It was on May 2, 1823, that Don Francisco Vives, afterward Conde de
Cuba, arrived in Cuba to take over the office of Captain-General. Let us
first contemplate the good which he accomplished for Cuba, before
scanning the darker pages of his high-handed rule.
Vives reorganized the rural militia, and he caused the construction of a
number of important fortresses and the completion of others already
begun. He divided the island into three military departments. Under his
instructions two asylums for the insane, el Departmento de Dementes, and
the Casa de Beneficencia, were constructed. He made an effort to mark
the historic spots of the island, and under his auspices a temple was
built on the spot in the city of Havana where was reputed to have been
celebrated the first mass. So much for the good done by Vives. Now we
come to a different story.
This Captain-General was a despot of the most pronounced type, the kind
dear to the hearts of the rulers in the mother country. He obtained from
his royal master, in 1825, an order placing Cuba under martial law, and
giving the Captain-General complete control of her destiny. It reads as
follows:
"The King, our master, in whose royal mind great confidence has been
inspired by your excellency's proved fidelity, indefatigable zeal in his
majesty's service, judicious and well-concerted steps taken since Y. E.
had charge of the government, in order to keep in quietude his faithful
inhabitants, confine within the proper limits such as would deviate
from the path of honor, and punish such as forgetting their duty would
dare commit excesses in opposition to our wise laws; well convinced as
H. M. feels, that at no time and under no circumstances whatever will
the principles of rectitude and love toward H. M. royal person be
weakened which now distinguish Y. E.; and being at the same time
desirous of preventing the embarrassments which under ordinary
circumstances might arise a division in the command, and from the
complicated authority and powers of the different officers of
government, for the important end of maintaining in that island his
sovereign authority and the public quiet, it has pleased H. M., in
conformity with the advice of his council of ministers, to authorize
your excellency, _fully investing you with the whole extent of power
which by the royal ordinances is granted to the governors of besieged
towns_. In consequence thereof H. M. most amply and unrestrictedly
authorizes Y. E. _not only to remove from that island such persons,
holding offices from government or not_, whatever their occupation,
rank, class or situation in life may be, whose residence there you may
believe prejudicial, or whose public or private conduct may appear
suspicious to you, _employing in their stead faithful servants of H. M.
who shall fully deserve your excellency's confidence; but also to
suspend the execution of whatever royal orders or general decrees in all
the different branches of the administration, or in any part of them, as
Y, E. may think conducive to the royal service_; it being in any case
required that these measures be temporary, and that Y. E. make report of
them for his majesty's sovereign approval.
"In granting Y. E. this marked proof of his royal esteem, and of the
high trust your proven loyalty deserves, H. M. expects that in due
correspondence to the same, Y. E. will use the most wakeful prudence
and reserve, joined to an indefatigable activity and unyielding
firmness, in the exercise of your excellency's authority, and trusts
that as your excellency shall by this very pleasure and graciousness of
H. M. be held to a more strict responsibility, Y. E. will redouble his
vigilance that the laws be observed, that justice be administered, that
H. M. faithful vassals be protected and rewarded, and punishment without
partiality or indulgence inflicted on those who, forgetful of their duty
and their obligations to the best and most benevolent of monarchs, shall
oppose those laws, decidedly abetting sinister plots, with infraction of
them and disregard of the decrees from them issuing. And I therefore, by
royal order, inform Y. E. of the same for Y. E.'s intelligence,
satisfaction, and exact observance thereof. God preserve your
excellency's life. Madrid, 28 May, 1825."
As a marvel of unconscious irony this is a unique document. Evidently
both the King and his minister lacked a sense of humor. Here is a
document purporting to be issued "to keep in quietude" "faithful
inhabitants." Why the "Ever-Faithful" needed a curb or why if such
measures were necessary the insurgents were referred to as "Faithful,"
only a stupid king through the mouth of an equally pig-headed minister
could determine. This royal order, we may relate with satisfaction,
proved a boomerang. It gave the Captain-General--just why it is hard to
decide--absolute power, not only to govern by military force, but to
depose from office those who offended him, whether they were the king's
minions or not. It also made inoperative all royal decrees unless the
Captain-General chose to sanction them. Now Cuba, at this time, was
saddled with hosts of fortune seekers, court favorites who were
temporarily and voluntarily exiles from the sunshine of the monarch's
smiles, that they might line their pockets and return to startle the
Spanish grandees with their new splendor. Naturally they were seeking
office and emoluments from the Spanish government. But then came their
royal master and placed them, their positions, their fortunes, in the
hands of a man who, should they offend him, could summarily degrade
them, and force them to return home no richer than when they came. Truly
the ways of kings are no less inscrutable than those of Providence.
