Nietzsche saw that practically all members of a given race, including

the great majority of those who violated these rules, were influenced

into believing them--or at least into professing to believe

them--utterly and unchangeably correct, and that it was the main

function of all religions to enforce and support them by making them

appear as laws laid down, at the beginning of the world, by the lord

of the universe himself, or at some later period, by his son, messiah

or spokesman. "Morality," he said, "not only commands innumerable

terrible means for preventing critical hands being laid upon her: her

security depends still more upon a sort of enchantment at which she is

phenomenally skilled. That is to say, she knows how to _enrapture_.

She appeals to the emotions; her glance paralyzes the reason and

the will.... Ever since there has been talking and persuading on

earth, she has been the supreme mistress of seduction."[2] Thus "a

double wall is put up against the continued testing, selection and

criticism of values. On one hand is revelation, and on the other,

veneration and tradition. The authority of the law is based upon two

assumptions--first, that God gave it, and secondly, that the wise

men of the past obeyed it."[3] Nietzsche came to the conclusion that

this universal tendency to submit to moral codes--this unreasonable,

emotional faith in the invariable truth of moral regulations--was

a curse to the human race and the chief cause of its degeneration,

inefficiency and unhappiness. And then he threw down the gauntlet by

denying that an ever-present deity had anything to do with framing such

codes and by endeavoring to prove that, far from being eternally true,

they commonly became false with the passing of the years. Starting out

as expressions of the primary life-instinct's effort to adapt some

individual or race to certain given conditions of existence, they took

no account of the fact that these conditions were constantly changing,

and that the thing which was advantageous at one time and to one race

was frequently injurious at some other time and to another race.

This reduction of all morality to mere expressions of expedience

engaged the philosopher during what he calls his "tunneling" period. To

exhibit his precise method of "tunneling" let us examine, for example,

a moral idea which is found in the code of every civilized country.

This is the notion that there is something inherently and fundamentally

wrong in the act of taking human life. We have good reason to believe

that murder was as much a crime 5,000 years ago as it is today and that

it took rank at the head of all conceivable outrages against humankind

at the very dawn of civilization. And why? Simply because the man

who took his neighbor's life made the life of everyone else in his

neighborhood precarious and uncomfortable. It was plain that what he

had done once he could do again, and so the peace and security of the

whole district were broken.

Now, it is apparent that the average human being desires peace and

security beyond all things, because it is only when he has them that

he may satisfy his will to live--by procuring food and shelter for

himself and by becoming the father of children. He is ill-fitted to

fight for his existence; the mere business of living and begetting

his kind consumes all of his energies: "the world, as a world," as

Horace Greeley said, "barely makes a living." Therefore, it came to

be recognized at the very beginning of civilization, that the man

who killed other men was a foe to those conditions which the average

man had to seek in order to exist--to peace and order and quiet and

security. Out of this grew the doctrine that it was immoral to commit

murder, and as soon as mankind became imaginative enough to invent

personal gods, this doctrine was put into their mouths and so attained

the force and authority of divine wisdom. In some such manner, said

Nietzsche, the majority of our present moral concepts were evolved. At

the start they were mere echoes of a protest against actions which made

existence difficult and so outraged and opposed the will to live.

As a rule, said Nietzsche, such familiar protests as that against

murder, which laid down the maxim that the community had rights

superior to those of the individual, were voiced by the weak, who found

it difficult to protect themselves, as individuals, against the strong.

One strong man, perhaps, was more than a match, in the struggle for

existence, for ten weak men and so the latter were at a disadvantage.

But fortunately for them they could overcome this by combination, for

they were always in an overwhelming majority, numerically, and in

consequence they were stronger, taken together, than the phalanx of

the strong. Thus it gradually became possible for them to enforce the

rules that they laid down for their own protection--which rules always

operated against the wishes--and, as an obvious corollary, against the

best interests of--the strong.[4] When the time arrived for fashioning

religious systems, these rules were credited to the gods, and again the

weak triumphed. Thus the desire of the weak among the world's early

races of men, to protect their crops and wives against the forays of

the strong, by general laws and divine decrees instead of by each man

fighting for his own, has come down to us in the form of the Christian

commandments: "Thou shalt not steal.... Thou shalt not covet thy

neighbor's house.... Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his

manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything

that is thy neighbor's."

