64 The translation of Mago’s work on agriculture belongs to a later

time. There is no proof that Mago, who wrote twenty-eight books on

agriculture in the Punic language, lived, as Humboldt supposes

(Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 184), 500 B. C. Varro de R. R. i. 1, says: “Hos

nobilitate Mago Carthaginiensis præteriit Pœnica lingua, quod res

dispersas comprehendit libris xxix., quos Cassius Dionysius

Uticensis vertit libris xx., Græca lingua, ac Sextilio prætori

misit: in quæ volumina de Græcis libris eorum quos dixi adjecit non

pauca, et de Magonis dempsit instar librorum viii. Hosce ipsos

utiliter ad vi. libros redegit Diophanes in Bithynia, et misit

Dejotaro regi.” This Cassius Dionysius Uticencis lived about 40 B.

C. The translation into Latin was made at the command of the Senate,

shortly after the third Punic war.

65 Ptolemæus Philadelphus (287-246 B. C.), on the recommendation of his

chief librarian (Demetrius Philaretes), is said to have sent a Jew

of the name of Aristeas, to Jerusalem, to ask the high priest for a

MS. of the Bible, and for seventy interpreters. Others maintain that

the Hellenistic Jews who lived at Alexandria, and who had almost

forgotten their native language, had this translation made for their

own benefit. Certain it is, that about the beginning of the third

century B. C. (285), we find the Hebrew Bible translated into Greek.

66 Plin. xxx. 2. “Sine dubio illa orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter

auctores convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius, non

satis constat. Eudoxus qui inter sapientiæ sectas clarissimam

utilissimamque eam intelligi voluit, Zoroastrem hunc sex millibus

annorum ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit. Sic et Aristoteles.

Hermippus qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit, et vicies

centum millia versuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque

voluminum ejus positis explanavit, præceptorem a quo institutum

disceret, tradidit Azonacem, ipsum vero quinque millibus annorum

ante Trojanum bellum fuisse.”—“Diogenes Laertius Aristotelem

auctorem facit libri τὸ Μαγικόν. Suidas librum cognovit, dubitat

vero a quo scriptus sit.” See Bunsen’s Egypten, Va, 101.

67 M. M.’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 163.

68 ἄρθρον προτασσόμενον, ἄρθρον ὑποτασσόμενον.

69 Suidas, s. v. Διονύσιος. Διονύσιος Ἀλεξανδρεός, Θρᾷξ δὲ ἀπὸ πατρὸς

τούνομα κληθεὶς, Ἀριστάρχου μαθητὴς, γραμματικὸς ὁς ἐσοφίστευσεν ἐν

Ῥώμη ἐπὶ Πομπηιοῦ τοῦ Μεγάλου.

70 Quintilian, i. 1, 12.

71 See Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, b. i. s. 197. “The Latin alphabet

is the same as the modern alphabet of Sicily; the Etruscan is the

same as the old Attic alphabet. _Epistola_, letter, _charta_, paper,

and _stilus_, are words borrowed from Greek.”—_Mommsen_, b. i. s.

184.

72 Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, b. i. s. 186. _Statera_, the balance,

the Greek στατήρ; _machina_, an engine, μηχανή; _númus_, a silver

coin, νόμος, the Sicilian νοῦμμος; _groma_, measuring-rod, the Greek

γνώμων or γνῶμα: _clathri_, a trellis, a grate, the Greek κλῆθρα,

the native Italian word for lock being _claustra_.

_ 73 Gubernare_, to steer, from κυβεονᾶν; _anchora_, anchor, from

ἀγκῦρα; _prora_, the forepart, from πρῶρα. _Navis_, _remus_,

_velum_, &c., are common Aryan words, not borrowed by the Romans

from the Greeks, and show that the Italians were acquainted with

navigation before the discovery of Italy by the Phocæans.

74 Mommsen, i. 154.

75 Ibid. i. 408.

76 Mommsen, i. 165.

_ 77 Sibylla_, or _sibulla_, is a diminutive of an Italian _sabus_ or

_sabius_, wise; a word which, though not found in classical writers,

must have existed in the Italian dialects. The French _sage_

presupposes an Italian _sabius_, for it cannot be derived either

from _sapiens_ or from _sapius_.—_Diez, Lexicon Etymologicum_, p.

300. _Sapius_ has been preserved in _nesapius_, foolish. _Sibulla_

therefore meant a wise old woman.