Naturally this royal order found little favor in Cuba. In vain, however,
were efforts made to have it suspended, and to prove that it had never
been intended to be anything but a temporary measure.
The trouble which was brewing for Spain, in Cuba, at this period was
well forecast and described in an article, primarily on the dangers of
the slave trade, which was published in a periodical in Havana, in 1832.
After detailing some facts as to slave importations, it said:
"Thus far we have only considered the power which has its origin in the
numbers of the colored population that surrounds us. What a picture we
might draw, if we were to portray this immense body acting under the
influence of political and moral causes, and presenting a spectacle
unknown in history! We surely shall not do it. But we should be guilty
of moral treason to our country, if we were to forget the efforts now
making to effect a change in the conditions of the African race.
Philanthropic laws, enacted by some of the European nations,
associations of distinguished Englishmen, periodicals solely devoted to
this subject, eloquent parlimentary debates whose echoes are constantly
repeated on this side of the Atlantic, bold exhortations from the
pulpits of religious sects, political principles which with lightning
rapidity are spreading in both hemispheres, and _very recent commotions
in several parts of the West Indies, everything is calculated to awaken
us from our profound slumber and remind us that we must save our
country_. And should this our beloved mother ask us what measures we
have adopted to extricate her from her danger, what would those who
boast themselves her dutiful sons, answer? The horrid traffic in human
blood is carried on in defiance of the laws, and men who assume the name
of patriots, being no other than parricides, cover the land with
shackled victims. And as if this were not sufficiently fearful with
criminal apathy, Africans freed and brought to this country by English
policy, are permitted to reside in our midst. How different the conduct
of our neighbors the Americans! Notwithstanding the rapid increase of
their country; notwithstanding the white has constantly been four fifths
more numerous than the colored population, and have ten and a half
millions to offset two millions; notwithstanding the importation of the
latter is prohibited from one end of the republic to the other, while
European immigration is immense; notwithstanding the countries lying
upon their boundaries have no slaves to inspire dread, they organize
associations, raise funds, purchase lands in Africa, establish colonies,
favor the emigration of the colored population to them, increasing their
exertions as the exigency may require, not faltering in their course,
and leaving no expedient untried which shall prove them friends of
humanity and their country. Not satisfied with these general measures,
some states have adopted very thorough and efficient measures. In
December, 1831, Louisiana passed a law prohibiting importation of slaves
even from other states of the Union.
"Behold the movement of a great people, who would secure their safety!
Behold the model you should imitate! But we are told 'Your efforts are
in vain. You cannot justly reproach us. Our plantations need hands and
if we cannot obtain negroes, what shall we do?' We are far from wishing
to offend a class equally deserving respect and esteem, including many
we are happy to call friends. We are habitually indulgent and in no
sense more so than in that before us. The notions and examples to which
they have been accustomed justify in a great measure the part they act,
and an immediate benefit and remote danger authorize in others a course
of conduct which we wish may never be generally and permanently adopted.
