Philip had learnt strategy at the feet of the Theban Epaminondas. The

army he created included a _corps d’élite_ of noble horse-guards, the

Companions of the King. These were the earliest first-rate mounted

troops in history, and it was by their means that the dashing exploits

of Alexander were subsequently achieved. For the infantry his great

invention was the phalanx. This was clearly a modification of the deep

formation invented by Epaminondas. It consisted of sixteen ranks armed

with a spear 21 feet long. They stood in close order so that the points

of the first five ranks projected from the front to present a bristling

hedge of spears. The remaining eleven ranks, we are gravely informed,

held their spears obliquely in the air to ward off missiles! Let the

military reader find a military justification for this extraordinary

arrangement. To me it seems a further confirmation of my civilian view

that Greek tactics were primarily designed to prevent armies from

running away. We observe that when Alexander took Persian troops into

his phalanx he put twelve ranks of Persians into the lines, with a row

of Macedonians _at their rear_. In any case troops standing in close

formation armed with weapons 7 yards long must have been useless for any

but defensive purposes; and, as a matter of fact, the victories of

Alexander were generally gained by the lightning charge of the king at

the head of his knights.

We need not touch upon the shabby “Sacred Wars” which caused Philip to

enter Greece on the invitation of Thebes. It was at Chæroneia in 338

that Philip defeated a mixed Greek army in whose ranks Demosthenes was

fighting as a hoplite. Philip was generous to the Greeks, and especially

to Athens. Next year the darling wish of his heart was obtained, for he

was elected president of a Panhellenic union destined to fulfil his

great scheme of avenging the Persian invasions of Greece by a march to

Babylon. In the next year he was murdered, and his brilliant son

Alexander cannot be acquitted of complicity in the crime.

The grand idea was Philip’s, begotten perhaps from the study of

Isocrates, and certainly inspired by the examples of Xenophon and

Agesilaus. Unfortunately it was far from arousing any enthusiasm in

Greece. Persia was a long way off, and money could be had from the Great

King without fighting for it. There was a sordid scramble for bribes

among the Greek statesmen. As soon as they heard of Philip’s death they

broke into unseemly jubilation, and voted compliments to his murderers;

they hoped that things would return to their old routine, and that there

would be no more talk of antediluvian crusades. They had reckoned

without Alexander, for it is seldom that a Philip is succeeded by an

Alexander.

This young man who conquered the world and died at the age of

thirty-three has quite naturally captivated the imagination of posterity

and formed a model for ambitious generals of later days. Julius Cæsar

sighed to think of his inferiority in achievement. Augustus paid a visit

to his tomb, and wore his portrait on a ring. Napoleon consciously

imitated him. As a soldier he was not only an organiser of victory,

though of course he owed a great deal to his father in this respect, and

a strategist with an eye for a battlefield, but also a dashing cavalry

leader, the sort of man to ride straight for the enemy’s king, to be the

first in the breach, and to leap down alone into the enemy’s town. He

did this sort of thing with impunity; he never lost a battle. He was

chivalrous to ladies, Bayard and Bluebeard by turns. He married a

beautiful Eastern princess called Roxana, he rode a beautiful war-horse

called Bucephalus. If Lysippus and Apelles may be trusted, he had the

face of a Greek god. He had just that touch of dissipation which somehow

rounds off the conception of a popular hero. He had the good fortune to

die young, in the hour of victory.

And what is to be the sober historian’s estimate of this dazzling

person? We may minimise his triumphs by pointing out that the Persian

empire was helpless before him, like ripe fruit waiting to be gathered.

We may certainly charge him with conquering insanely without stopping to

organise, and with neglecting his own kingdom and failing to deal

adequately with the political condition of old Greece. We may point to

the extraordinarily rapid collapse of his empire. But then he died

suddenly in the midst of his work, and left no grown heir to succeed

him. In some respects I think we must all admit that he showed very

remarkable gifts of statesmanship. Though

[Illustration: Plate 82.--Alexander at Issus (Pompeii mosaic.)