78 Mommsen, i. 256.

79 Ibid. i. 425, 444.

80 Ibid. i. 857.

81 Mommsen, i. 902.

82 Mommsen, i. 892.

83 Ibid. i. 843, 194.

84 Ibid. i. 911.

85 Mommsen, ii. 407.

86 Mommsen, ii. 410.

87 Ibid. ii. 408.

88 Ibid. ii. 437, _note_; ii. 430.

89 Zeno died 263; Epicurus died 270; Arcesilaus died 241; Carneades

died 129.

90 Mommsen, ii. 417, 418.

91 Ibid. i. 845.

92 Ibid. ii. 415, 417.

93 Mommsen, ii. 413, 426, 445, 457. Lucius Ælius Stilo wrote a work on

etymology, and an index to Plautus.—_Lersch_, _Die Sprachphilosophie

der Alten_, ii. 111.

94 Lersch, ii. 113, 114, 143.

95 Lersch, iii. 144.

96 Mommsen, iii. 557. 48 B. C.

97 Lersch, ii. 25. Περὶ σημαινόντων, or περὶ φώνης; and περὶ

σημαινομένον, or περὶ πραγμάτων.

98 Beiträge zur Geschichte der Grammatik, von Dr. K. E. A. Schmidt.

Halle, 1859. Uber den Begriff der γενικὴ πτῶσις, s. 320.

99 In the Tibetan languages the rule is, “Adjectives are formed from

substantives by the addition of the genitive sign,” which might be

inverted into, “The genitive is formed from the nominative by the

addition of the adjective sign.” For instance, _shing_, wood; _shing

gi_, of wood, or wooden: _ser_, gold; _ser-gyi_, of gold, or golden:

_mi_, man; _mi-yi_, of man, or human. The same in Garo, where the

sign of the genitive is _ni_, we have; _mánde-ní jak_, the hand of

man, or the human hand; _ambal-ní ketháli_, a wooden knife, or a

knife of wood. In Hindustání the genitive is so clearly an

adjective, that it actually takes the marks of gender according to

the words to which it refers. But how is it in Sanskrit and Greek?

In Sanskrit we may form adjectives by the addition of _tya_.

(Turanian Languages, p. 41, _seq._; Essay on Bengálí, p. 333.) For

instance, _dakshiņâ_, south; _dakshiņâ-tya_, southern. This _tya_ is

clearly a demonstrative pronoun, the same as the Sanskrit _syas_,

_syâ_, _tyad_, this or that. _Tya_ is a pronominal base, and

therefore such adjectives as _dakshiņâ-tya_, southern, or _âp-tya_,

aquatic, from _âp_, water, must have been conceived originally as

“water-there,” or “south-there.” Followed by the terminations of the

nominative singular, which was again an original pronoun, _âptyas_

would mean _âp-tya-s_, _i.e._, water-there-he. Now, it makes little

difference whether I say an aquatic bird or a bird of the water. In

Sanskrit the genitive of water would be, if we take _udaka_,

_udaka-sya_. This _sya_ is the same pronominal base as the adjective

termination _tya_, only that the former takes no sign for the

gender, like the adjective. The genitive _udakasya_ is therefore the

same as an adjective without gender. Now let us look to Greek. We

there form adjectives by σιος, which is the same as the Sanskrit

_tya_ or _sya_. For instance, from δῆμος, people, the Greeks formed

δημόσιος, belonging to the people. Here ος, α, ον, mark the gender.

Leave the gender out, and you get δημοσιο. Now, there is a rule in

Greek that an ς between two vowels, in grammatical terminations, is

elided. Thus the genitive of γένος is not γένεσος, but γένεος, or

γένους; hence δημόσιο would necessarily become δήμοιο. And what is

δήμοιο but the regular Homeric genitive of δῆμος, which in later

Greek was replaced by δήμου? Thus we see that the same principles

which governed the formation of adjectives and genitives in Tibetan,

in Garo, and Hindustání, were at work in the primitive stages of

Sanskrit and Greek; and we perceive how accurately the real power of

the genitive was determined by the ancient Greek grammarians, who

called it the general or predicative case, whereas the Romans

spoiled the term by wrongly translating it into _genitivus_.

100 See M. M.’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 158.

101 The following and some other notes were kindly sent to me by the

first Chinese scholar in Europe, M. Stanislas Julien, Membre de

l’Institut.