Nietzsche shows that the device of putting man-made rules of morality

into the mouths of the gods--a device practiced by every nation in

history--has vastly increased the respectability and force of all

moral ideas. This is well exhibited by the fact that, even today and

among thinking men, offenses which happen to be included in the scope

of the Ten Commandments, either actually or by interpretation, are

regarded with a horror which seldom, if ever, attaches to offenses

obviously defined and delimited by merely human agencies. Thus, theft

is everywhere looked upon as dishonorable, but cheating at elections,

which is fully as dangerous to the body politic, is commonly pardoned

by public opinion as a normal consequence of enthusiasm, and in some

quarters is even regarded as an evidence of courage, not to say of a

high and noble sense of gratitude and honor.

Nietzsche does not deny that human beings have a right to construct

moral codes for themselves, and neither does he deny that they are

justified, from their immediate standpoint, at least, in giving these

codes the authority and force of divine commands. But he points out

that this procedure is bound to cause trouble in the long run, for the

reason that divine commands are fixed and invariable, and do not change

as fast as the instincts and needs of the race. Suppose, for instance,

that all acts of Parliament and Congress were declared to be the

will of God, and that, as a natural consequence, the power to repeal

or modify them were abandoned. It is apparent that the world would

outgrow them as fast as it does today, but it is also apparent that the

notion that they were infallible would paralyze and block all efforts,

by atheistic reformers, to overturn or amend them. As a result, the

British and American people would be compelled to live in obedience to

rules which, on their very face, would often seem illogical and absurd.

Yet the same thing happens to notions of morality. They are devised, at

the start, as measures of expediency, and then given divine sanction in

order to lend them authority. In the course of time, perhaps, the race

outgrows them, but none the less, they continue in force--at least so

long as the old gods are worshipped. Thus human laws become divine--and

inhuman. Thus morality itself becomes immoral. Thus the old instinct

whereby society differentiates between good things and bad, grows

muddled and uncertain, and the fundamental purpose of morality--that

of producing a workable scheme of living--is defeated. Thereafter it

is next to impossible to distinguish between the laws that are still

useful and those that have outlived their usefulness, and the man who

makes the attempt--the philosopher who endeavors to show humanity

how it is condemning as bad a thing that, in itself, is now good, or

exalting as good a thing that, for all its former goodness, is now

bad--this man is damned as a heretic and anarchist, and according as

fortune serves him, is burned at the stake or merely read out of the

human race.[5]

Nietzsche found that all existing moral ideas might be divided into

two broad classes, corresponding to the two broad varieties of human

beings--the masters and the slaves. Every man is either a master or

a slave, and the same is true of every race. Either it rules some

other race or it is itself ruled by some other race. It is impossible

to think of a man or of a people as being utterly isolated, and even

were this last possible, it is obvious that the community would be

divided into those who ruled and those who obeyed. The masters are

strong and are capable of doing as they please; the slaves are weak

and must obtain whatever rights they crave by deceiving, cajoling or

collectively intimidating their masters. Now, since all moral codes,

as we have seen, are merely collections of the rules laid down by some

definite group of human beings for their comfort and protection, it is

evident that the morality of the master class has for its main object

the preservation of the authority and kingship of that class, while

the morality of the slave class seeks to make slavery as bearable as

possible and to exalt and dignify those things in which the slave can

hope to become the apparent equal or superior of his master.

