose a
quadruplicate of your credentials; and I wish you success and every
satisfaction in your important agency, being with much respect,
Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, February 8th, 1779.
Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette having sailed from Boston the day before the
arrival there of letters sent from hence for you by the President of
Congress, I now forward to you duplicates of those letters, with a
course of newspapers via St Eustatia, having a very fine opportunity
to that Island, and hoping they will reach you securely from thence in
a Dutch bottom.
I am, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 22d, 1779
Dear Sir,
I received your proposition for removing the stumbling-block. Your
constant desire of peace ought to endear you to both sides; but this
proposition seems to be naturally impracticable. We can never think of
quitting a solid alliance, made and ratified, in order to be in a
state for receiving unknown proposals of peace, which may vanish in
the discussion. The truth is, we have no kind of faith in your
government, which appears to us as insidious and deceitful as it is
unjust and cruel; its character is that of the Spider in Thomson,
----cunning and fierce,
Mixture abhorr'd
Besides, we cannot see the necessity of our relinquishing our
alliance with France in order to a treaty, any more than of your
relinquishing yours with Holland.
I am, very affectionately, yours,
N. A.[13]
[13] North America
* * * * *
LETTER RESPECTING CAPTAIN COOK.
Passy, March 10th, 1779.
To all Captains and Commanders of armed
Ships, acting by Commission from the Congress of the United
States of America, now at War with Great Britain.
Gentlemen,
A ship having been fitted out from England, before the commencement of
this war, to make discoveries of new countries in unknown seas, under
the conduct of that most celebrated navigator, Captain Cook,--an
undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the increase of geographical
knowledge facilitates the communication between distant nations, in
the exchange of useful products and manufactures, and the extension of
arts, whereby the common enjoyments of human life are multiplied and
augmented, and science of other kinds increased, to the benefit of
mankind in general.