CHAPTER IX

THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM

In new countries population may increase by immigration as well as by

the surplus of births over deaths. Immigration is, therefore, a

secondary means of increasing the population of a country, and in new

countries is often of great importance.

Immigration, or the migration of a people into a country, along with its

correlative emigration, or the migration of a people out of a country,

constitutes a most important social phenomenon. All peoples seem more or

less migratory in their habits. Man has been a wanderer upon the face of

the earth since the earliest times. According to modern anthropology the

human species probably evolved in a relatively narrow area and peopled

the earth by successive migrations to distant lands. In all ages,

therefore, we find more or less migratory movements of populations. But

the movements in modern times, particularly in the nineteenth century,

probably exceed, in the number of individuals concerned, any other

migratory movements of which we have knowledge in history. Ancient

migrations were, moreover, somewhat different from modern immigration

and emigration. Ancient migrations were largely those of peoples or

tribes, while in modern times migration is more of an individual matter.

The Huns, for example, came into Europe as a nation, but the immigration

into the United States at the present time is wholly an individual

movement. The causes of migration are more or less universal, but

corresponding to the difference in ancient and modern migrations we find

the causes varying somewhat in ancient and modern times. The causes of

ancient migrations and the primary causes of all migrations seem to be:

(1) lack of food; (2) lack of territory for an expanding population; (3)

war. In modern times we find other causes operating, like, (4) the labor

market; men now migrate chiefly to get better economic opportunities;

(5) government; in modern times the oppression of unjust governments has

often caused extensive migration; (6) religion; religious persecution

and intolerance have in modern times been important among the causes of

migration.

History of Immigration into the United States.--The great economic

opportunities offered by the settlement of the vast territory of the

United States, together with a combination of causes in Europe, partly

political, partly religious, and partly economic, have caused, during

the last century, a flood of immigrants from practically all European

countries, to invade the United States, greater in number of individuals

than any recorded migration in history. Between 1820, the first year for

which we have immigration statistics, and 1907, 25,318,000 immigrants

sought homes, temporarily or permanently, in this country,--more than

one half of them coming since 1880. Before 1820 it is improbable that

immigration into the United States assumed any large proportions. Even

up to 1840 the number of immigrants was comparatively insignificant.

Thus in 1839 the number was only 68,000, and not until 1842 did the

number of immigrants first cross the 100,000 mark. Owing to the potato

famine in Ireland in the forties, however, and to the unsuccessful

revolution in Germany in 1848, the number of immigrants from Europe

began greatly to increase. From 1851 to 1860 inclusive no less than

2,598,000 immigrants sought homes in this country. The number fell off

greatly during the Civil War, and did not reach the same proportions

again until the eighties, when from 1881 to 1890 the volume of

immigration rose to 5,246,000. The number of immigrants again declined

during the nineties, owing largely to the financial depression in the

United States, to 3,800,000; but during the decade, 1901-1910, it

surpassed all former records, and amounted to nearly 9,000,000.

It is curious to note how the maximum periods of immigration have

hitherto been about ten or twenty years apart. Thus the first noteworthy

maximum of 427,000, in 1854, was not surpassed again until 1873, when

another maximum of 459,000 was recorded; in 1882 another maximum was

reached of 788,000, and in 1903 another maximum of 857,000. After 1903,

however, immigration went on increasing until 1907. These fluctuations

in immigration correspond to the economic prosperity of the country,

and, as Professor Commons has shown, are almost identical with the

fluctuations in foreign imports. This shows very conclusively the

prevailing economic character of modern migration.

During 1905, 1906, and 1907, indeed, the United States received more

immigrants than its total population at the time of the Declaration of

Independence. In 1905 the number was 1,027,000; in 1906, 1,100,000; in

1907, 1,285,000. It seems probable, however, that about twenty-five per

cent will have to be deducted from these immigration statistics in

prosperous years to allow for emigrants returning to their home

countries. In a year of economic depression like 1908 when only 782,000

immigrants entered the country, the number of emigrants returning was

over one half of the total number who entered.

Previous to 1890, nearly all of the immigrants who came to us came from

the countries of Northern Europe. It has been claimed that as high as

ninety per cent came from Teutonic and Celtic countries, and were,

accordingly, almost of the same blood as the early settlers; but since

1890 the character of our immigration has changed so that since that

time nearly seventy per cent have come from non-Teutonic countries, such

as Russia, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Greece. The period of maximum

immigration for the Irish to this country was the forties and fifties;

the period of maximum immigration for the Germans was the fifties and

eighties; and for the English, the seventies and eighties. But the

period of maximum immigration for the Italians can scarcely as yet be

reckoned by decades at all. The Italians first began coming in numbers

exceeding 100,000 only in 1900, but in 1906, 273,000 of our immigrants

were Italians, and in 1907, 285,000. This latter number is larger than

any single European nationality ever sent to us in a single year, unless

we except the 338,000 people of various nationalities sent to us by

Austria-Hungary in the same year. The immigration from Austria-Hungary,

also, to the United States did not exceed 100,000 until the year 1900,

but by 1905 it had reached 275,000, and, as has been said, in 1907

reached 338,000. The immigration from Russia, consisting largely of

Russian Jews and Poles began to be considerable, if we include Poland in

Russia, by 1892, when it reached 122,000. In 1903, after falling off, it

reached 136,000; in 1906, 215,000; and in 1907, 258,000.

