Perhaps it is a wise Providence that decrees that even government shall
be subject to that rhythm by which the tides of human affairs rise and
fall. Who shall say? In 1796, Las Casas, who had tried to do so much for
Cuba, was succeeded, as Captain-General, by the Conde de Santa Clara.
The latter was of a different type from Las Casas. In spite of his
aristocratic birth, he was a man of little education, and indifferent to
it. The result was, since he had no taste for letters, and social
elegance did not appeal to him, that the impetus was withdrawn from the
development of the finer arts in Cuba. His influence was all the more
deleterious since he was a man of generous, hearty, open-handed nature
and personally was immensely popular. Naturally, but unhappily, culture
in Cuba quickly fell from the high standards maintained by his
predecessor.
Santa Clara's interests were military and he did a great deal to improve
the forts of Cuba--a much needed work. Almost all of the new
fortifications on the island, which aided in its defense during the
latter part of the nineteenth century, were originated by him, and the
Bateria de Santa Clara, outside of Havana, was named in recognition of
his services.
Previous to 1796 there had been a great navy yard on the Bay of Havana,
and more than a hundred war vessels or convoys for Spanish treasure
ships had there been built. The same year that Santa Clara became
Captain-General, the Spanish ship-builders, realizing that they were
losing the large profits from this work, demanded that the navy yard at
Havana be closed, and that the work be done in Spain. Influence was
finally brought to bear on the crown, and an order was issued closing
the Cuban navy yards.
The rule of Santa Clara was, however, a short one; which was well for
the island. In 1799, the Marquis de Someruelos succeeded him. By Spanish
law the term of Captain-General was limited to five years. The Conde de
Santa Clara failed to complete his term, but the Marquis de Someruelos
served for a much longer period. He remained in Cuba until 1812, and he
sought by every means in his power to efface the bad effects of the rule
of Santa Clara and to reestablish the régime of progress which had
flourished under Las Casas.
In 1802 Havana was visited by a devastating conflagration. As frequently
happens in such disasters, it was the poorer people who suffered the
most severely. Over 11,000 of the poorer inhabitants of the suburb of
Jesus Maria were rendered destitute. The Marquis de Someruelos lent his
personal efforts to their succor, to excellent effect, and his kindness
of heart quickly endeared him to rich and poor alike. He tried hard to
rule impartially, to dispense justice to all classes without
distinction, and attained a gratifying measure of success.
The improvement of the island from an architectural point of view also
interested him, and he left behind him two public memorials. The first
was intended to give an impetus to art. It was a great public theatre;
perhaps not great for these days, it is true, but an undertaking of note
for that time. The second showed his interest in sanitary measures. It
was a public cemetery, a huge burying-ground, 22,000 square yards in
size, where the dead might be gathered, rather than to permit their
being buried in small plots on estates or in yards. The walls, gateway
and chapel were good examples of the Cuban architecture of the period,
and the mortuary chapel contained a beautiful fresco depicting the
Resurrection.
Early in the nineteenth century, in 1807, the people of the island began
to manifest a fear, which indeed was well founded, of hostile invasion.
Both England and France had long cast appraising and jealous eyes on the
Spanish possessions in America. The Spanish trade was valuable, and
England was eager to seize as much as possible of it. In view of this
peril the defenses of Havana were materially strengthened. Troops were
carefully drilled, and the army was increased by the addition of
recruits. Several coast towns were attacked and sacked by the English,
but no large invasion took place and the damage was small.
But the Cubans soon learned that the enemy whom they had real cause to
fear was not England but France. Spain and France were at war, and the
French colonists in America stood ready to take up the quarrel. To avert
this peril "Juntas" or Committees were organized for national defense.
War was unofficially declared on the unnaturalized Frenchmen on the
Island, many of whom were killed and their plantations wrecked, while
6,000 were expelled from the island. Even these drastic measures did not
prevent a French invasion, although it was rather an opera bouffe
performance. A motley company of soldiers of fortune, adventurers, and
refugees from Santo Domingo tried to take Santiago and failed; they did,
however, effect a landing at Batabano.