_Brogi._]

half a barbarian by origin, he was an enthusiast for Hellenism, and his

plan was to spread it at the point of the spear all over the civilised

world. When he destroyed Thebes he spared one house--the house of

Pindar. It was as a missionary of Greek culture that he marched over the

burning deserts of Asia. He took poets and artists in his train. He

would stop his march every now and then to exhibit Greek athletics and

Greek arts to the wondering Orientals. He planted Greek cities wherever

he had time to stop, from Alexandria at the mouth of the Nile to

Candahar (another version of his name). He had the art which makes a

successful apostle, the gift of being all things to all men. In Egypt,

the land of religion and mystery, he made a solemn pilgrimage into the

desert, and got himself accepted as the son of the god called by the

Greeks Ammon. In Persia he recognised the merits of the Persian

provincial system, and appointed his own satraps, or even retained the

existing ones. He treated Persian women with the deference to which they

were accustomed, and added one to his household in the manner to which

they were also accustomed. His Macedonians murmured at his Oriental

dress and manners, but Alexander was always a Greek at heart, the lines

of Homer always rang in his ears, and he fancied himself a reincarnation

of Achilles pursuing his Phrygian Hectors over the dusty plains of Troy.

He was mad, no doubt, to march so far over those weary deserts into

Turkestan, through those dreadful defiles of the Hindu Khush. Only the

mutiny of his army turned him back when he reached the farthest of the

Five Rivers of the Punjaub. And then it was frantic lunacy to lead his

army home along the burning coasts of the Persian Gulf. That experience

taught him, it seems, a lesson which he might well have learnt earlier,

namely, the value of sea-power for conquerors and empire-builders. When

he died he was projecting a naval expedition along the coasts of Africa.

The disaffection of Athens had deprived him of the fleet which ought to

have belonged to a Panhellenic army, and Alexander had been forced to

destroy the Persian fleet by a siege of its arsenal and headquarters,

the island city of Tyre. Most conquerors have a touch of insanity, no

doubt. The sanest of them is Julius Cæsar, and the maddest is Charles

XII. But Alexander the Great had lucid intervals of consummate

statesmanship. It is in this respect that he differs from the vulgar

type of adventurer and stands among civilising conquerors like William

the Norman with his Domesday Book, Napoleon with his Code, and Julius

Cæsar with his Julian Laws and his calendar. This intellectual

suppleness was the mark of Alexander’s Greek education, though it still

remains a difficulty to trace in his career the influence of Aristotle,

his tutor.

On his death at Babylon in 323 the whole empire flew to pieces. He had

unwisely divided his veteran armies among his various generals, and each

of them found himself established as the monarch of a large territory.

Most of them naturally desired to emulate their master and secure as

much of his empire as they could for themselves. Out of the confusing

struggles of the next generation three great kingdoms gradually emerged:

that of Macedonia, warlike and turbulent under various shortlived

dynasties, that of Asia, huge and wealthy under a line of Seleucids, and

that of Egypt under a long family of Ptolemies. All these kingdoms were

mainly Greek. In the country, no doubt, Oriental life and language

continued, but in the towns and for purposes of government both the

language and the civilisation were Greek. Thus Alexander had done his

work. He had actually added the whole of Asia Minor, Phœnicia, and Egypt

to the Greek world. Curious traces of Hellenism are found even in

distant India.

In this world of “the Successors,” as they are called, the ancient

states of Greece are not altogether negligible. Rhodes continued to be

free, rich, and happy. Athens, as I have remarked, was occasionally

oppressed and sometimes enslaved by the Macedonian rulers to the north,

but for the most part she continued as a free democracy, conducting her

own affairs as vehemently as ever, though now, of course, as a

second-class power. Sparta stood sullenly aloof, joining no

confederacies,

[Illustration: PLATE LXXXIII. “THE SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER” FROM SIDON:

LION-HUNT

_Seban & Joaillier_]

but dreadfully shrunken in population. I have alluded to her notable

experiments at reform in the third century under Agis and Cleomenes. It

was ended by the crushing defeat at Sellasia from the Achæan League and

the Macedonians. Towns like Argos and Corinth preserved their liberties

by joining the Leagues. Epirus was a new Power rising to fame by the

same road as Macedon under an adventurous king called Pyrrhus. He

unfortunately turned west instead of east in his search for worlds to

conquer, and there met another rising power, a race of real soldiers who

made short work of the Greek phalanx, even when supported by heavy

cavalry in the form of Indian elephants. It was these Romans who, when

they came in due course to return his visit, put “Finis” to this chapter

of Greek history, and proceeded themselves to undertake the task of

writing the next.