_Present Sources of our Immigration_. These statistics have been

cited to show the change in the sources from which we are receiving

immigrants. This can be brought out still more clearly by contrasting a

typical year previous to 1890 with one of the latest years. The year

1882 was the year, previous to 1890, of maximum immigration into this

country. During that year we received 788,000 immigrants. Nearly all, as

the table which we are about to give will show, came from countries of

Northern Europe. In order to contrast the sources of our immigration a

quarter of a century ago with the present sources, we will compare the

year 1882 with the year 1907, which thus far has been the year of

maximum immigration into the United States,--the total number of

immigrants for 1907 being 1,285,000:

IMMIGRATION, 1882.

Per cent.

Great Britain and Ireland ................. 179,423 22.8

Germany ................................... 250,630 31.7

Scandinavia ............................... 105,326 13.3

Netherlands, France, Switzerland, etc. .... 27,795 3.5

Total Western Europe ...................... 71.3

Italy ..................................... 32,159 4.1

Austria-Hungary ........................... 29,150 3.7

Russia, etc. .............................. 22,010 2.7

Total Southern and Eastern Europe ......... 10.5

All other countries ....................... 18.2

[Footnote: 1. Of the immigration from

"other countries" 98,295 was from British

North America, or 12.4 per cent of the

total. This,added to the 71.3 per cent from

Western Europe, makes a total of 83.7 of

the immigrants in 1882 of West European

stock.]

100.0

IMMIGRATION, 1907.

Per cent.

Great Britain and Ireland ................. 113,567 8.8

Scandinavia ............................... 49,965 3.9

Germany ................................... 37,807 2.9

Netherlands, France, Switzerland, etc. .... 26,512 2.1

Total Western Europe ...................... 17.7

Austria-Hungary ........................... 338,452 26.3

Italy ..................................... 285,731 22.2

Russia .................................... 258,943 20.1

Greece, Servia, Roumania, etc. ............ 88,482 6.9

Total Southern and Eastern Europe ......... 75.5

All other countries ....................... 6.8

100.0

It will be noted that while in 1882, 71.3 per cent of our immigrants

came from the countries of Western Europe, only 10.5 per cent came from

the countries of Southern and Eastern Europe. In 1907 the situation was

very nearly reversed. In 1907 Great Britain and Ireland, and

Scandinavia, Germany, The Netherlands, Belgium, France, and

Switzerland--the countries which had furnished 71.3 per cent of our

immigrants in 1882--furnished only 17.7 per cent, while Austria-Hungary,

Italy, Russia, Greece, Servia, Roumania, and Turkey in Europe--the

countries which had furnished but 10.5 per cent in 1882--furnished 75.5

per cent. This matter of changed sources from which we receive our

immigrants evidently is one of first importance in any consideration of

the present immigration problem of the United States.

_The Distribution of Immigrants._ If immigrants would distribute

themselves evenly over the United States, the immigration problem would

be quite different from what it is. Instead of this, there is a massing

of immigrants in some states and communities, and very little evidence

to show that these immigrants ever distribute themselves normally over

the whole country. In 1906, for example, the Commissioner of Immigration

reported that 68.3 per cent of the 1,100,000 immigrants who came that

year went to the North Atlantic states; 22.1 per cent to the North

Central states; 4.4 per cent to the Western states; and 4.2 per cent to

the Southern states. If these figures are at all trustworthy, they

indicate a congestion of our recent immigrants in the North Atlantic

states and in certain states of the Central West. So far as the census

is concerned, it tends to confirm these statistics of the Commissioner

of Immigration. Our last census returns, being for 1900, can show

little, of course, of the distribution of the great number of recent

immigrants that have come from Southern and Eastern Europe. Still the

1900 census contains some interesting facts regarding the distribution

of foreign born, or immigrants, that have been received previous to

1900. According to the census of 1900 the number of foreign born in the

United States was 10,460,000, or 13.7 per cent of the total population.

