CHAPTER IX.

THE COTTON-FACTORY OF TO-DAY.

God has not gone to some distant star;

He’s in the mill where the toilers are.

ANNA J. GRANNIS.

I should not feel that the whole purpose of this book had been

fulfilled unless I added a word in behalf of the factory population of

to-day.

It will probably be said that the life I have described cannot be

repeated, and that the modern factory operative is not capable of such

development. If this is a fact, there must be some reason for it.

The factory of to-day might and ought to be as much of a school to

those who work there as was the factory of fifty or sixty years ago.

If the mental status of these modern operatives is different, then

the opportunities of development should be adapted correspondingly to

their needs. The same results, perhaps, cannot be reached, because the

children of New England ancestry had inherited germs of intellectual

life. But is it not also possible that the children of the land of

Dante, of Thomas Moore, of Racine, and of Goethe may be something

more than mere clods? I do not despair of any class of artisans or

operatives, because I believe that there is in them all some germ of

mental vigor, some higher idea of living, waiting for a chance to grow;

and the same encouragement on the part of employers, the same desire to

lift them to a higher level, would soon show of what the present class

of operatives is capable.

What these poor people need is time, and a great deal of help, before

it can be decided what either they or their descendants can make of

themselves. Before an infallible decision can be given, there must be,

perhaps, two or three generations of growth under free institutions,

and under employers who think of something besides coining the bodies

and souls of their employees into dollars and cents.

No one can grow mentally, who has not time to read or to think, and

whose life is a constant struggle to get enough food and clothing for

himself and his family. Our working-people have their intellectual

freedom, as well as the wage-question, to fight for, just as the

ancestors of the early factory-operatives fought for their social

and constitutional liberty. They will carry on the warfare in their

own way; and if employers are wise they will try to do something

practical to prevent strikes, riots, and labor-unions, which are the

working-man’s weapons of defence, and so to “lock the door before the

horse is stolen.”

Not long ago I was invited to speak to a company of the Lowell

mill-girls, and to tell them something about my early life as a member

of the guild. I was doubly willing to do this, as I was desirous of

forming some estimate of the status of these successors of the early

mill-girls.

About two hundred of them assembled in the pleasant parlors of the

People’s Club, and listened attentively to my story. When it was over,

a few of them gathered around, and asked me many questions. In turn I

questioned them,--about their work, their hours of labor, their wages,

and their means of improvement. When I urged them to occupy their spare

time in reading and study, they seemed to understand the necessity of

it, but answered sadly: “We will try; but we work so hard, we tend so

much machinery, and we are so tired.” It was plainly to be seen that

these operatives did not go to their labor with the jubilant feeling

that the old mill-girls used to have; that their work was drudgery,

done without aim and purpose; that they took little interest in it

beyond the thought that it was the means of earning their daily bread.

There was a tired hopelessness about them that I am sure was not often

seen among the early mill-girls, and they had an underfed, prematurely

old look.

The hours of labor are now less, it is true; but the operatives are

obliged to do a far greater amount of work in a given time. They tend

so many looms and frames that they have no time to think. They are

always on the jump; and so have no opportunity to improve themselves.

They are too weary to read good books, and too overworked to digest

what they have read. The souls of many of these mill-girls seemed

starved, and looked from their hungry eyes as if searching for mental

food.

Why are they not fed? The means of education are not wanting. Public

libraries are provided, and they have more leisure to read than the

mill-girls of forty years ago. But they do not seem to know how to

improve it. Their leisure only gives them the more time to be idle

in; more time to waste in the streets, or in reading cheap novels and

stories. It might almost be said that they are worse off than if they

had longer hours, or did not know how to read, unless they can use

to better advantage their extra time, or have the means of suitable

education provided for them.

Let it not be understood that I would take from the operative or the

artisan one of the chances of education. But I would have them taught

how to use wisely those privileges, forced, we might almost say, on

them and on their children. I would also have them taught how inwardly

to digest what they are made to learn. The tools are given them; but

as they are not taught how to use them, these prove but an additional

weapon of defence against employers, and make them more discontented,

and ready to listen to the political demagogue, or the so-called labor

reformer. Then strikes ensue, which usually end, as the first Lowell

one did, for the time being at least, in the success of the employer,

rather than of the employee.

The solution of the labor problem is not in strikes, but, as another

has said, in “bringing the question down to its simplest form, a

practical carrying out of the golden rule; by the employer elevating

the working-man in his own esteem by fair dealing, courteous treatment,

and a constant appeal to his better side; and, on the other hand, in

the working-man himself by the absence of malingering, by honest work,

and a desire to further his employer’s interests; and finally, to

cement the two, a fair distribution of profits.” “Not what we give, but

what we share,” is a good motto for the employers. Treat your employees

as _you_ would be treated, if, by the “accident of birth,” loss of

employment, or hard luck, _you_ were in their condition. Treat them as

if they, too, had something of God in them, and, like yourselves, were

also His children. This is the philosophy of the labor question.