We would not rudely censure the motives of the planters. Our mission
requires us only to remark, that it is necessary to adopt some plan,
since the change in politics is inconsistent with and hostile to the
much longer continuance of the illicit traffic in slaves. We all know
that England has, both with selfish and humane motives, made and is
still making great efforts against it by means of treaties. She is no
longer the only power thus engaged, since France is also taking her
share in the enterprise. The United States will soon appear in the field
to vindicate down-trodden humanity. They will adopt strong measures, and
perseveringly pursue the pirate negro-dealer. Will he then escape the
vigilance of enemies so active and powerful? And even should some be
able to do so, how enormously expensive must their piracy be! It is
demonstrable that the number of imported negroes being then small, and
their introduction subject to uncommon risks, their cost would be so
enhanced as to destroy the motive for preferring slave labor. A proper
regard to our true interests will lead us to consider henceforth other
means of supplying our wants, since our present mode will ultimately
paralyze our resources and be attended with baneful consequences. The
equal distribution of the two sexes in the country, and an improved
treatment of them, would alone be sufficient, not merely to prevent a
diminution of their number, but greatly to increase it. But the existing
disproportion of the sexes forbids our indulging in so pleasing a hope.
We shall, however, do much to effect our purposes by discontinuing
certain practices, and adopting a system more consonant to the good
principles that should be our guide.
"Would it not be advisable to try some experiments that we may be able
to compare the results of cultivating cane by slaves, with such other
methods as we may find expedient to adopt?
"If the planters could realize the importance of these propositions to
their welfare, we should see them striving to promote the introduction
of white and the exclusion of colored hands. By forming associations,
raising funds, and in various ways exerting themselves vigorously in a
cause so eminently patriotic, they would at once overcome the obstacles
to the introduction of white foreigners, and induce their immigration by
the guarantees of good laws and thus assure the tranquillity of the
country.
"We may be told that these are imaginary plans, and never to be
realized. We answer that they are essays, not difficult or expensive, if
undertaken, as we suggest, by a whole community. If we are not disposed
to make the voluntary trial now, the day is at hand when we shall be
obliged to attempt it, or abandon the cultivation of sugar! The prudent
mariner on a boisterous ocean prepares betimes for the tempest, and
defies it. He who recklessly abandons himself to the fury of the
elements is likely to perish in the rage of the storm.
"'How imprudent,' some may exclaim, 'how imprudent to propose a subject
which should be forever buried in "lasting oblivion."' Behold the
general accusation raised against him who dares boldly avow new
opinions respecting these matters. Unfortunately there is among us an
opinion which insists that 'silence' is the true policy. All feel the
evils which surround us, are acquainted with the dangers, and wish to
avoid them. Let a remedy be suggested and a thousand confused voices be
simultaneously raised; and a significant and imploring 'Hush!--hush!' is
heard on every side. Such infatuation resembles his who conceals the
disease which is hurrying him speedily to death, rather than hear its
unpleasant history and mode of cure, from his only hope, the physician's
saving science. Which betrays censurable apathy, he who obstinately
rushes headlong to the brink of a mighty precipice, or he who gives the
timely warning to beware? Who would not thus save a whole community
perhaps from frightful destruction? If we knew most positively that the
disease were beyond all hopes of cure, the knowledge of the fact would
not stay the march of death, while it might serve but as a terrifying
enunciation of his approach. If, however, the sick man is endowed with a
strong constitution, that with timely prescription promises a probable
return of health, it would be unpardonable to act the part of a passive
spectator. We heed not that the selfish condemn, that the self-admiring
wise censure, or the parricidal accuse us. Reflections of a higher
nature guide us, and in the spirit of our responsible calling as a
public writer, we will never cease to cry aloud, '_Let us save our
country--let us save our country!_'"
A subtle document that. Hidden carefully in the denunciation of slavery
is a call to organization to form societies. We shall see later how
important and potent those societies were and that their objects were
something far different from the destruction of slavery. The paper
closed with a clear cry for freedom for Cuba.
It cannot be disguised that those who had the real good of the island of
Cuba at heart, patriots, Cubans who loved their country, men who longed
to stand upright, to put off the yoke of Spain, and to look the
inhabitants of free countries in the face as equals, were withdrawing
their heartfelt allegiance from Spain, and were longing for
independence. That this desire had been created by Spanish oppression,
and nurtured by Spanish injustice, is a self-evident fact. The causes
which led to the insurrections by which Cuba was torn from this time on
until she obtained her independence, we must leave for another chapter.
There are two matters most pertinent to this investigation, which we
must first discuss: The attitude of the United States toward Cuba at
this period, and the revolt of the other Spanish colonies, led by Simon
Bolivar, "The Liberator."