The Cuban army hastened to defend the country, but found that the
invaders were not particularly enthusiastic about fighting. They wanted
to colonize. They endeavored to "build homes and make their residences
in uninhabited portions of Cuba, just as they had done in Santo
Domingo. The Cubans, however, realized that this apparently peaceful
effort might well be a menace in disguise. If the French were allowed to
settle portions of the island, soon France, who also appreciated the
value of the Spanish possessions, might endeavor to claim the island, or
at least a portion of it, as her territory.
The Captain-General was equal to the occasion. He did not resort to
arms. He plainly but firmly impressed upon the invaders the fact that it
was unthinkable that they should be allowed to take as their own any
portion of Cuba. He told them that if they were dissatisfied with Santo
Domingo, he would see that transportation was furnished them to France.
On the other hand, if they wanted to return to Santo Domingo, he would
insure their being taken thither. But on no account could they remain as
inhabitants of Cuba. His persuasions were partially successful and
numbers of them peacefully left the country.
For a long time, Spain had paid but meagre attention to her American
possessions, save to mulct them for revenue. They had no representation,
and their messages to and requests of the mother country received but
scanty attention. Spain herself was passing through stormy times. The
country was in turmoil. Revolution was impending. Napoleon, whose greedy
glance embraced almost the whole of Europe, had turned his attention to
the Peninsula. In 1808 the royal family of Spain was abducted, and held
virtually prisoners by Napoleon, while a new government was set up.
When the news of Napoleon's action reached Cuba, the Cabildo was in
session. At once, each and every member took a solemn oath to make every
effort to retain the island "for their lawful sovereign." Don Juan de
Aguilar arrived in Cuba on the American ship _Dispatch_, and the
government at once declared war against Napoleon and reaffirmed the
loyalty of Cuba to Spain. On July 20, 1808, they proclaimed King
Ferdinand VII as their lawful sovereign. This conduct, so little
appreciated and so cruelly repaid by the mother country, won for Cuba
the title of the "Ever-Faithful Isle."
The internal troubles in Spain naturally had a most disastrous effect
upon the Cuban trade and prosperity. The exports to Spain fell off to an
alarming degree. The products of the country had, for a time, lost their
natural market. Only statesmen of vision were able to understand the
causes of the trouble. The common people looked upon the results only,
and a strong feeling of unrest was engendered. The colony was
practically independent of the mother country at this time, so far as
any guidance or aid was concerned. The King was exiled and Joseph
Bonaparte held sway in the Spanish capital.
But now a new difficulty showed its head. Not all the French had
returned to Santo Domingo or France. There were numbers of French
settlers in the rural districts. The people were discontented, and soon
a movement arose--on March 21, 1809, it came to a crisis--to endeavor to
persuade the French colonists, who had been so easily disposed of by
Someruelos, to return. This movement took on almost the aspect of a
revolution. It seemed as if France, not content with obtaining control
of Spain, was again stretching out a clutching hand to grab Cuba as
well.
The heads of the Cuban government were thoroughly aroused. Summary
measures were taken, and the uprising, which had bid fair to be so
serious, was subdued in two days. It was due, probably, to the firmness,
decision and resourcefulness of those at the helm of Cuba at that time,
that Cuba did not then and there become the victim of a movement which
might have resulted in her becoming subject to France instead of Spain.
The attitude of the United States toward French aggression also lent
Cuba moral support, as we shall see.
The encounters which took place in putting down this trouble were
practically bloodless. Almost no lives were lost, but much property was
destroyed. A more serious result was that dissatisfied colonists, some
of them of the most desirable type, to the number of many thousands,
were driven to seek their fortunes and find new homes away from Cuba.
Napoleon was not satisfied to leave Spain in possession of Cuba, but
soon instigated another effort to get possession of the island for
France. In 1810, a young man arrived in Cuba from the United States. He
was Don Manuel Aleman. His mission was apparently private business of
his own, but the Cuban government had confidential information to the
effect that he was an emissary of Napoleon. He was not allowed to land
unapprehended, but was arrested on the ship on which he had come, and he
was thrust into a none too pleasant Cuban prison. A council of war was
assembled, but this was merely a form. Aleman's fate was predetermined.