The Chinese do not decline their substantives, but they indicate the

cases distinctly—

A. By means of particles.

B. By means of position.

1. The nominative or the subject of a sentence is always placed at

the beginning.

2. The genitive may be marked—

(_a_) By the particle _tchi_ placed between the two nouns, of which

the first is in the genitive, the second in the nominative. Example,

_jin tchi kiun_ (hominum princeps, literally, man, sign of the

genitive, prince.)

(_b_) By position, placing the word which is in the genitive first,

and the word which is in the nominative second. Ex. _koue_ (kingdom)

_jin_ (man) _i.e._, a man of the kingdom.

3. The dative may be expressed—

(_a_) By the preposition _yu_, to. Ex. _sse_ (to give) _yen_ (money)

_yu_ (to) _jin_ (man).

(_b_) By position, placing first the verb, then the word which

stands in the dative, lastly, the word which stands in the

accusative. Ex. _yu_ (to give) _jin_ (to a man) _pe_ (white) _yu_

(jade), _hoang_ (yellow) _kin_ (metal), _i.e._, gold.

4. The accusative is either left without any mark, for instance,

_pao_ (to protect) _min_ (the people), or it is preceded by certain

words which had originally a more tangible meaning, but gradually

dwindled away into mere signs of the accusative. [These were first

discovered and correctly explained by M. Stanislas Julien in his

Vindiciæ Philologicæ in Linguam Sinicam, Paris, 1830.] The particles

most frequently used for this purpose by modern writers are _pa_ and

_tsiang_, to grasp, to take. Ex. _pa_ (taking) _tchoung-jin_ (crowd

of men) _t’eou_ (secretly) _k’an_ (he looked) _i.e._, he looked

secretly at the crowd of men (hominum turbam furtim aspiciebat). In

the more ancient Chinese (_Kouwen_) the words used for the same

purpose are _i_ (to employ, etc.), _iu_, _iu_, _hou_. Ex. _i_

(employing) _jin_ (mankind) _t’sun_ (he preserves) _sin_ (in the

heart), _i.e._, humanitatem conservat corde. _I_ (taking) _tchi_

(right) _wêï_ (to make) _k’iŏ_ (crooked), _i.e._, rectum facere

curvum. _Pao_ (to protect) _hou_ (sign of accus.) _min_ (the

people).

5. The ablative is expressed—

(_a_) By means of prepositions, such as _thsong_, _yeou_, _tsen_,

_hou_. Ex. _thsong_ (ex) _thien_ (cœlo) _laï_ (venire); _te_

(obtinere) _hou_ (ab) _thien_ (cœlo).

(_b_) By means of position, so that the word in the ablative is

placed before the verb. Ex. _thien_ (heaven) _hiang-tchi_

(descended, _tchi_ being the relative particle or sign of the

genitive) _tsaï_ (calamities), _i.e._, the calamities which Heaven

sends to men.

6. The instrumental is expressed—

(_a_) By the preposition _yu_, with. Ex. _yu_ (with) _kien_ (the

sword) _cha_ (to kill) _jin_ (a man).

(_b_) By position, the substantive which stands in the instrumental

case being placed before the verb, which is followed again by the

noun in the accusative. Ex. _i_ (by hanging) _cha_ (he killed)

_tchi_ (him).

7. The locative may be expressed by simply placing the noun before

the verb. Ex. _si_ (in the East or East) _yeou_ (there is)

_suo-tou-po_ (a sthúpa); or by prepositions as described in the

text.

The adjective is always placed before the substantive to which it

belongs. Ex. _meï jin_, a beautiful woman.

The adverb is generally followed by a particle which produces the

same effect as _e_ in bene, or _ter_ in celeriter. Ex. _cho-jen_, in

silence, silently; _ngeou-jen_, perchance; _kiu-jen_, with fear.

Sometimes an adjective becomes an adverb through position. Ex.

_chen_, good; but _chen ko_, to sing well.

102 See some criticisms on this division in Marsh’s Lectures on the

English Language, p. 48.

103 “Goddspell onn Ennglissh nemmnedd iss

God word, annd god tiþennde,

God errnde,” &c.—_Ormulum_, pref. 157.

“And beode þer godes godd-spel.”—_Layamon_, iii. 182, v. 29, 507.