The factory population of New England is made up largely of

American-born children of foreign parentage,--two-thirds it is

estimated; as a rule, they are not under the strict control of the

church of their parents, and they are too apt to adopt the vices and

follies, rather than the good habits, of our people. It is vital to

the interests of the whole community, that they should be kept under

good moral influences; that they should have the sympathy, the help,

of employers. They need better homes than they find in too many of our

factory towns and cities, and a better social atmosphere, that they may

be lifted out of their mental squalor into a higher state of thought

and of feeling.

The modern system of overcrowding the mill-people is to be especially

deprecated. In the old time, not more than two or three beds were put

into one large bedroom, which was used only as a bedroom; but not long

ago, according to an article in the _Springfield Republican_ on “How

Mill-People Live,” it appears that Mr. H. R. Walker, agent of the

Chicopee Board of Health, in his official report to the board, states

that he found “twelve persons living and sleeping in a suite of two

rooms, and sixteen persons living and sleeping in a tenement of four

rooms.” And in another block, owned by a “wealthy gentleman in that

city,” he found that “thirty-eight rooms were occupied by ninety-seven

men, women, and children.” Under such conditions, how can young people

be brought up virtuously?

These are examples of overcrowding which I hope are not followed to

any extent by the better class of manufacturing corporations; although

there is reason to fear that overcrowding is getting to be the rule,

rather than the exception.

The cotton-factories themselves are not so agreeable nor so healthful

to work in as they used to be. Once they were light, well ventilated,

and moderately heated; each factory-building stood detached, with

pleasant sunlit windows, cheerful views, and fresh air from all points

of the compass. But these buildings are now usually made into a solid

mass by connecting “annexes,” and often form a hollow square, so that

at least one-half of the operatives can have no outlook except upon

brick walls, and no fresh air but that which circulates within this

confined space.

A year or two ago I revisited the dressing-room where I used to work,

and found the heat so intense that I could hardly breathe; and the

men who were working there (there were no women in the room) wore the

scantiest of clothing, and were covered with perspiration.

The drying of the beams is done by hot air, though sometimes fans

are added; the windows and doors are kept shut, except in very fine

weather; and this makes an atmosphere unfit to breathe. My old

overseer, who had had charge of one room for over forty years, told me

that some time ago he had been obliged to change his occupation in the

mill on account of the intense heat consequent on the introduction of

this new method of drying the beams.

Nor are the houses kept clean and in repair as they used to be. In

Lowell, when I last walked among the “blocks” where I lived as a child,

I found them in a most dilapidated condition,--houses going to decay,

broken sidewalks, and filthy streets; and contrasting their appearance

with that of the “corporation” as I remember it, I felt as if I were

revisiting the ruins of an industry once clean and prosperous. Would

that I could say one word that would lead stockholders to see that it

is not from out of such surroundings that the best dividends can be

secured!

To one who has watched with sad interest the gradual decline of

the cotton-factory industry in New England, and has marked the

deterioration of its operatives, it has often seemed as if something

might be done to restore this great factor in our national prosperity

to its early influence and importance. Many schemes have been advanced

by political economists, but, thus far, they have borne no fruit, and

at this present writing, the Massachusetts Legislature itself has

placed the whole subject in the hands of the Committee on Labor, who

are to report on the several items submitted to its decision. While

I would not venture here to discuss the various points on which this

committee is to report, I cannot forbear calling attention to the first

section, which relates to the “Dingley Tariff.”

This section enquires, substantially, whether the Dingley tariff has

had any influence in producing the present stagnation of the New

England cotton industry. As a help to the solution of this question, or

a suggestion at least, I will venture to quote from an article in the

report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, on “The Age

of Factory Establishments,” where it is stated that “Quite one-half of

the whole product of the State is made by manufactories which were in

existence before 1860, and most of these establishments were founded

in the industrial period following the beginning of the reduction of

the tariff of 1828; and it can be said, with truth, that the great

manufacturing industry of Massachusetts was planted in low-tariff

times.”

If this statement is correct, of which there can be no doubt, it has

a significance worthy of attention, when we see the downward movement

of the cotton industry under the present high-tariff. It was these

“low-tariff times” that enabled working-people to buy goods that would

last, which they cannot do in these days of “home production” shoddy,

protected, as it is, by the Dingley tariff. And, without entering into

the discussion, it would seem that a low tariff is certainly desirable

for working-people, at least, since it enables them to get the best

there is for their money, whether it be of foreign or domestic

manufacture. An able writer has said: “The great trouble with the New

England mills now is, that the people want a better class of goods

which can compete with other textile products.” This is certainly true,

as applied to the buyer. A person of limited means can better afford to

buy goods of foreign manufacture, no matter how high the tariff is. For

woollens we look to England; for silks, to Lyons or Zurich; and lighter

material must be of French manufacture. And the dealer says to you,

as the best recommendation for the goods you wish to purchase, “It is

_English_, or it is _French_ goods, that I am showing you.”

As for cheap American prints, who prefers to buy them nowadays?