On the following morning, July 13, 1810, he was taken to the Campo de la
Punta and there publicly hanged as a traitor to Spain.
No account of events in Cuba at this time would be complete without some
record of one whom Las Casas called "a jewel of priceless value to the
glory of the nation, a protector for Cuba, an accomplished statesman for
the monarchy," Don Francisco de Arango, the bearer of the "most
illustrious name in Cuban annals."
Arango, to whom we have previously made reference, was born on May 22,
1765, at Havana. In early boy-hood he was left an orphan, but he managed
the large estate which had been left him with all the skill and judgment
of a mature mind. He studied law, and was admitted to practice in Spain,
and he there acted, for a number of years, as agent for the municipality
of Cuba. He was thoroughly familiar with the wrongs and needs of his
country, and it is probable that no one of his time was more suited by
nature, training and sympathies to act for Cuba. He succeeded in fact in
obtaining from the crown some very valuable concessions for the island.
In Cuba itself he worked hard to bring about an increase of staples. He
exerted his influence among the planters to the end that the fertile
soil should be worked to its utmost productiveness. It was necessary
that not only should Cuba be self-supporting, and be able to pay her
enormous taxes, but that there should be a large surplus to feed the
royal exchequer. No one realized this more than Arango, whose years at
the Spanish court had made him familiar with the greed of the Spanish
government. His work was fruitful, and Cuban production at this period
came almost up to the wild expectations of the Spanish government, which
regarded Cuba as a land of inexhaustible riches. Arango was moreover a
humanitarian at heart. The wrongs of the slaves and the evils of the
slave trade appealed to his sense of justice. On the other hand, he saw
very clearly the difficulty of obtaining the proper amount of labor for
the Cuban plantations if the slave trade was abolished, and so his
efforts on behalf of the slaves took the form of attempts toward their
protection by wise laws.
The attitude of Spain toward her colonies was at this time, as indeed
always, grossly illogical. She wanted to take everything and give
nothing. She could not foresee that a present of constant depletion
meant a future of want; that in order to produce in quality the proper
facilities must be provided. Arango, who was a diplomat as well as a
statesman, by persuasion and by constant but gentle pressure at last won
some of those in authority at the court to his point of view. If Cuba
was to be a source of wealth to Spain, she must be endowed with the most
efficient equipment to produce that wealth. Through Arango's efforts
machinery was allowed to be imported into the island, free of duty.
This, of course, furnished the means for industrial expansion. He also
obtained the removal of the duty on coffee, liquors and cotton, for a
period of ten years.
But Arango saw as clearly as Las Casas had seen that Cuba to show
progress must have facilities for uplift, and for the improvement of the
mental and moral status of the inhabitants. He accordingly started a
movement which resulted in the formation of the "Junta de Fomento," or
Society for Improvement, which was long a power for good in the island,
until later the Spanish Captains-General saw in it a means to further
their own designs, and it became an instrument for oppression. Its
object was avowedly to protect and to promote the progress of
agriculture and commerce. The formation of the Cuban Chamber of Commerce
was another benefit which Arango conferred upon Cuba. For a long time he
was the Syndic of the Chamber of Commerce. There were certain
perquisites of this office which Arango steadily refused to accept, and
he also declined the salary which the office carried with it. In all his
long and useful life he never accepted remuneration in any office which
he held under the Cuban government.
Now the real power at the court of Spain at this time was the infamous
Godoy, the personal favorite of the king and the queen's lover; who
seemed to be so firmly entrenched that no one would dare to oppose him.
