in the direction of wealth and commerce, and stopped where these
allurements terminated. Ghánah and Tomboktú appear to have remained for
a long time the furthest bounds of the empire of Málí. Eighty years
elapsed before Kághó was annexed to that empire; and as many more before
the passion for conquest led Ṣanadaki to invade Tekaddá, a worthless
possession, which was soon abandoned. Thus the Great River formed for
many hundred miles the boundary of the empire of Málí, that is, of the
Mandingoes, who are still extensively spread over the same ample region,
and who chiefly uphold its trade, industry, and civilization. It is
evident that Ghánah, conquered by the Ṣúṣú, the founders of Tomboktú,
and annexed to Málí eighty years before this empire extended to Kághó,
was the frontier of Negroland facing Sijilmésah, and consequently the
tract wherein Tomboktú now stands. Nor is it difficult to explain why
the kingdom of Ghánah disappeared from the political horizon in the
course of these events; for the conquerors had, with a new language, a
form of government capable of absorbing all foreign and inferior titles,
and of establishing its own in their stead. The title GHANAH, therefore,
was superseded by that of MANSA.—The principal events recorded in the
history of Ghánah, and the succession of the Kings of Málí, shall be
here repeated in a tabular form, and arranged chronologically; the date
subjoined to each reign being, as far as can be ascertained, that of its
commencement.
A.H. A.D.
GHANAH deprived of Aúdaghost in 446 1054
(properly
the
King’s
title)
Still independent in 460 1067
Compelled by the Morabites to relinquish
Idolatry and embrace the Mohammedan faith 469 1076
Ruled by a descendant of Abú Táleb (i.e. one
of the Zenágah nation) 548 1153
ṢUṢU. Ghánah conquered by the Ṣúṣú.
Tomboktú founded by Mansá Suleïmán 610 1213
N.B.—The title Ghánah superseded by that of Mansá.
MALI. Mári Jáṭah conquered the Ṣúṣú, and reigned
25 years.
Mansá Walí (son of the preceding) performed
the pilgrimage to Mekkah in the reign of
Bibárs 658-75 1259-76
Mansá Walí (brother of the preceding).
Mansá Khalífah (another brother).
Mansá Abú Bekr (descended from Mári Jáṭah in
the female line).
Sákúrah, a usurper, went to Mekkah in
the time of Almalik An-Nasír, and
therefore subsequent to 710 1310
(The conquest of Kaúkaú is ascribed by
some to the reign of Sákúrah, by others
to that which follows.)
Mansá Músa (son of Abú Bekr) performed the
pilgrimage in 724 1324
Mansá Maghá (son of the preceding) reigned 4
years 732 1331-2
Mansá Suleïmán (son of Abú Bekr) reigned 24
years 736 1335-6
He was visited by Ibn Baṭúṭah in 753 1352
Mansá Ibn Suleïmán (son of the preceding)
reigned 9 months 760 1359
Mansá Jáṭah (son of Mansá Maghá) ascended
the throne in 761 1360
and reigned 14 years.
Mansá Músa (son of the preceding) reigned 14
years 775 1373
His Wazír, Mári Jáṭah, usurped the
sovereign power, and conquered Tekaddá,
which was soon after relinquished.
Mansá Maghá (brother of the preceding) 789 1387
Ṣanadaki, (i.e. the Wazír) and another
usurper.
Maḥmúd, a descendant of Mári Jáṭah the
first, was king of Málí in 792 1390
The position of all the places mentioned in the preceding historical
sketch, may be satisfactorily ascertained from the narrative of Ibn
Baṭúṭah, who visited Negroland about half a century earlier than the
date of Ibn Khaldún’s history, and whose remarks throw a valuable light
on the geography and social condition of the countries then known under
that denomination. A succinct account, therefore, of his journey into
Negroland shall be here given, for the sake of the elucidations
derivable from it.
* * * * *
[Footnote 108: This extract is taken from Ibn Khaldún’s Prolegomena,
contained in the first volume of his ‘General History of the Arabs and
Berbers,’ of which volume the library of the British Museum possesses a
copy. (MS. B.M. No. 9,574, fol. 90 v.) A few passages here omitted, will
be discussed elsewhere.]
[Footnote 109: This is manifestly a mistake. El Bekrí did not, though El
Idrísí did, give such a description of Ghánah. But the positive
statement preponderated. The Arabs were not critical enough to weigh
negative against affirmative evidence.]
[Footnote 110: Ṣúṣú صُوصُو, or Súsú سُوسُو—Málí مالي—Kaúkaú كَوْكَوْ;
Kághó كاغو. The expression _east_ must be here understood to mean
towards the interior, or _south_. The Arab geographers in general had no
idea of Negroland west of Ghánah, and very inadequate conceptions of its
extent southwards.]