The civilization which existed in Europe before the dawn of

Christianity was a culture based upon master-morality, and so we find

that the theologians and moralists of those days esteemed a certain

action as right only when it plainly subserved the best interests of

strong, resourceful men. The ideal man of that time was not a meek and

lowly sufferer, bearing his cross uncomplainingly, but an alert, proud

and combative being who knew his rights and dared maintain them. In

consequence we find that in many ancient languages, the words "good"

and "aristocratic" were synonymous. Whatever served to make a man a

nobleman--cunning, wealth, physical strength, eagerness to resent and

punish injuries--was considered virtuous, praiseworthy and moral,[6]

and on the other hand, whatever tended to make a man sink to the level

of the great masses--humility, lack of ambition, modest desires, lavish

liberality and a spirit of ready forgiveness--was regarded as immoral

and wrong.

"Among these master races," says Nietzsche, "the antithesis 'good and

bad' signified practically the same as 'noble and contemptible!' The

despised ones were the cowards, the timid, the insignificant, the

self-abasing--the dog-species of men who allowed themselves to be

misused--the flatterers and, above all, the liars. It is a fundamental

belief of all true aristocrats that the common people are deceitful.

'We true ones,' the ancient Greek nobles called themselves.

"It is obvious that the designations of moral worth were at first

applied to individual men, and not to actions or ideas in the abstract.

The master type of man regards himself as a sufficient judge of worth.

He does not seek approval: his own feelings determine his conduct.

'What is injurious to me,' he reasons, 'is injurious in itself.' This

type of man honors whatever qualities he recognizes in himself: his

morality is self-glorification. He has a feeling of plentitude and

power and the happiness of high tension. He helps the unfortunate,

perhaps, but it is not out of sympathy. The impulse, when it comes

at all, rises out of his superabundance of power--his thirst to

function. He honors his own power, and he knows how to keep it in hand.

He joyfully exercises strictness and severity over himself and he

reverences all that is strict and severe. 'Wotan has put a hard heart

in my breast,' says an old Scandinavian saga. There could be no better

expression of the spirit of a proud viking....

"The morality of the master class is irritating to the taste of the

present day because of its fundamental principle that a man has

obligations only to his equals; that he may act to all of lower rank

and to all that are foreign as he pleases.... The man of the master

class has a capacity for prolonged gratitude and prolonged revenge,

but it is only among his equals. He has, too, great resourcefulness

in retaliation; great capacity for friendship, and a strong need for

enemies, that there may be an outlet for his envy, quarrelsomeness and

arrogance, and that by spending these passions in this manner, he may

be gentle towards his friends."[7]

By this ancient _herrenmoral_, or master-morality, Napoleon Bonaparte

would have been esteemed a god and the Man of Sorrows an enemy to

society. It was the ethical scheme, indeed, of peoples who were sure

of themselves and who had no need to make terms with rivals or to seek

the good will or forbearance of anyone. In its light, such things as

mercy and charity seemed pernicious and immoral, because they meant

a transfer of power from strong men, whose proper business it was to

grow stronger and stronger, to weak men, whose proper business it was

to serve the strong. In a word, this master-morality was the morality

of peoples who knew, by experience, that it was pleasant to rule and

be strong. They knew that the nobleman was to be envied and the slave

to be despised, and so they came to believe that everything which

helped to make a man noble was good and everything which helped to

make him a slave was evil. The idea of nobility and the idea of good

were expressed by the same word, and this verbal identity survives in

the English language today, despite the fact that our present system

of morality, as we shall see, differs vastly from that of the ancient

master races.

In opposition to this master-morality of the strong, healthy nations

there was the _sklavmoral_, or slave-morality, of the weak nations.

The Jews of the four or five centuries preceding the birth of Christ

belonged to the latter class. Compared to the races around them, they

were weak and helpless. It was out of the question for them to conquer

the Greeks or Romans and it was equally impossible for them to force

their laws, their customs or their religion upon their neighbors on

other sides. They were, indeed, in the position of an army surrounded

by a horde of irresistible enemies. The general of such an army, with

the instinct of self-preservation strong within him, does not attempt

to cut his way out. Instead he tries to make the best terms he can, and

if the leader of the enemy insists upon making him and his vanquished

force prisoners, he endeavors to obtain concessions which will make

this imprisonment as bearable as possible. The strong man's object is

to take as much as he can from his victim; the weak man's is to save as

much as he can from his conqueror.