Certainly no woman who remembers with affection the good, pretty,

durable, and _washable_ old Merrimack print,--the old-time calico,

that, when partly worn out, would still do for gowns and “tiers”

for the children, or for comforters for the family beds. Gentlemen!

mill-owners and managers! give us as good material as that we can buy

of English and French manufacture, and we will wear no more dress-goods

that are not of “home production,” and will cheerfully pay you whatever

price you may ask for them. This can certainly be done, with all your

inventive genius, and you need no longer fear either foreign or

Southern competition.

One more suggestion. It has often seemed that one great cause of the

decline of the cotton industry is to be found in the change in the

character of the operatives themselves. But could not some inducement

be offered to call to this industry a better class of operatives, or to

elevate a part of them towards the status of the old-time mill-girls?

The factory-operatives of to-day are more like those of England, whom

I have described, when the cotton manufacture first began in America.

Then, mill-owners and stockholders knew that the daughters of New

England would not become mill-girls under existing conditions, and

unless they were sure of good wages and of being treated like human

beings. This assurance was given; and the consequence was that they

flocked from their homes, and so helped to build up an industry that

was to give the first great impetus to the coming prosperity of the

whole country. Could not this experiment be tried anew? There must

be--there are--thousands of young women, all over New England, working

for almost a pittance in stores and workshops, some of them twelve

hours a day, subject to temptations that would never reach them in the

cotton-factory,--women and girls who have no homes, who would gladly

go to the factories, if a comfortable home, short hours, sure work, and

steady wages were assured to them. Let the best of them work by the

job or piece, as far as possible; for this shows, more than any other

“reform in labor,” where the best class of operatives can be found, and

the best result of their work can be secured. Why not try these or some

better experiments, and so uplift gradually the status of the modern

factory-operative?

These suggestions regarding a better class of goods and a better class

of operatives, if carried out, will involve sacrifice for a time on

the part of the mill-owners and stockholders. But it is certainly

better to sacrifice even a great deal than it is to lose all; and

there seems to be danger of this if something radical and far-reaching

cannot soon be done to improve the present condition of our New England

cotton-factories and their operatives.

It is claimed that the factory is not a “philanthropic institution,”

and that corporations are not responsible for the well-being of those

they employ. But until Boards of Health and Factory Inspectors can

succeed in reforming the abuses which exist among the mill-people, who

but the corporation ought to be held responsible for the unwholesome

surroundings and the hard life which is undermining the vitality and

poisoning the blood of so large a portion of our working-people?

“Labor is worship,” says the poet. Labor is _education_, is the

teaching of the wise political economist. If factory-labor is not

a means of education to the operative of to-day, it is because the

employer does not do his duty. It is because he treats his work-people

like machines, and forgets that they are struggling, hoping, despairing

human beings. It is because, as he becomes rich, he cares less and less

for the well-being of his poor, and, beyond paying them their weekly

wages, has no thought of their wants or their needs.

The manufacturing corporation, except in comparatively few instances,

no longer represents a protecting care, a parental influence, over its

operatives. It is too often a soulless organization; and its members

forget that they are morally responsible for the souls and bodies, as

well as for the wages, of those whose labor is the source of their

wealth. Is it not time that more of these Christian men and women, who

gather their riches from the factories of the country, should begin to

reflect that they do not discharge their whole duty to their employees

when they see that the monthly wages are paid; that they are also

responsible for the unlovely surroundings, for the barren and hopeless

lives, and for the moral and physical deterioration of them and their

children?

The cotton-factory gave the first impetus towards uplifting the social

status of the working-men and the working-women of New England, if not

of the whole country. It should not be a cause of its decadence, as it

certainly is in danger of becoming unless corporations can be induced

to seriously consider whether it is better to degrade those who work

for them to a level with the same class in foreign countries, or, to

mix a little conscience with their capital, and so try to bring back,

into the life of the factory-operative of to-day, this “lost Eden”

which I have tried to describe.

Transcriber’s Note

Illustrations have been moved to be near the text they illustrate.

Variant spelling, and inconsistent hyphenation have been retained.

The one apparently mispelt word that has been changed is on page 12,

where “imigrants” has been changed to “immigrants”.

Quotation marks are not used consistently, they have mainly been left

as printed, with the exception of:

Page 73 - the closing quotation mark has been removed from the end of

the paragraph before the signature of the honorable discharge;

Page 106 - a closing quotation mark has been added after “Lowell,

_Nov. 25, 1843_”;

Page 129 - the closing quotation mark has been removed from the very

end of the letter;

Page 193 - an opening quotation mark has been added at the start of

Miss Averill’s letter;

Punctuation in the Table of Contents has been made consistent.

Occasionally a character did not print completely, or a word was

duplicated across the end of a printed line. These have been corrected

silently.

The copy of the book from which is transcribed here was the author’s

own. It is unclear whether the captions handwritten on the photographs

were printed in the book or handwritten later by the author.

Loom and spindle · 第 9 / 9 章