[Footnote 111: The tribes of the Desert in general, Tawárik, Zenágah,
&c. cover the lower part of the face with a muffle or wrapper called
_lithám_. They consider it an impropriety to let the mouth be seen. From
wearing the lithám they are named Molaththemún, or Muffled. The invasion
of Ghánah by the Berbers, alluded to in the text, took place in the year
of the Hijra 469.]
[Footnote 112: Baramindánah بَرَمِندَانة. “Thus the name was spelt (says
Ibn Khaldún) by the Sheikh ʿOthmán, a doctor and theologian of the
people of Ghánah (Ahli Ghánah), and one of the chief men of that
country, whom I met in Egypt in 796,” &c.]
[Footnote 113: Mári Jáṭah ماري جاطه—Tikin تكن. These words belong to the
Mandingo language. _Mari_, master, is found in the Rev. R. M. M‘Brair’s
Grammar of the Mandingo, p. 40; _jatto_, a lion, p. 42. In Moore’s
vocabulary, (in Astley’s Collection, II. p. 294,) this word is written
_jatta_. The obscure and frequently nasal sound of the final vowels,
seems common to both the Súsú and Mandingo languages. The title
_Tiguing_ occurs in Isaaco’s Journal (Park’s Second Journey); and in
Tomboktú according to Caillié’s vocabulary (III. p. 313), the word
_Tigini_ signifies _King_.]
[Footnote 114: Mansá Wali منسا ولي. Mansá, king, is found in all the
Mandingo vocabularies. Changed into Manso, and taking a nasal
termination, it becomes Mansong. The name here read Wali is evidently
the Woolli so frequently occurring in the modern accounts of Tomboktú
and the country of the Mandingoes.]
[Footnote 115: Sákúrah سَاكُورة.]
[Footnote 116: Mansá Músa منسا موسي is styled the King of Tekrúr by
Makrízí, who relates his visit to Egypt on his way to Mekkah, and
describes the wealth and pompous retinue of the Negro king, in language
to which even that author’s great reputation will hardly secure implicit
credit. See Not. et Extr. tom. XII. p. 637.]
[Footnote 117: It is surprising that a historian of so much sense as Ibn
Khaldún should join in censuring King Jáṭah for the imaginary offence of
selling a mass of gold of a ton weight. The fable of a large mass of
gold in the royal treasure first referred to Ghánah (Not. et Extr. p.
645), then to Málí, and lastly to Tomboktú; where, however, the precious
lump was reduced to the weight of 1,300 lb. (Leo, pt. VII. c. 5.)
Winterbottom (Account of the Native Africans at Sierra Leone, II. p.
29), a competent medical authority, describes the disease above alluded
to, which, he says, proves fatal in every instance. “The disposition to
sleep is so strong as scarcely to leave a sufficient respite for the
taking of food. Even the repeated application of the whip, a remedy
which has been frequently used, is hardly sufficient to keep the poor
wretch awake.”]
[Footnote 118: Tekaddá تكدا—Az-záb الزاب. This is the country of the
Mezzábí, north-west of Wergelán.]
[Footnote 119: Sanadaki probably means High or Supreme Counsellor, from
_san_ or _sanon_, high, and _adégué_, a counsellor. (Dard’s Dict.)
Jarric (Hist. des Choses Mémorables, III. p. 372) pleasantly describes
the mode of dubbing a _Solatequi_ among the Zapes (now called _Bullom_,
or lowlanders), near Sierra Leone. In Isaaco’s Journal (Park’s Second
Journey, 8vo. p. 238), mention is made of a king styled _Sallatigua_-
Koura. From this word is evidently derived the title _Seratik_, borne by
the King in Bambúk and some of the Fellátah states.]
[Footnote 120: Not. et Extr. p. 642, note. Marmol, III. fol. 21. Abú
Bekr ben Omar was the Morabite conqueror of Negroland, whither he
retired after the rise of Yúsef ben Táshifín. Moura, Hist. dos
Soberanos, &c., p. 146.]
[Footnote 121: “The Zenágah,” says Ibn Khaldún (fol. 68 v), “claim to
stand in the same relationship to Abú Táleb, as do the Maghráwah to
ʿOthmán ben ʿAfan.”]