But these foreign born were confined almost entirely to the Northern

states, that is, the North Atlantic states and North Central states. In

1900 the Southern states (South Atlantic and South Central) contained

but 4.6 per cent of the total foreign born of the country. The reason

why so few of our immigrants have thus far settled in the South is

perhaps chiefly because of the competition which the cheap negro labor

of the South would offer to them, and also because the South is still

largely agricultural, offering few opportunities for the industrial

employments, into which a majority of our immigrants go. In the North

Atlantic states in 1900 nearly one fourth of the population was foreign

born, and 20.7 per cent in the Western states. The following statistics

will show the percentage of foreign born in typical states: North

Dakota, 35.4 per cent; Rhode Island, 31.4 per cent; Massachusetts, 30

per cent; Minnesota, 28.9 per cent; New York, 26 per cent; Wisconsin,

24.9 per cent; California, 24.7 per cent; Montana, 27.6 per cent;

Indiana, 8.5 per cent; Maryland, 7.9 per cent; Missouri, 7 per cent;

North Carolina, 0.2 per cent; and Mississippi, 0.5 per cent. The

influence of the foreign born in a community, however, is better shown,

perhaps, if we consider the number of those of foreign parentage, that

is, the foreign born and their children, than if we consider the number

of foreign born alone. In a large number of states more than one half of

the population is of foreign parentage. Thus North Dakota had in 1900,

77.5 per cent of its population of foreign parentage; Minnesota, 74.9

per cent; Wisconsin, 71.2 per cent; Rhode Island, 64.2 per cent;

Massachusetts, 62.3 per cent; South Dakota, 61.1 per cent; Utah, 61.2

per cent; New York, 59.4 per cent. Connecticut, New Jersey, Illinois,

Michigan, Montana, Nevada, and California all also had more than one

half of their population of foreign parentage in 1900. For the United

States as a whole the number of foreign parentage in 1900 amounted to

34.3 per cent, or 26,000,000 out of a total population of 76,000,000.

Many of our large cities also have a high percentage of foreign born and

of foreign parentage in their population. The percentage of foreign born

in some of our largest cities in 1900 was as follows:

Per cent.

New York........................................... 37

Chicago............................................ 34.6

Philadelphia....................................... 22.8

Saint Louis........................................ 19.4

Boston............................................. 35.1

Baltimore.......................................... 13.5

San Francisco...................................... 34.1

Cleveland.......................................... 32.6

These same cities had the following percentage of foreign parentage in

their population:

Per cent.

New York........................................... 76.9

Chicago............................................ 77.4

Philadelphia....................................... 54.9

St. Louis.......................................... 61.0

Boston............................................. 72.2

Baltimore.......................................... 38.2

San Francisco...................................... 75.2

Cleveland.......................................... 75.6

These figures show the tendency of our immigrants to mass together in

certain states and also in our great cities; so that it has come about

that it is said that New York is the largest German city in the world

except Berlin; the largest Italian city except Rome; the largest Polish

city except Warsaw, and by far the largest Jewish city in the world.

Only one nationality distributes itself relatively evenly over the

country, and that is the British. All other nationalities have certain

favorite sections in which they settle. Thus, the Irish settle mainly in

the North Atlantic states; the Germans have two favorite settlements in

the United States, one of them consisting of New York and Pennsylvania,

and the other of Wisconsin and Illinois, though Michigan, Iowa, and

Missouri also contain a large number of Germans. The Scandinavians

locate chiefly in the Northwest, especially in Minnesota, North and

South Dakota; and the large number of foreign parentage in those states

is due to Scandinavian immigration. All these nationalities, however,

readily assimilate with our population, as they have very largely the

same social and political standards and ideals. But this is not true

regarding some of the more recent immigrants from Southern and Eastern

Europe, whose massing in large communities of their own must be regarded

as a more serious matter. The census does not help us to find out how

far these recent immigrants have massed in certain localities, but the

Commissioner of Immigration has kept statistics of the destination of

these recent immigrants, and they show the following results: In 1907,

of the 294,000 Italian speaking immigrants who came to us in that year,

120,000 settled in the state of New York; 53,000 in Pennsylvania; 19,000

in Massachusetts; and 17,000 in New Jersey. Three fourths of the Italian

immigrants, in other words, apparently go to these four states. Of the

138,000 Poles who came in 1907, 33,000 were bound to Pennsylvania,

31,000 to New York, 12,000 to New Jersey, and 17,000 to Illinois. These

four states seem to constitute the favorite places of settlement for the

Slavs. Of the 149,000 Russian and Polish Hebrews who came in 1907,

93,000 settled in New York state, 15,000 in Pennsylvania, and 9000 in

Massachusetts, these three states being the favorite places of

settlement for recent Jewish immigrants.

It seems clear from these figures that the congestion of recent

immigrants is serious, and it is a question whether with such congestion

it will be possible to assimilate these recent comers, so unlike

ourselves in social traditions and ideals, to the American type. It is

claimed by some that there is no serious congestion of immigrants in

this country, and that the immigrants distribute themselves through the

operation of normal economic influences in the places where they are

most needed, and that we need not, therefore, be concerned about the

congestion of foreign born in certain communities. This view, however,

that economic laws or forces will sufficiently attend to this matter of

the distribution of our immigrants, is not borne out by the facts of

ordinary observation and experience.