The fruit of this yearning of weak nations to preserve as much of their

national unity as possible is the thing Nietzsche calls slave-morality.

Its first and foremost purpose is to discourage, and if possible, blot

out, all those traits and actions which are apt to excite the ire, the

envy, or the cupidity of the menacing enemies round about. Revenge,

pride and ambition are condemned as evils. Humility, forgiveness,

contentment and resignation are esteemed virtues. The moral man

is the man who has lost all desire to triumph and exult over his

fellow-men--the man of mercy, of charity, of self-sacrifice.

"The impotence which does not retaliate for injuries," says Nietzsche,

"is falsified into 'goodness;' timorous abjectness becomes 'humility;'

subjection to those one hates is called 'obedience,' and the one who

desires and commands this impotence, abjectness and subjection is

called God. The inoffensiveness of the weak, their cowardice (of which

they have ample store); their standing at the door, their unavoidable

time-serving and waiting--all these things get good names. The

inability to get revenge is translated into an _unwillingness_ to get

revenge, and becomes forgiveness, a virtue.

"They are wretched--these mutterers and forgers--but they say that

their wretchedness is of God's choosing and even call it a distinction

that he confers upon them. The dogs which are liked best, they say,

are beaten most. Their wretchedness is a test, a preparation, a

schooling--something which will be paid for, one day, in happiness.

They call that 'bliss.'"[8]

By the laws of this slave-morality the immoral man is he who seeks

power and eminence and riches--the millionaire, the robber, the

fighter, the schemer. The act of acquiring property by conquest--which

is looked upon as a matter of course by master-morality--becomes a

crime and is called theft. The act of mating in obedience to natural

impulses, without considering the desire of others, becomes adultery;

the quite natural act of destroying one's enemies becomes murder.

[1] II Thess. II, 15: "Hold the tradition which ye have been taught."

Eusebius Pamphilus: "Those things which are written believe; those

things which are not written, neither think upon nor inquire after."

St. Austin: "Whatever ye hear from the holy scriptures let it favor

well with you; whatever is without them refuse." See also St. Basil,

Tertullian and every other professional moralist since, down to John

Alexander Dowie and Emperor William of Germany.

[2] "_Morgenröte_," preface, § 3.

[3] "_Der Antichrist_," § 57.

[4] The fact that the state is founded, not upon a mysterious "social

impulse" in man, but upon each individual's regard for his own

interest, was first pointed out by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), in his

argument against Aristotle and Grotius.

[5] The risk of such idol-smashing is well set forth at length by G.

Bernard Shaw in the preface to "The Quintessence of Ibsenism;" London,

1904.

[6] Henry Bradley, in a lecture at the London Institution, in Jan 1907,

showed that this was true of the ancient Britons, as is demonstrated by

their liking for bestowing such names as Wolf and Bear upon themselves.

It was true, also, of the North American Indians and of all primitive

races conscious of their efficiency.

[7] "_Jenseits von Gut und Böse_," § 260.

[8] "_Zur Genealogie der Moral_," I, § 14.

III

BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL

Despite the divine authority which gives permanence to all moral codes,

this permanence is constantly opposed by the changing conditions

of existence, and very often the opposition is successful. The

slave-morality of the ancient Jews has come down to us, with its

outlines little changed, as ideal Christianity, but such tenacious

persistence of a moral scheme is comparatively rare. As a general

rule, in truth, races change their gods very much oftener than we

have changed ours, and have less faith than we in the independence of

intelligence. In consequence they constantly revamp and modify their

moral concepts. The same process of evolution affects even our own

code, despite the extraordinary tendency to permanence just noted. Our

scheme of things, in its fundamentals, has persisted for 2,500 years,

but in matters of detail it is constantly in a state of flux. We still

call ourselves Christians, but we have evolved many moral ideas that

are not to be found in the scriptures and we have sometimes denied

others that are plainly there. Indeed, as will be shown later on, the

beatitudes would have wiped us from the face of the earth centuries ago

had not our forefathers devised means of circumventing them without

openly questioning them. Our progress has been made, not as a result

of our moral code, but as a result of our success in dodging its

inevitable blight.