[Footnote 122: The Mandingo and Ṣúṣú languages at present differ widely
from each other, but many circumstances, nevertheless, combine to prove
the ancient affinity of the two nations. They are so frequently
confounded together, that it is not easy to discover the limits of the
Ṣúṣú country. Rennell, writing from Major Houghton’s information
(Elucidations, &c. in Proc. Afr. Assoc. I. 275), calls “Mandinga, the
country of the Susos.” Adanson (Voy. au Senegal, 1757, p. 89), after
stating that the people dwelling on the banks of the Gambia are
Mandingoes, adds, “ou Sosés, pour m’exprimer comme eux.” The Ṣúṣú
language, which is widely understood, is most correctly spoken by the
Mandingoes (Gram. and Vocab. of the Susoo Language, 1802, p. 48). The
Jesuit missionaries unite the two nations; “Zozoes, casta de Mandingos,”
says Sandoval (Hist. de Ethiop. p. 43; see also Jarric, Hist. des Choses
Mémor. III. p. 411). Winterbottom (Account of Nations at Sierra Leone,
I. p. 5,) extends the Ṣúṣú country from the River Kissee to the Rio
Nuñez.]
[Footnote 123: Leo says (pt. VII. c. 5) that Tomboktú was built by Mansá
Suleïmán, but yet there is reason to suspect that he only improved and
raised into importance a place previously existing. Conde (Hist. de la
Dominacion, &c., I. p. 402,) speaks of a chieftain named Mansur el
Tombuzi; but this title is probably a misreading for Tombúṭí; Tomboktú
being commonly called in Barbary Tombúṭ, or Tombúṭo. The passage here
referred to occurs in the annals of the year 297 H. (A.D. 909.)]
IBN BAṬÚṬAH’S JOURNEY.
POSITION OF MALI.
Ibn Baṭúṭah returned to his native city in 1350, after an absence of
five and twenty years, during which time he had visited nearly all the
countries of the east, from Constantinople to China, from Bulghar and
Kipchak Tatary to Zingebar and the Indian islands. He employed the next
year in visiting Spain and Barbary; and then, to complete his
acquaintance with the habitable earth, he undertook the perilous journey
over the desert to the country of the Blacks.[124] In Sijilmésah he was
hospitably entertained by the brother of a merchant whom he had met at
Kan-chan-fu in China, and, purchasing camels and provisions for four
months, he joined a Káfilah which set forward on its march to Negroland
on the 1st of February 1352, under the guidance of Abú Moḥammed
Bandakán, of the tribe of Masúfah.
In twenty-five days the Káfilah arrived at Tegháza, a town in the
desert, where the houses were built of rock salt, and roofed with camel
skins. The inhabitants of the place were slaves of the Masúfah, employed
in excavating and cutting the salt required for the trade with
Negroland. After a delay of ten days on the hill near Tegháza, and
renewing its stock of water at the salt and muddy wells in the hollow
(the supply for the next ten days in the desert being precarious), the
Káfilah resumed its march.[125] It fortunately escaped the much dreaded
difficulties: fresh rain-water lay in all the hollows and crevices of
the rocks; and at one place was found so copious a spring of delicious
water, that the travellers, after satisfying their thirst, washed
themselves and their clothes in the limpid stream. The fine truffles
growing in this tract, compensated in some degree for the troublesome
insects infesting it. One of the merchants belonging to the Káfilah
strayed too far from it, and was lost. This misfortune served as a
warning to Ibn Baṭúṭah, who had previously made it a practice to march
in advance and wander over the plains. The dead body of the strayed
merchant was afterwards found by another Káfilah about a mile from
water.