This creature turned greedy eyes toward Cuba. It was quite the fashion
of those times for Spanish courtiers to consider Cuba as a source of
revenue to bolster up their own fortunes. So Godoy claimed to be
protector of the Chamber of Commerce, and demanded that the receipts of
the custom house at Havana be turned over to him. He immediately met
with the opposition of Arango, who bitterly opposed his every move and
stood firmly against his plans for mulcting Cuba; in which conflict it
is a pleasure to relate that for once virtue was triumphant. Godoy was
unable to carry out his designs, and Arango was not only victor but he
gained a still further point for Cuba, the relinquishment of the royal
monopoly of tobacco.
There is another curious and interesting phase of this matter, which
speaks highly for the remarkably forceful personality of Arango.
Although he at all times stood firmly as the inflexible opponent of any
schemes which the court at Madrid might father for the oppression of
Cuba, he was always an object of respect and esteem in high political
circles in Spain, and he was offered a title of nobility. Possibly he
looked upon this as a bribe. At any rate he declined it. However, when
the Cross of the Order of Charles III. was offered him he accepted the
decoration.
In 1813 Cuba, by the adoption of the constitution of 1812, became
entitled to representation in the Spanish Cortes, and Arango was
unanimously chosen for this office. There was no person in Cuban
politics more fitted for the honor. He proved himself worthy, for, as
deputy to the Cortes, he achieved the greatest victory of his long fight
for the good of Cuba, the opening of Cuban ports to foreign trade. New
honors awaited him, for he was awarded the Grand Cross of Isabella, and
when in 1817 he returned to Cuba, he was accorded the rank of Counsellor
of State, and Financial Intendente of Cuba. Arango died in 1837, having
lived seventy-two years, and having faithfully served his country for
the greater portion of them. He bequeathed a large portion of his
considerable fortune for public purposes and charitable objects, all for
the betterment of the land that he loved.
In the darkest hours of tyranny, while suffering wrongs that would have
inflamed other peoples to rebellion, Cuba remained "The Ever-Faithful
Isle" for many years, until forced to rebellion. Against the background
of injustice, as contrasted with the Spanish Captains-General who were
to follow, and whose sole interest in Cuba was to extract as much as
they could from her, acting on the principle of "after us the deluge,"
and caring nothing for her ultimate fate, the figure of Arango, the
native Cuban, fighting at home and abroad for Cuba, stands out in bold
and happy relief. It is not a matter for surprise that his name has been
written on the annals of Cuba, with all the love and respect with which
the other South American countries revere Bolivar. Here was a man who
could not be tempted by honors, who refused remuneration for his
services, and who against the greatest odds stood staunchly for
everything which would help his travailing country.
Among Spain's other possessions in America unrest was now beginning to
manifest itself. They were sick of Spanish rule, and the period when
Spain was occupied with troubles at home seemed to be a good opportunity
to thrown off the yoke. Revolution was in the air in those days.
Independence had arisen like a new star on the horizon, and had become
the object of popular worship. It was therefore greatly to the credit
of Someruelos that in such troublous times he maintained a relatively
peaceful government. The better class of Cubans recognized his ability.
They realized that he of all men was best fitted to keep Cuba free from
disturbances which would hinder her advancement. Consequently when his
term of office was ended, a petition was sent to the Spanish government,
requesting that he be retained for a longer period. We have, however,
only to study the dealings, not only of Spain but of all the European
nations with the colonies in the New World, to understand that not the
good of the subject country, but the supposed interests of the mother
country, were what determined the destiny of the colonies. The very fact
that Someruelos was so popular in Cuba apparently seemed to those in
power in Spain an excellent excuse for his removal. They reasoned that
if he had the interests of Cuba at heart, he might not be loyal to the
government in Spain. And so, when multitudes of the best citizens of
Cuba petitioned that he be retained longer in office, not only was the
petition denied, but the petitioners were severely reprimanded by a
mandate of the Spanish government.
Hurricanes are not unusual in the southern seas, but now and then one of
exceptional severity leaves so devastating a trail that it is worthy of
chronicle even in a country where the elements are always more or less
to be reckoned with. Such a hurricane visited the western coast of Cuba
in 1810. Valuable shipping in the harbor of Havana was sunk. Sixty
merchant vessels and many ships of war were torn from their anchors and
swallowed up by the sea. Property all along the coast was destroyed, and
a large number of lives were lost. That same year an uprising occurred
among the negro population of the island. It bade fair to be far
reaching in effect and occasioned much alarm among the white
population. The most drastic and even cruel methods were taken to check
it, and finally it was subdued.