All morality, in fact, is colored and modified by opportunism, even

when its basic principles are held sacred and kept more or less intact.

The thing that is a sin in one age becomes a virtue in the next. The

ancient Persians, who were Zoroastrians, regarded murder and suicide,

under any circumstances, as crimes. The modern Persians, who are

Mohammedans, think that ferocity and foolhardiness are virtues. The

ancient Japanese, to whom the state appeared more important than the

man, threw themselves joyously upon the spears of the state's enemies.

The modern Japanese, who are fledgling individualists, armor their

ships with nickel steel and fight on land from behind bastions of earth

and masonry. And in the same way the moral ideas that have grown out

of Christianity, and even some of its important original doctrines,

are being constantly modified and revised, despite the persistence of

the fundamental notion of self-sacrifice at the bottom of them. In

Dr. Andrew D. White's monumental treatise "On the Warfare of Science

with Theology in Christendom" there are ten thousand proofs of it.

Things that were crimes in the middle ages are quite respectable at

present. Actions that are punishable by excommunication and ostracism

in Catholic Spain today, are sufficient to make a man honorable in

freethinking England. In France, where the church once stood above

the king, it is now stripped of all rights not inherent in the most

inconsequential social club. In Germany it is a penal offense to poke

fun at the head of the state; in the United States it is looked upon

by many as an evidence of independence and patriotism. In some of the

American states a violation of the seventh commandment, in any form,

is a felony; in Maryland, it is, in one form, a mere misdemeanor, and

another form, no crime at all.

"Many lands did I see," says Zarathustra, "and many peoples, and so I

discovered the good and bad of many peoples.... Much that was regarded

as good by one people was held in scorn and contempt by another. I

found many things called bad here and adorned with purple honors

there.... A catalogue of blessings is posted up for every people. Lo!

it is the catalogue of their triumphs--the voice of their will to

power!... Whatever enables them to rule and conquer and dazzle, to the

dismay and envy of their neighbors, is regarded by them as the summit,

the head, the standard of all things.... Verily, men have made for

themselves all their good and bad. Verily they did not find it so: it

did not come to them as a voice from heaven.... It is only through

valuing that there comes value."[1]

To proceed from the concrete to the general, and to risk a repetition,

it is evident that all morality, as Nietzsche pointed out, is nothing

more than an expression of expediency.[2] A thing is called wrong

solely because a definite group of people, at some specific stage of

their career, have found it injurious to them. The fact that they have

discovered grounds for condemning it in some pronunciamento of their

god signifies nothing, for the reason that the god of a people is never

anything more than a reflection of their ideas for the time being. As

Prof. Otto Pfleiderer has shown,[3] Jesus Christ was a product of his

age, mentally and spiritually as well as physically. Had there been

no Jewish theology before him, he could not have sought or obtained

recognition as a messiah, and the doctrines that he expressed--had

he ever expressed them at all--would have fallen upon unheeding and

uncomprehending ears.

Therefore it is plain that the Ten Commandments are no more immortal

and immutable, in the last analysis, than the acts of Parliament.

They have lasted longer, it is true, and they will probably continue

in force for many years, but this permanence is only relative.

Fundamentally they are merely expressions of expedience, like the

rules of some great game, and it is easily conceivable that there may

arise upon the earth, at some future day, a race to whom they will

appear injurious, unreasonable and utterly immoral. "The time may

come, indeed, when we will prefer the _Memorabilia_ of Socrates to the

Bible."[4]

The Philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche · 第 5 / 19 段