104 Diez, Lexicon Comparativum. Columella, vii. 8.

105 Strabo, viii. p. 833. Τὴν μὲν Ἰάδα τῇ παλαιᾷ Ἀτθίδι τὴν αὐτὴν φαμέν,

τὴν δὲ Δωρίδα τῇ Αἰολίδι.

106 Herodotus (vii. 94, 509) gives Pelasgi as the old name of the

Æolians and of the Ionians in the Peloponnesus and the islands.

Nevertheless he argues (i. 57), from the dialect spoken in his time

by the Pelasgi of the towns of Kreston, Plakia, and Skylake, that

the old Pelasgi spoke a barbarous tongue (βάρβαρον τὴν γλῶσσαν

ἱέντες). He has, therefore, to admit that the Attic race, being

originally Pelasgic, unlearnt its language (τὸ Ἀττικὸν ἔθνος ἐὸν

Πελασγικόν, ἅμα τῇ μεταβόλη τῇ ἐς Ἕλληνας, καὶ τὴν γλῶσσαν

μετέμαθε). See Diefenbach, Origines Europææ, p. 59. Dionysius of

Halicarnassus (i. 17) avoids this difficulty by declaring the

Pelasgi to have been from the beginning a Hellenic race. This

however, is merely his own theory. The _Karians_ are called

βαρβαρόφωνοι by Homer (II. v. 867); but Strabo (xiv. 662) takes

particular care to show that they are not therefore to be considered

as βάρβαροι. He distinguishes between βαρβαροφωνεῖν, _i.e._, κακῶς

ἑλληνίζειν, and Καριστὶ λαλαεῖν, καρίζειν καὶ βαρβαρίζειν. But the

same Strabo says that the Karians were formerly called Λέλεγεs (xii.

p. 572); and these, together with Pelasgians and Kaukones, are

reckoned by him (vii. p. 321) as the earlier _barbarous_ inhabitants

of Hellas. Again he (vii. p. 321), as well as Aristotle and

Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 17), considers the Locrians as

descendants of the Leleges, though they would hardly call the

Locrians barbarians.

The _Macedonians_ are mentioned by Strabo (x. p. 460) together with

“the other Hellenes.” Demosthenes speaks of Alexander as a

barbarian; Isokrates as a Heraclide. To judge from a few extant

words, Macedonian might have been a Greek dialect. (Diefenbach,

Orig. Europ. p. 62.) Justine (vii. 1) says of the Macedonians,

“Populus Pelasgi, regio Pæonia dicebatur.” There was a tradition

that the country occupied by the Macedonians belonged formerly to

Thracians or Pierians (Thuc. ii. 99; Strabo, vii. p. 321); part of

it to Thessalians (ibid.).

The _Thracians_ are called by Herodotus (v. 3) the greatest people

after the Indians. They are distinguished by Strabo from Illyrians

(Diefenbach, p. 65), from Celts (ibid.), and from Scythians (Thuc.

ii. 96). What we know of their language rests on a statement of

Strabo (vii. 303, 305), that the Thracians spoke the same language

as the Getæ, and the Getæ the same as the Dacians. We possess

fragments of Dacian speech in the botanical names collected by

Dioskorides, and these, as interpreted by Grimm, are clearly Aryan,

though not Greek. The Dacians are called barbarians by Strabo,

together with Illyrians and Epirotes. (Strabo, vii. p. 321.)

The _Illyrians_ were barbarians in the eyes of the Greeks. They are

now considered as an independent branch of the Aryan family.

Herodotus refers the Veneti to the Illyrians (i. 196); and the

Veneti, according to Polybius (ii. 17), who knew them, spoke a

language different from that of the Celts. He adds that they were an

old race, and in their manner and dress like the Celts. Hence many

writers have mistaken them for Celts, neglecting the criterion of

language, on which Polybius lays such proper stress. The Illyrians

were a widely extended race; the Pannonians, the Dalmatians, and the

Dardanians (from whom the Dardanelles were called), are all spoken

of as Illyrians. (Diefenbach, Origines Europææ, pp. 74, 75.) It is

lost labor to try to extract anything positive from the statements

of the Greeks and Romans on the race and the language of their

barbarian neighbors.

107 Albert, Count of Bollstädten, or, as he is more generally called,

Albertus Magnus, the pioneer of modern physical science, wrote: “God

has given to man His spirit, and with it also intellect, that man

might use it for to know God. And God is known through the soul and

by faith from the Bible, through the intellect from nature.” And

again: “It is to the praise and glory of God, and for the benefit of

our brethren, that we study the nature of created things. In all of

them, not only in the harmonious formation of every single creature,

but likewise in the variety of different forms, we can and we ought

to admire the majesty and wisdom of God.”