[Illustration: ALEJANDRO RAMIREZ]
On April 14, 1812, Don Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, afterwards the Conde de
Benadito, assumed the post of Captain-General, in place of the Marquis
de Someruelos. His assumption of power was marked by the gift of
additional authority to the office of Captain-General. For the first
time, the Captain-General was also the commander of the naval forces.
His initial act was to proclaim the Constitution of Cadiz. This was far
from popular in Cuba, but the citizens realized the futility of
resistance. His action created a sensation and caused much talk, but it
met with no open opposition. De Apodaca's tenure of office was short. He
retained the office of Captain-General for only two years, when he was
sent to Mexico by the Spanish government.
Next, Lieutenant-General Don José Cienfuegos was installed at Havana as
Captain-General, on July 18, 1816. It was under his direction, in 1817,
that the third census of the island was taken. Cienfuegos was most
unpopular with the Cubans. He instituted many reforms which did not find
favor in the eyes of those he governed.
ALEJANDRO RAMIREZ
An economist and statesman of three countries, Alejandro Ramirez
was born in Spain in 1777. He began his career in Guatemala as an
agricultural reformer and promoter; thence in 1813 went to Puerto
Rico as Intendente and saved that island from bankruptcy. In 1816
he became Intendente of Cuba, where he effected great reforms in
land-holding and in education. Despite his excellent services he
was bitterly attacked, and largely because of grief over the
ungrateful injustice thus shown him he sickened and died on May 20,
1821.
The entire policing forces of Havana were revolutionized and put under
new rules. We are told that his most unpopular move was to have the
streets of that city lighted at night, and that this was "thoroughly
resented." Just why such a move should be resented is not told us, but
it certainly might be the subject of fruitful and romantic conjecture.
His action is said to have caused "consternation."
A second measure was even more distasteful to the Cubans, and they
regarded it as an infringement of personal liberty. Cienfuegos ordered
that, as soon as the public services in the churches in the evenings
were over, all public thoroughfares be closed. Now this was the time of
day when all Cuba was most bent on amusement and enjoyment, and this
decree of the Captain-General made it impossible for any man to stray
far from his own door with hope of returning the same night. The
populace was up in arms with indignation. Cienfuegos had intended the
command to have a quieting effect, but its result was exactly the
reverse. It gave rise to the very disturbances which the Captain-General
was endeavoring to restrain.
It would be hard to conjecture what might have been the result of a
continuance of Cienfuegos's arbitrary methods. They certainly boded no
good for the peace of Cuba. Fortunately before he could resort to any
more of what the Cubans termed "these outrages against liberty," he fell
ill, and thereupon the administration of the government fell into the
hands of Don Juan Maria Echeverria, as a temporary substitute. This
officer had no time to formulate new rules for the government of the
Cubans, being kept very busy laboring against the troubles caused by his
predecessor's doings. Then, too, his stay was short, for on August 29,
1819, the Spanish ship of war _Sabrina_ brought Cuba a new
Captain-General, Don Juan Manuel Cagigal.
In "Cuba and the Cubans," published in 1850, we are told that "The
political changes adopted in Spain in 1812 and 1820 were productive of
similar changes in the island: and when in both instances the
constitution was proclaimed, the perpetual members of the municipalities
were at once deprived of office, and their successors elected by the
people. The provincial assembly was called, and held its sessions. The
militia was organized; the press made entirely free, the verdict of a
jury deciding actions for its abuses; and the same courts of justice
were in no instance to decide a case a second time. But if the
institution of the consulate was very beneficial during Ferdinand's
absolute sway, the ultra-popular grants of the constitutional system,
which could hardly be exercised with quiet in Spain, were ill-adapted to
Cuba, though more advanced in civilization, stained with all those vices
that are the legitimate curse of a country long under despotic sway.