_The Distribution of Immigrants in Industry_. It is probably safe

to say that four fifths of our recent immigrants belong to the unskilled

class of laborers, though the percentage of unskilled fluctuates greatly

from year to year and from nationality to nationality. Out of the total

of 1,285,000 immigrants in 1907 only 12,600 were recorded by the

Commissioner of Immigration as belonging to the professional classes;

190,000, or about 15 per cent, were skilled laborers, including all who

had any trade; while 760,000 were unskilled laborers, including farm and

day laborers, 304,000 being persons of no occupation, including women

and children. When we consider the matter by races, the contrast is even

more striking. Of the 242,000 South Italian immigrants in 1907 only 701

were professional men; 26,000, or 11 per cent, were skilled laborers;

while the number of unskilled amounted to 161,000, or 66 per cent. Of

the 138,000 Poles who came in 1907, only 273 were professional men;

8000, or 6 per cent, were skilled laborers; and 107,000, or 77 per cent,

were unskilled. In the case of the Hebrews, however, there is a much

higher percentage of skilled laborers and professional men. It is

claimed by those who favor the policy of unrestricted immigration that

what this country needs at present is a large supply of unskilled

laborers, and so the fact that the mass of immigrants belong to the

unskilled class of laborers, it is said, is no objection to them.

Again, the census of 1900 shows a very uneven distribution of the

foreign born among the different classes of occupations. Thus, while the

foreign born constituted about one seventh of the population, over one

third of those engaged in manufacturing were foreign born; one half of

those engaged in mining were foreign born; one fourth of those engaged

in transportation were foreign born; one fourth of those engaged in

domestic service were also foreign born, while only one eighth of those

engaged in agriculture were foreign born. This shows that the tendency

of the foreign born is to mass in such industries as mining,

manufacturing, and transportation. It is undoubtedly in these industries

that there is the greatest demand for cheap labor, and the presence of a

large number of unskilled foreign laborers has made it possible for the

American capitalists to develop these industries under such conditions

probably faster than they would otherwise have been developed. At the

same time, however, all of this has been a hardship to the native-born

American laborer, and the tendency has been to eliminate the native born

from these occupations to which the immigrants have flocked.

Some Other Social Effects of Immigration.--(1) The influence on the

proportion of the sexes of immigration into this country has without

doubt been considerable. In 1907, out of a total of 1,285,349

immigrants, 929,976 were males and 355,373 were females. For a long

period of years about two thirds of all the immigrants into the United

States have been males. This has considerably affected the proportion of

the sexes in the United States, making the males about 1,000,000 in

excess in our population. The influence of such a discrepancy in the

proportion of the sexes is difficult to state, but it is obvious, from

all that has previously been said about the importance of the numerical

equality of the sexes in society, that the influence must be a

considerable one, and that not for good.

(2) The following table shows how far the increase of population in the

United States in the decennial periods since 1800 has been due to

immigration and to reproduction. Until 1840 the increase by immigration

was so small as to be hardly noticeable, and therefore no account of it

is taken.

Total Increase By Immigration By Birth

Year Per cent. Per cent. Per cent.

1800 35.70

1810 36.38

1820 34.07

1830 33.55

1840 32.67 4.66 28.01

1850 35.87 10.04 25.83

1860 35.58 11.12 24.46

1870 22.63 7.25 15.38

1880 30.08 7.29 22.79

1890 24.86 10.40 15.40

1900 20.73 5.86 14.87

This table shows that it is not certain that immigration has increased

the total population of the United States, as a decrease of the natural

birth rate seems to have accompanied increasing immigration. For this

reason Professor Francis A. Walker held that it was doubtful that

immigration had added anything to the population of the United States.

At any rate, the population of the country was increasing just as

rapidly before the large volume of immigration was received as it

increased at any later time. Again, the Southern states, which have

received practically no immigrants since the Civil War, have increased

their population as rapidly as the Northern states, that is, the

increase of population among the Southern whites has been equal to that

of the Northern assisted by immigration. These two facts suggest that

the immigrants have simply displaced an equal number of native born who

would have been furnished by birth rate if the immigrants had never

come.

(3) Immigration has very largely aided in maintaining a considerable

amount of illiteracy in the United States in spite of the effects of the

propaganda for popular education which has been carried on now for the

last fifty years or more. In 1900 there were still 6,246,000 illiterates

above the age of ten years in the United States, which was 10.7 per cent

of the population above that age. Of these, about 3,200,000 were whites,

and of this number, again, 1,293,000 were foreign born. Nearly all of

the native white illiterates in the United States are found in the

Southern states, the white illiteracy in the Northern states being

practically confined to the foreign born. Thus, in the state of New York

5.5 per cent are illiterate, but of the native whites only 1.2 per cent

are illiterate, while 14 per cent of the foreign population can neither

read nor write. Again, in Massachusetts 5 per cent of the population are

illiterate, but of the native whites only 0.8 per cent are illiterate,

while 14.6 per cent of the foreign born are illiterate. Statistics of

illiteracy for our cities show the same results. Thus, in the city of

New York 6.8 per cent of the population are illiterate, but only 0.4 per

cent of the native whites are illiterate, while 13.9 per cent of the

foreign born are illiterate. Boston has 5.1 per cent of its total

population illiterate, but only 0.2 per cent of its native white

population are illiterate, while 11.3 per cent of its foreign-born

population are illiterate. Of the total immigration in 1907, 30 per cent

were illiterate. The number of illiterates from different countries

varies greatly. In 1907, 53 per cent of the immigrants from Southern

Italy were illiterate. In the same year 40 per cent of the Poles were

illiterate, 25 per cent of the Slovaks from Austria, 56 per cent of the

Ruthenians from Austria, 29 per cent of the Russian Jews, and 54 per

cent of the Syrians. The bulk of our immigration is now made up of these

people from Southern and Eastern Europe, among whom the illiteracy is

high. It is interesting to contrast the condition of these people with

the immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, whence our immigration