Táserahlá, the station at which the Káfilah next arrived, was a stagnant
pool, where it was customary to halt three days, for the purpose of
repairing and replenishing the waterskins. It was also usual to send
forward from this place the couriers (el takshíf), a name commonly given
to all of the tribe of Masúfah.[126] For merchants arriving at Táserahlá
always despatched letters to Aïwalátin, apprising their friends of their
approach, and engaging them to meet the Káfilah with water four days
from the latter place. If the courier died on the way, as often
happened, then no assistance came from Aïwalátin, and the Káfilah
perished in consequence. “For,” says the Arab author, “that desert is
filled with demons; and if the courier goes alone, they forthwith
appear, bewilder and startle him, till he strays from the way, when his
destruction is inevitable; for there is no path or track to guide him,
nor anything but an immense wilderness of sand driven about by the
winds, so that where there is now a level plain, there arises in a few
minutes a hillock, which again quickly disappears. The guides in this
desert, therefore, have nothing to rely on but constant practice, and
require no ordinary share of intrepidity and self-possession. The
appearance of our guide, who was one of those best acquainted with the
country, caused me much surprise, inasmuch as he had but one eye, and
that one diseased.”[127]
The merchants of the Káfilah engaged a Masúfí courier for 100 mithḳáls
of gold, and on the sixth day after leaving Táserahlá, they descried
with delight the signal fires of those who had advanced to meet them
from Aïwalátin. The tract passed over abounded in herds of the baḳr el
wuḥash (the Antelope Bubalis), which were chased by the Masúfah, and
killed with arrows. Their flesh, causing thirst, was little eaten: but
their stomachs contained water; and Ibn Baṭúṭah saw with astonishment
their contents drained by the people of the desert. Serpents were also
numerous in the same region. A merchant of Telemsán, who accompanied the
Káfilah, amused himself with catching these reptiles; but he was on one
occasion bitten in the hand, and the inflammation that ensued continuing
to increase, he killed a camel, thrust his wounded hand into the stomach
of the slaughtered animal, and kept it there for some hours, till the
pain was assuaged. The desert travelled over in the last four days to
Aïwalátin differed much from the preceding tract. It was dry and hot in
the highest degree. The Káfilah occasionally met with parties of the
Masúfah and Berdámah, who carried water about for sale. In the foregoing
account of the desert between Táserahlá and Aïwalátin, it is easy to
recognize “The Desert,” properly so called, of El Bekrí, the Desert of
Tíser of El Idrísí, and the Azawad of Leo. The breadth of the dreaded
tract, peopled by the fears of travellers with demons; its distance from
Sijilmésah, and from the southern limit of the Ṣaḥrá; its possessors the
Masúfah; and the numerous serpents infesting it, are all so many marks
whereby it may be discovered under its various denominations.[128]
Two lunar months were spent in the journey from Sijilmésah to
Aïwalátin.[129] This was the frontier territory of Málí, and had for
ruler a black officer named Ḥuseïn Farbá, the word _farbá_ signifying
_governor_ in the language of Málí. Ibn Baṭúṭah was but little pleased
with the manners of the Blacks, among whom he had expected to see more
homage paid to men of his complexion. He even thought of returning
immediately to Sijilmésah, but his original plans preponderated, and he
resolved, at any rate, to explore Negroland. His attention was engaged
by the singular character and customs of the Masúfah, who formed the
higher class of the inhabitants of Aïwalátin. Though Mohammedans, they
had a law of succession resembling that of the pagans of Malabar. Their
women, handsome and finely-formed, went unveiled, and conversed with the
men on terms of freedom and equality which fully spoke the dissolute
manners of the place.[130]
After staying fifty days in Aïwalátin, Ibn Baṭúṭah engaged a Masúfí
guide, and, in company with three merchants, set forward for Málí, which
was a good twenty-four days’ journey distant. In ten days he came to
Zágharí, a large town inhabited by black traders, and some whites of the
Ibádhíyah sect, called Ṣaghanghú. Leaving Zágharí, he arrived at
Kársekhó, “a city on the bank of the Great River which is the Nile.”
After describing the downward course of the river in terms which shall
be examined further on, the traveller’s narrative thus proceeds:—“We
marched from Kársekhó and came to the river Ṣanṣarah, which is ten miles
from Málí, and it being the custom of the country that no one enters
there without asking leave, I wrote to the company of Whites, and to its
chief, Moḥammed ben Alfaḳíh Algezúlí, and also to Shemso-d-dín, to
engage me a lodging; and so, when I came to the river (Ṣanṣarah), I
embarked in a canoe, and without further trouble, arrived at the city of
Málí, the residence of the Sultan of Negroland; and, landing near the
burial ground, I walked directly to the quarter of the Whites, and found
Moḥammed ben Alfaḳíh, who had procured me a lodging opposite to his own
house.”[131]
Ibn Baṭúṭah fell sick soon after his arrival in the capital of Málí, and
two months elapsed before he was able to visit Mansá Suleïmán. Returning
on that occasion from the palace, he was followed by those who brought
the King’s present. They called to him to rise and receive it, while
they bore it towards him with an air of much importance. But what was
the surprise of the Arab traveller, who expected to receive a handsome
garment, or a sum of money, to find the royal gift to consist of only
three scraps of bread, some hashed mutton, and a calabash of milk. He
subsequently took occasion to reprove Mansá Suleïmán for his want of
munificence, and thereupon received from him, as a conciliatory gift, a
robe, lodging, an allowance while he remained, with a sum of money at
his departure.
But the arrangements of Mansá Suleïmán’s court did not betray the sordid
disposition imputed to him. They appear to have been conceived in a
style of rude pomp and majesty no longer witnessed in the same country.