That system was so democratic that the king was deprived of all
political authority. No intermediate house of nobility or senators
tempered the enactments of a single elective assembly. This sudden
change from an absolute government, with its usual concomitant, a
corrupt and debased public sentiment, to the full enjoyment of
republican privileges, served only to loosen the ties of decency and
decorum throughout the Spanish community. Infidelity resulted from it;
and that veil of respect for the religion of their fathers, which had
covered the deformity of such a state of society, was imprudently thrown
aside. As the natural consequence of placing the instruments of freedom
in the hands of an ignorant multitude, their minds were filled with
visions of that chimerical equality which the world is never to realize.
The rich found themselves deprived of their accustomed influence, and
felt that there was little chance of obtaining justice from the common
people (in no place so formidable as in Cuba, from the heterogeneous
nature of the population), and who were now, in a manner, arrayed
against them throughout the land. They, of course, eagerly wished the
return of the old system of absolute rule. But the proprietors only
asked for the liberal policy which they had enjoyed at the hands of the
Spanish monarch; not, most surely, that oppressive and nondescript
government, which, by separating the interest of the country from that
of her nearest rulers, and destroying all means of redress or complaint,
thrust the last offspring of Spain into an abyss of bloodshed and ruin,
during the recent disgusting exercise of military rule, in publishing by
the most arbitrary and cruel measures, persons suspected of engaging in
an apprehended servile insurrection."
This not altogether coherent statement gives an idea of how the rule of
the Spanish Captains-General of this period, and how the so-called
reforms which were instituted during the early part of the nineteenth
century, were regarded thirty-five or forty years afterward.
Senor Cagigal was accompanied by troops, ostensibly to supply the local
garrison, and it would be strange if they were not also imported to fill
the native hearts with respect for the government and to help in
quelling any threatened uprisings. History furnishes strange paradoxes,
and so in 1820 we have the spectacle of Cagigal's own troops rising in
revolt against him and compelling him to proclaim the constitution of
1812. It is true that he soon quelled this rebellion, set aside his
proclamation, and restored the old order, but that does not detract from
the grim humor of the situation in which he for a time found himself.
But Cagigal was a diplomat of a high order, and he did make efforts to
accomplish well the difficult task of governing Cuba. His decisions and
decrees were generally impartial. He had a charming social manner, and a
delightfully conciliatory way; always suave, affable and approachable.
He placated trouble makers, and dispensed justice in an endeavor to give
universal satisfaction. He was accordingly held in the highest esteem by
the majority of the Cubans. And Cuba apparently found favor in his eyes.
He grew to love the beautiful island, and perhaps his heart was touched
by her patience under the galling Spanish yoke. At any rate, he applied
to the crown for special permission to spend the rest of his life in
Cuba. This request was granted and he made for himself a home at
Guanabacoa, where he lived until his death, some years later.
Cagigal was succeeded in 1821 by Nicholas Mahy, an old man, of a
distrustful and arbitrary disposition, who was entirely out of sympathy
with the liberal movement in Cuba. He could see no way of retaining her
for Spain except by keeping her people in subjection under an absolute
despotism. He proceeded to carry out his ideas with a high hand, and it
is a matter of speculation to what lengths he might have gone, had not
death speedily cut short his career. He ruled for only a single year,
after which no new Captain-General was sent out from Spain but Sebastian
Kindelan, Mahy's subordinate, took command. He was a sterner
disciplinarian than even his former master. His sole object seemed to be
to reunite the military and civil power in the hands of the
Captain-General. He was willing to stoop to any means to accomplish his
purpose, and he was backed up by a large body of troops imported from
Spain. Feeling ran high between these--as the Cubans termed
them--"interlopers and troublemakers" and the local militia, and
serious trouble was with difficulty avoided. Then in 1823 Ferdinand VII.
was again in power in Spain; weak, crafty, scheming, malicious, and
grasping; and it is needless to say that Cuba was visited with new
oppression.