was mainly received a few years ago. The percentage of illiteracy among

the immigrants from Western Europe is very low. Thus, in 1907 among the

French it was only 4 per cent; among the Germans, 4 per cent; Irish, 3

per cent; English, 2 per cent; and Scandinavians, less than 1 per cent.

Connected more or less with this fact of illiteracy is the number in our

population who cannot speak English. In 1900 the number of persons in

the United States above the age of ten years who could not speak English

was reported by the census to be 1,463,000, but it is probable, owing to

the recent large immigration, that the number is at least twice that at

the present time.

(4) Crime and Poverty. It is said that crime is apt to accompany

migration. However, down to 1904 our immigrants have not shown any

exaggerated tendency to crime. The special prison census of 1904 showed

that 23.7 per cent of the male white prisoners were foreign born, while

23 per cent of the general male white population above the age of

fifteen years were foreign born. This shows a tendency to crime among

the foreign born not greatly out of proportion to their numbers in the

population. The same census, however, showed that 29.8 per cent of all

white male prisoners committed during 1904 were born of foreign parents,

while this element constituted only 18.8 per cent of the general white

male population. Thus, among the children of the foreign born there

appears to be an exaggerated tendency to crime, while not among the

foreign born themselves. The probable explanation of this is that the

children of the foreign born are often reared in our large cities, and

particularly in the slum districts of those cities. Thus the high

criminality of the children of the foreign born is perhaps largely a

product of urban life, but it may be suggested also that the children of

the foreign born lack adequate parental control in their new American

environment. Certain elements among our immigrants, however, seem

strongly predisposed to crime. This is especially true of the Southern

Italian. For example, the census of 1904 showed that 6.1 per cent of the

foreign-born prisoners committed during 1904 were Italian, while

Italians constituted but 4.7 per cent of the total foreign-born

population. Moreover, if we consider simply serious offenses, the

evidence of the criminality of the Italian immigrant is even still more

striking, for 14.4 per cent of the foreign-born major offenders

committed during 1904 were Italians, while, as was just said, Italians

constituted only 4.7 per cent of the total foreign-born population.

In the matter of poverty and dependence the foreign born make a more

unfavorable showing. In the special census report on paupers for 1904

the proportion of foreign born among almshouse paupers was about twice

as great as among the native born. Again, in a special investigation

conducted by the Commissioner of Immigration in the year 1907-1908, out

of 288,395 inmates of charitable institutions there were 60,025 who were

foreign born, or about 21 per cent, and out of 172,185 inmates of insane

hospitals, 50,734, or about 29 per cent, were foreign born. Inasmuch as

the foreign born probably did not constitute in 1907-1908 more than 15

or 16 per cent of the total population of both sexes, it is seen that

the foreign born contribute out of their proportion both to inmates of

charitable institutions and to the number of the insane. The experience

of Charity Organization Societies in our large cities, especially New

York, confirms these findings. It is not surprising, indeed, that many

of our immigrants should soon need assistance after landing in this

country, inasmuch as a very large proportion of them come to the United

States bringing little or no money with them. Thus, for a number of

years the amount of money brought by immigrants from Russia has varied

from nine to fifteen dollars per head. On account of the difficulties of

economic adjustment in a new country it is not surprising, then, that

many of the immigrants become more or less dependent, some temporarily

and some permanently.

Immigration into Other Countries.--It has been suggested that with the

opening up of other new countries the immigration problem of the United

States would solve itself, and that so many emigrants from Europe will

soon be going to South America, South Africa, and Australia that this

country will be in no danger of receiving more than its share. Down to

recent years, however, there have been little or no signs of such a

diversion of the stream of immigration from Europe into those countries.

The principal countries which receive immigrants other than the United

States are Brazil, Argentina, Canada, and Australia. While Brazil has

received between 1855 and 1904 a total of 2,096,000 immigrants, the

present number of immigrants into Brazil seems to be comparatively

small, for in 1904 it was only 12,400. Argentina, next to the United

States, receives the most considerable immigration from Europe. From

1857 to 1906 Argentina received 3,639,000 immigrants. In 1906 the number

was 252,000, of whom 127,000 were Italian, 17,000 Russian Hebrews, and

the remainder from various European nationalities. The foreign

immigration into other South American countries is comparatively

insignificant. In 1906 Australia received 148,000 immigrants, most of

whom were British, but the emigration from Australia almost equaled the

immigration into Australia in that year. Again, in 1906 the Dominion of

Canada received 189,000 immigrants, chiefly from Great Britain and the

United States. An unknown number, however, of Canadians migrated across

the border into the United States,--no record being kept of Canadian

immigration into the United States since 1885, except of those who come

by way of seaports. Thus it is certain that the United States receives

more immigration at the present time than all the other countries of the

world combined, and, as we have said, there is as yet little or no

evidence that the stream of European emigration will be diverted for

some years to come to these other countries. The problem of immigration

in the United States is not, therefore, a problem of the past, but is

still a problem of the future. Therefore, the question of reasonable

restrictions upon immigration into this country and of the improvement

of the immigrants that we admit is still a pressing problem of the day.