108 These are the last words in Kepler’s “Harmony of the World,” “Thou

who by the light of nature hast kindled in us the longing after the

light of Thy grace, in order to raise us to the light of Thy glory,

thanks to Thee, Creator and Lord, that Thou lettest me rejoice in

Thy works. Lo, I have done the work of my life with that power of

intellect which Thou hast given. I have recorded to men the glory of

Thy works, as far as my mind could comprehend their infinite

majesty. My senses were awake to search as far as I could, with

purity and faithfulness. If I, a worm before thine eyes, and born in

the bonds of sin, have brought forth anything that is unworthy of

Thy counsels, inspire me with Thy spirit, that I may correct it. If,

by the wonderful beauty of Thy works, I have been led into boldness,

if I have sought my own honor among men as I advanced in the work

which was destined to Thine honor, pardon me in kindness and

charity, and by Thy grace grant that my teaching may be to Thy

glory, and the welfare of all men. Praise ye the Lord, ye heavenly

Harmonies, and ye that understand the new harmonies, praise the

Lord. Praise God, O my soul, as long as I live. From Him, through

Him, and in Him is all, the material as well as the spiritual—all

that we know and all that we know not yet—for there is much to do

that is yet undone.”

These words are all the more remarkable, because written by a man

who was persecuted by theologians as a heretic, but who nevertheless

was not ashamed to profess himself a Christian.

I end with an extract from one of the most distinguished of living

naturalists:—“The antiquarian recognizes at once the workings of

intelligence in the remains of an ancient civilization. He may fail

to ascertain their age correctly, he may remain doubtful as to the

order in which they were successively constructed, but the character

of the whole tells him they are works of art, and that men like

himself originated these relics of by-gone ages. So shall the

intelligent naturalist read at once in the pictures which nature

presents to him, the works of a higher Intelligence; he shall

recognize in the minute perforated cells of the coniferæ, which

differ so wonderfully from those of other plants, the hieroglyphics

of a peculiar age; in their needle-like leaves, the escutcheon of a

peculiar dynasty; in their repeated appearance under most

diversified circumstances, a thoughtful and thought-eliciting

adaptation. He beholds, indeed, the works of a being _thinking_ like

himself, but he feels, at the same time, that he stands as much

below the Supreme Intelligence, in wisdom, power, and goodness, as

the works of art are inferior to the wonders of nature. Let

naturalists look at the world under such impressions, and evidence

will pour in upon us that all creatures are expressions of the

thoughts of Him whom we know, love, and adore unseen.”

109 Rom. i. 20.

110 Hervas (Catalogo, i. 37) mentions the following works, published

during the sixteenth century, bearing on the science of

language:—“Introductio in Chaldaicam Linguam, Siriacam, atque

Armenicam, et decem alias Linguas,” a Theseo Ambrosio. Papiæ, 1539,

4to. “De Ratione communi omnium Linguarum et Litterarum

Commentarius,” a Theodoro Bibliandro. Tiguri, 1548, 4to. It contains

the Lord’s Prayer in fourteen languages. Bibliander derives Welsh

and Cornish from Greek, Greek having been carried there from

Marseilles, through France. He states that Armenian differs little

from Chaldee, and cites Postel, who derived the Turks from the

Armenians, because Turkish was spoken in Armenia. He treats the

Persians as descendants of Shem, and connects their language with

Syriac and Hebrew. Servian and Georgian are, according to him,

dialects of Greek.

Other works on language published during the sixteenth century

are:—“Perion. Dialogorum de Linguæ Gallicæ origine ejusque cum Græca

cognatione, libri quatuor.” Parisiis, 1554. He says that as French

is not mentioned among the seventy-two languages which sprang from

the Tower of Babel, it must be derived from Greek. He quotes Cæsar

(de Bello Gallico, vi. 14) to prove that the Druids spoke Greek, and

then derives from it the modern French language!

The works of Henri Estienne (1528-1598) stand on a much sounder

basis. He has been unjustly accused of having derived French from

Greek. See his “Traicté de la Conformité du Langage français avec le

grec;” about 1566. It contains chiefly syntactical and grammatical

remarks, and its object is to show that modes of expression in

Greek, which sound anomalous and difficult, can be rendered easy by

a comparison of analogous expressions in French.