Within the royal palace was an alcove or vaulted chamber communicating
with the interior, and having towards the hall of audience three windows
covered with silver gratings, and as many more with gratings of gold or
silver gilt. Over these gratings hung silk curtains, the drawing of
which served to show that the king was seated within. The officers and
people then assembled. The Farárí or chief captains, with their archers,
spearmen, and musicians, ranged themselves on both sides of the alcove,
and on the signal being given, by thrusting a handkerchief of Egyptian
muslin through the grating of one of the windows, the musicians fell to
work with drums, ivory flutes, pipes of cane and calabashes, and made an
extraordinary din. Outside the alcove stood Dúghá, the interpreter, and
near him a man who carried his words to the king, and brought back the
royal answer.[132]
At times the king gave audience in the open air, seated on a platform
covered with silk, and called Bámbi. A large silk umbrella, like a
canopy, was held over his head, having on the top a golden bird as large
as a falcon. He walked slowly on these occasions, surrounded by 300
armed slaves. Two horses and two rams were led forth, among other
emblems of royal state. The King’s words gave rise to laudatory
harangues in the assembly, in the course of which the soldiers signified
their approbation by twanging their bows. Whoever spoke to the King, or
was addressed by him, stripped himself to the waist, and, throwing
himself prostrate, sprinkled dust or clay over his head, and beat the
ground with his elbows. The frequent exhibition of this abject humility
offended Ibn Baṭúṭah, who also reprobates the custom of allowing the
female slaves and young girls, not excepting the King’s daughters, to go
completely naked, and to appear in that state before the King himself.
He censures also the grotesque exhibitions of the poets or mimes, who
were called _jolá_ (the plural of _jál_).[133] He witnessed the
performance of one who wore a masquerade dress of feathers, with a
wooden head, like that of some bird, and, thus disguised, delivered an
extemporaneous harangue before the King. He says nothing of the industry
or trade of Málí; yet the length at which he describes the dresses of
the courtiers, and his frequent mention of silks and of gold and silver
ornaments, show that the Negro city did not impress his mind with the
idea of poverty. The King wore a gown of European manufacture.
Among the Mandingoes or other nations in Western Africa, no trace at
present exists of the manners of Málí, or of the pompous forms of a
great monarchy. But in Yariba and Bergú, on the banks of the Quorra, we
find absolute sovereigns, who are approached with the same humiliating
ceremonies above described. While the King sits richly clothed, and the
musicians strain their efforts, the courtiers strip themselves to the
waist, and bow their heads to the dust. In Bergú the King is followed by
a troop of naked girls.[134] The idea of royalty as regards both its
internal principle and external form, is now in Yariba precisely what it
was five centuries ago in Málí; and this remarkable fact may perhaps
justify the suspicion that the people of Málí originally issued from the
country adjoining Bergú, Yariba, and Dahómy, and wherein there now
exists a Mohammedan, and probably a Mandingo state called Magho.[135]
Ibn Baṭúṭah relates his departure from Málí in these words: “I arrived
in Málí on the 14th of the month Jumáda-l-awwal, of the year 753 (29th
June, 1352), and I left it on the 22nd of Moharrem in the following year
(27th February, 1353). I departed in company with a merchant named Abú
Bekr Ibn Yakúb, and we took the road to Mímah. I rode on a camel,
because horses are so dear in that country that one often costs 100
mithḳáls.” From these expressions, combined with those in which he
describes his arrival in Málí, it appears evident that he never crossed
the Great River, and therefore that the city of Málí must have stood on
the northern side of that stream. He came to Kársekhó, situate on the
northern bank of the Great River, “which is the Nile.” He did not cross
this stream, but proceeding to the river Ṣanṣarah, and embarking on it,
he reached Málí. When quitting this place, he mounted his camel at once,
and took the road to Mímah. It is therefore certain that Málí was on the
same bank of the Great River as Kársekhó and Mímah.
To this conclusion it may be objected, that Leo Africanus places Melli
(Málí) on a southern branch of the Great River, or Niger, as he styles
it. But that writer’s statements, if viewed comprehensively, and
thoroughly understood, will be found to afford, in this instance, no
firm ground whereon to build an argument. He says that the country
called by the Moors Gheneoa (Genéwah), and by the natives Genni (Jenni),
extends 250 miles along the Niger, to the place where that river enters
the ocean. And again, he says that Melli lies to the south of Gheneoa,
and extends 300 miles along a branch of the Niger. Now it is obvious
that the river on which Melli stood, is converted into a branch of the
Niger by the same hypothesis which led the river of Genni directly
westward to the ocean; and we are not bound, while rejecting the
erroneous theory, to respect the modifications forced by it on
collateral information; nor to admit Leo’s descriptions, clothed in the
language of system, in opposition to Ibn Baṭúṭah’s clear statement of
facts.[136]