Proposed Immigration Restrictions.--There are no good moral or political

grounds to exclude all immigrants from this country. The question is not

one of the prohibition of immigration, but one of reasonable

restrictions upon immigration, or, as Professor Commons has said, of the

_improvement_ of immigration.

There can be no question as to the moral right of the United States to

restrict immigration. If it is our duty to develop our institutions and

our national life in such a way that they will make the largest possible

contribution to the good of humanity, then it is manifestly our duty to

exclude from membership in American society elements which might prevent

our institutions from reaching their highest and best development. All

restrictions to immigration, it must be admitted, must be based, not

upon national selfishness, but upon the principle of the good of

humanity; and there can be no doubt that the good of humanity demands

that every nation protect its people and its institutions from elements

which may seriously threaten their stability and survival. The arguments

in favor of further restrictions upon the immigration into this country

may be summed up along four lines:

(1) _The Industrial Argument_. Many of the immigrants work for low

wages, and, as we have already seen, offer such competition that the

native born, in certain lines of industry, are almost entirely

eliminated. This has been, no doubt, a hardship to the native-born

American workingman. While we have been zealous to protect the American

workingman from the unfair competition of European labor by high

protective tariffs, yet inconsistently we have permitted great numbers

of European laborers to compete with the American workingman upon his

own soil. On the other hand, this large supply of cheap labor, as we

have already seen, has enabled American capitalists to develop American

industries very rapidly, to dominate in many cases the markets of the

world, and to add greatly to the wealth of the country. It has been

chiefly the large employers of labor in the United States, together with

the steamship companies, who have opposed any considerable restrictions

upon immigration, and thus far their power with Congress has

successfully prevented the passing of stringent immigration laws. On the

whole, it is probably true that if industrial arguments alone are to be

taken into consideration upon the immigration problem, the weight of the

argument would be on the side of unrestricted immigration. But

industrial arguments are not the only ones to be taken into

consideration in considering the immigration problem, and this has been

hitherto one of the great mistakes of many in discussing the problem.

(2) _The Social Argument._ Many of our recent immigrants are at

least very difficult of social assimilation. They are clannish, tend to

form colonies of their own race in which their language, customs, and

ideals are preserved. This is especially true of the illiterate

immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. As we have already seen,

the rate of illiteracy among certain of our recent immigrants is so high

that they can scarcely be expected to participate in our social life.

Just the social effect of such colonies of different peoples and

nationalities upon our own social life and institutions cannot well be

foreseen, but it can scarcely be a good effect. The public school, it is

true, does much to assimilate to American ideals and standards the

children of even the most unassimilable immigrants. The public school is

not as yet, however, a perfect agency of socialization, and even when

attended by the children of these immigrants they fail to receive from

it, in many cases, the higher elements of our culture and still continue

to remain essentially foreign in their thought and actions.

(3) _The Political Argument._ Many of these immigrants are,

therefore, incapable of understanding and appreciating our free

institutions. They are not fit to vote intelligently, but are

nevertheless quickly naturalized and form a very large per cent of our

voting population, especially in our large cities. As a rule, they do

not sell their votes, but their votes are often under the control of a

few leaders, and thus they are able to hold, oftentimes, the balance of

power between parties and factions. It is questionable whether free

institutions can work successfully under such conditions.

(4) _The Racial or Biological Argument._ Undoubtedly the strongest

arguments in favor of further restriction upon immigration into the

United States are of a biological nature. The peoples that are coming to

us at present belong to a different race from ours. They belong to the

Slavic and Mediterranean subraces of the white race. Now, the Slavic and

Mediterranean races have never shown the capacity for self-government

and free institutions which the peoples of Northern and Western Europe

have shown. It is doubtful if they have the same capacity for

self-government. Moreover, the whole history of the social life and

social ideals of these people shows them to have been in their past

development very different from ourselves. Of course, if heredity counts

for nothing it will only be a few generations before the descendants of

these people will be as good Americans as any. But this is the question,

Does heredity count for nothing? or does blood tell? Are habits of

acting and, therefore, social and institutional life, dependent, more or

less, on the biological heredity of peoples, or are they entirely

independent of such biological influence? There is much diversity of

opinion upon this question, but perhaps the most trustworthy opinion

inclines to the view that racial heredity, even between subraces of the

white race, is a factor of great moment and must be taken into account.