The Lord’s Prayer was published in 1548 in fourteen languages, by

Bibliander; in 1591 in twenty-six languages, by Roccha (“Bibliotheca

Apostolica Vaticana,” a fratre Angelo Roccha: Romæ, 1591, 4to.); in

1592 in forty languages, by Megiserus (“Specimen XL. Linguarum et

Dialectorum ab Hieronymo Megisero à diversis auctoribus collectarum

quibus Oratio Dominica est expressa:” Francofurti, 1592); in 1593,

in fifty languages, by the same author (“Oratio Dominica L. diversis

linguis,” cura H. Megiseri: Francofurti, 1593, 8vo.).

111 At the beginning of the seventeenth century was published “Trésor de

l’Histoire des Langues de cet Univers,” par Claude Duret; seconde

edition: Iverdon, 1619, 4to. Hervas says that Duret repeats the

mistakes of Postel, Bibliander, and other writers of the sixteenth

century.

Before Duret came Estienne Guichard, “l’Harmonie Etymologique des

Langues Hebraique, Chaldaique, Syriaque—Greque—Latine, Françoise,

Italienne, Espagnole—Allemande, Flamende, Anglaise, &c.:” Paris,

1606.

Hervas only knows the second edition, Paris, 1618, and thinks the

first was published in 1608. The title of his book shows that

Guichard distinguished between four classes of languages, which we

should now call the Semitic, the Hellenic, Italic, and Teutonic: he

derives, however, Greek from Hebrew.

I. I. Scaliger, in his “Diatriba de Europæorum Linguis” (Opuscula

varia: Parisiis, 1610), p. 119, distinguishes eleven classes: Latin,

Greek, Teutonic, Slavonic, Epirotic or Albanian, Tartaric,

Hungarian, Finnic, Irish, British in Wales and Brittany, and Bask or

Cantabrian.

112 “Initium oris et communis eloquii, et hoc omne quod loquimur,

Hebræam esse linguam qua vetus Testamentum scriptum est, universa

antiquitas tradidit.” In another place (Isaia, c. 7) he writes,

“Omnium enim fere linguarum verbis utuntur Hebræi.”

113 “Mansit lingua per Adam primitus data, ut putamus, Hebræa, in ea

parte hominum, quæ non pars alicujus angeli, sed quæ Dei portio

permansit.”

114 Guichard went so far as to maintain that as Hebrew was written from

right to left, and Greek from left to right, Greek words might be

traced back to Hebrew by being simply read from right to left.

115 Among the different systems of Rabbinical exegesis, there is one

according to which every letter in Hebrew is reduced to its

numerical value, and the word is explained by another of the same

quantity; thus, from the passage, “And all the inhabitants of the

earth were of one language.” (Gen. xi. 1), is deduced that they all

spoke Hebrew, שכה being changed for its synonym לשון, and הקרש, (5 +

100 + 4 + 300 = 409) is substituted for its equivalent אחת (1 + 8 +

400 = 409). _Coheleth_, ed. Ginsburg, p. 31.

116 Hermathena Joannis Goropii Becani: Antuerpiæ, 1580. Origines

Antverpianæ, 1569. André Kempe, in his work on the language of

Paradise, maintains that God spoke to Adam in Swedish, Adam answered

in Danish, and the serpent spoke to Eve in French.

Chardin relates that the Persians believe three languages to have

been spoken in Paradise; Arabic by the serpent, Persian by Adam and

Eve, and Turkish by Gabriel.

J. B. Erro, in his “El mundo primitivo,” Madrid, 1814, claims Bask

as the language spoken by Adam.

A curious discussion took place about two hundred years ago in the

Metropolitan Chapter of Pampeluna. The decision, as entered in the

minutes of the chapter, is as follows:—1. Was Bask the primitive

language of mankind? The learned members confess that, in spite of

their strong conviction on the subject, they dare not give an

affirmative answer. 2. Was Bask the only language spoken by Adam and

Eve in Paradise? On this point the chapter declares that no doubt

can exist in their minds, and that “it is impossible to bring

forward any serious or rational objection.” See Hennequin, “Essai

sur l’Analogie des Langues,” Bordeaux, 1838. p. 60.

117 Guhrauer’s Life of Leibniz, ii. p. 129.

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