It is scarcely probable that a people of so different racial heredity

from ourselves as the Southern Italians, for example, will develop our

institutions and social life exactly as those of the same blood as

ourselves. It is impossible to think that the Latin temperament would

express itself socially in the same ways as the Teutonic temperament.

Certainly the coming to us of the vast numbers of peoples from Southern

and Eastern Europe is destined to change our physical type, and it seems

also probable that if permitted to go on it will change our mental and

social type also. Whether this is desirable or not must be left for each

individual to decide for himself.

Another phase of this biological argument is the necessity of selection,

if we are to avoid introducing into our national blood the degenerate

strains of the oppressed peoples of Southern and Eastern Europe. If

selection counts in the life of a people, as practically all biologists

agree, then the American people certainly have a great opportunity to

exercise selection on a large scale to determine who shall be the

parents of the future Americans. While it is undesirable, perhaps, to

discriminate among immigrants on the ground of race, it would certainly

be desirable to select from all peoples those elements that we could

most advantageously incorporate into our own life. The biological

argument alone, therefore, seems to necessitate the admission of the

importance of rigid selection in the matter of whom we shall admit into

this country. At present, however, almost nothing is being accomplished

in the way of insuring such a selection of the most fit. All that is

attempted at the present time is to eliminate the very least fit, and

the elimination amounts to only about one per cent of all who come to

us.

Our present immigration laws debar a number of classes, chiefly,

however, persons suffering from loathsome or dangerous diseases, persons

who are paupers or likely to become public charges, and contract

laborers, besides Chinese laborers. Practically all who are debarred at

the present time come under these heads. Other classes who are debarred,

however, are idiots, imbeciles, epileptics, insane, criminals, assisted

immigrants, polygamists, anarchists, prostitutes, and procurers. Only an

insignificant number, however, of immigrants are debarred upon these

latter grounds. In 1907, with a total immigration of 1,285,000, only

13,064 were debarred as coming under these excluded classes, or a trifle

over one per cent. For a number of years, indeed, since we have had any

restriction laws at all, the number debarred has been a trifle over one

per cent. Of course, this constitutes no adequate selection of

immigrants which would satisfy biological or even high social

requirements. It would seem, therefore, that our immigration laws, from

a biological and sociological standpoint, are extremely deficient and

that some means of more adequate selection among immigrants should

speedily be found.

It has been suggested that a better selection of immigrants may be

secured by imposing an illiteracy test upon all male immigrants between

the ages of sixteen and fifty years coming to us, excluding those male

immigrants between these ages who cannot read or write in some language.

It is not proposed that this test should take the place of the present

restrictions, but should be in addition to the present restrictions. It

is argued by those who favor this test: (1) that it would exclude those

elements that we desire to exclude, namely, the illiterates from

Southern and Eastern Europe; (2) that it is easy to apply this test; (3)

that immigrants would know before leaving European ports whether they

would be admitted or not; (4) that such a test would have a favorable

educational and, therefore, social effect upon the countries from which

we now draw our largest proportion of illiterate immigrants.

It would seem, however, that the more important tests should be certain

tests as to biological, social, and economic fitness. It would be no

hardship upon any one for this country to require that all immigrants

come up to a certain biological standard and that this standard should

be a very strict one, say, the same as that required for admission to

the United States army; and that furthermore they should possess enough

money to insure the probability of their economic adjustment in this

country. Such tests, moreover, might be enforced by our government

practically without cost, as the burden of making such tests could be

placed entirely upon the steamship companies that bring immigrants to

the United States. It has been shown that a heavy fine of from one

hundred to five hundred dollars for every person that is brought to the

United States that does not conform to the requirements of our

immigration laws is sufficient to make the steamship companies exercise

a very stringent selection upon all whom they bring to us as immigrants.

Finally, something may probably be done to secure a better distribution

of our immigrants through the coöperation of the federal government with

state immigration societies, and with various private employment and

philanthropic agencies. In any case the requirement that the immigrant

shall possess beyond his ticket a certain amount of money, say $25.00,

would help to secure a wider distribution of our immigrants.

Asiatic Immigration.--What has been said regarding there being no good

social or political argument for the prohibition of immigrants does not

apply to Asiatic immigration. Here the importance of the racial factor

becomes so pronounced that it may well be doubted if a policy of

exclusion toward Asiatic immigration would not be the wisest in the long

run for the people of this country.

It is true that but few Asiatic immigrants have as yet come to this

country, but there are grave reasons for believing that if the policy of

exclusion had not been adopted a quarter of a century ago, Asiatic

immigration would now constitute a very considerable proportion of our

total immigration. It is chiefly the Chinese who are the main element in

Asiatic immigration, and between 1851 and 1900 the Chinese sent us a

total of only 310,000 immigrants; but in 1882, the year before the first

Chinese Exclusion Law was put into effect, 39,000 Chinese immigrants

entered the United States, and if their rate of increase had been kept

up the Chinese would now be sending us from 100,000 to 300,000

immigrants annually. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, reenacted and

strengthened again in 1892 and in 1902, excluded all Chinese laborers

from the United States. Consequently in 1890 the census showed only a

total of 107,000 Chinese in this country, and in 1900 only 93,283,

exclusive of Hawaii. In Hawaii, however, there were 25,767 Chinese in

1900, most of whom were residents of the islands previous to the

annexation. The Chinese in continental United States were, moreover,

massed in 1900 chiefly in the Pacific Coast states, there being 67,729

Chinese in the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast states, of which number

45,753 were in California alone.

In judging this question of Asiatic immigration we should accept to a

certain extent the opinion of the people of the Pacific Coast regarding

the problems which these Asiatic immigrants create. At any rate, the

opinion of any group of people who are closest to a social problem

should not be disregarded, as there are probabilities of error on the

part of the distant observer of conditions as well as on the part of

those who stand very close to a social problem. Just as we should accept

the opinion of the Southern people in regard to the negro problem as

worth something, so we should accept the judgment of the people of our

Western states in regard to the Chinese and Japanese also as worth

something. Now, as regards the Chinese, the people of the Pacific Coast

say they would rather have the negro among them than the Chinese. They

have numerous objections to the Chinese, similar to the various lines of

argument which have already been given in favor of the restriction of

immigration. They say, namely, (1) that the Chinese work for wages below

the minimum necessary to maintain life for the white man, and so reduce

the standard of living and crowd out the white working-man. There can

scarcely be any question that the white laboring man is not able to

compete economically with the Chinese laborer.

(2) Again, they claim that the Chinese make no contribution to the

welfare of the country; that they come here to remain several years, to

attain a competence, and then return to China.

(3) It is claimed that the Chinese are grossly immoral, that they are

addicted to the opium habit and other vices, and that so few women come

among the Chinese immigrants that Chinese men menace the virtue of white

women.

(4) The Chinese do not readily assimilate. They keep their language,

religion, and customs. They live largely by themselves, and are even

more completely isolated from American social life than the negro. In

comparison with them, indeed, one is struck with the fact that the negro

has our customs, our religion, our language, and, in so far as he has

been able to attain them, our moral standards, but this is not the case

with the Chinese. It is, moreover, impossible for the Chinese to assume

the white man's standards without losing his own social position among

members of his own race.

(5) The last and strongest argument in favor of the general exclusion of

Chinese laborers from this country, however, is the racial argument. The

Chinese are just as different in race from us as the negro, and if

racial heredity counts for anything it is fatuous to hope to assimilate

them to the social type of the whites. Moreover, if we should open our

doors to the mass of Chinese laborers China would be able to swamp us

with Chinese immigrants. With its hundreds of millions of population

China could spare to us several hundred thousand immigrants each year

without feeling the loss. If we wish to keep the western third of our

country, therefore, a white man's country it would be well not to open

the doors to Chinese immigrants. It is certain that if we open our doors

to the mass of Chinese immigrants we shall have another racial problem

in the West such as we now have in the South with the negro. Those who

claim upon the basis of sentiment or humanity that we should open our

doors and attempt to civilize and christianize the flood of Chinese who

would come to us, probably do not appreciate fully the social status of

the Chinese or the social status of the American people. The truth is we

are not yet ourselves enough civilized to undertake the work of

civilizing and christianizing a very considerable number of people alien

to ourselves in race, religion and social ideals. Again, those who

advocate the free admission of the Chinese probably do not appreciate

the importance of the element of racial heredity in social problems. The

negro problem should have taught us by this time that this factor of

racial heredity is not to be discounted altogether.

All that has been said regarding Chinese immigration applies to Asiatic

immigration in general. It is not surprising, therefore, that since the

Japanese laborers have begun to come to us in large numbers the people

of the Pacific Coast should demand the exclusion of the Japanese

immigrants. While Japan has not the immense population of China and

while the Japanese are perhaps a more adaptable people than the Chinese,

still it would seem that in the main the people of the Pacific Coast are

justified in their fears of the results of a large Japanese immigration.

For the peace of both countries and of the world, therefore, it is to be

hoped that the flow of Japanese laborers into the Western states will be

checked without any disruption of the friendship of the United States

and Japan. The same thing can be said regarding the Hindoo immigrants

who are just beginning to come to us. It would appear that the wisest

policy, therefore, regarding, all Asiatic immigration is the exclusion

of Asiatic laborers, and as these would constitute over nine tenths of

all Asiatic immigrants who might come to us, this would assure a

practical solution of the problem.

SELECT REFERENCES

_For brief reading:_

COMMONS, _Races and Immigrants in America_.

HALL, _Immigration and Its Effect upon the United States_.

MAYO-SMITH, _Emigration and Immigration_.

_For more extended reading:_

GROSE, _The Incoming Millions_.

STEINER, _On the Trail of the Immigrant_.

WHELPLEY, _The Problem of the Immigrant_.

Reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.

_On Chinese Immigration:_

COOLIDGE, _Chinese Immigration_.

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