ALEXANDER IN ART

We have numerous works of art which portray Alexander the Great, and as

he is said to have granted the sole right of depicting his royal form to

Lysippus the sculptor, and to have commissioned Apelles as his royal

painter, we may presume that most of the portraits go back to an

original by one of these artists. We have enough description of the

pictures by Apelles to show that he treated his model with all the

obsequiousness of a court painter. There was Alexander in the guise of

Zeus wielding the thunderbolt, Alexander in the company of Nike and the

Heavenly Twins, Alexander leading the god of war in triumph, Alexander

mounted on Bucephalus. The only relic which may give us an idea of the

treatment of such subjects in pictorial art is a very fine mosaic floor

at Pompeii.[107] It represents the conqueror charging bareheaded into

the press of the Persian bodyguard at Issus, his greatest victory. You

see Darius in his Oriental “mitre” anxious and terrified, just turning

his chariot out of the battle. The scene is represented with great

spirit, and Alexander’s face is happily preserved. The horses in

particular are most faithfully rendered. As part of the mosaic depicts a

Nile scene, with crocodiles, ibis, snakes, and a hippopotamus, we must

infer that the original picture was made in Alexandria.

The same scene is depicted with greater brilliance on the famous

sarcophagus from Sidon. On one side of it Alexander and Parmenio are

fighting the Persians at Issus, and on the other side they are engaged

in a lion hunt.[108] Few works of art can compare with this monument in

magnificence or in historical interest. It is especially interesting in

the history of art because it gives us the best example of the

application of colour to sculpture, and completely justifies that

process.[109] It also affords fine specimens of Greek mouldings and

designs. The material is Pentelic marble imported from Athens. This

sarcophagus is now in the museum at Constantinople.

Of the many busts and heads of Alexander, none gives us a very

favourable example of the work of Lysippus. The so-called Dying

Alexander is hideously strained and emotional. A head in the British

Museum, however, is probably nearer to the original, though the very

short upper lip and the heavy jaw make it a rather unpleasing

portrait.[110] We are told that Lysippus alone was permitted to make

portraits of Alexander, because “others desiring to represent the bend

of his neck and the emotional glance of his eyes, failed to render his

manly and leonine aspect.” It should be noted that Lysippus made a

famous group of Alexander’s hunting, and another of Alexander’s troop of

horse, so that the Constantinople reliefs may go back to Lysippean

originals.

[Illustration: Alexander the Great. From a Coin of Thrace]

Alexander was worshipped even in his lifetime as a god. He claimed,

among other divine claims, to be a son of Ammon. In this character he is

represented with the ram’s horns of that Egyptian deity on a coin of

Thrace cast by Lysimachus, one of his generals and successors.

[Illustration: Plate 84. PORTION OF THE EASTERN FRIEZE OF THE

SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER.]

Alexander was the first of mortals to have his portrait on Greek coins,

and it is only in virtue of the divine honours paid to him that this is

conceded even to the conqueror of the world. Many of the later kings

followed his example, and portraiture on the coins now becomes common.

ALEXANDRIA

In studying the early civilisation of Europe, which means the history of

the Mediterranean peninsulas, one must not forget that economically

Egypt is the key to the whole position. In natural resources it is far

the richest country in that region. Hitherto, however, it had been shut

off from the rest of the world by its own peculiar civilisation and

religion, though the Greeks had occasionally borrowed ideas from it and

sometimes interfered in its historical course. Now Alexander gives it a

Greek government and a Greek capital. In order to crush the Phœnician

fleet which had been the principal naval support of the Persian Empire,

he had been compelled to destroy the city of Tyre. But it was more than

a strategic move. He intended the commerce and sea-power of the Levant

to be henceforth in Greek hands. He succeeded brilliantly in his

purpose. Phœnicia passed away from the stage of history, and only

survived in her great colony of Carthage.

The city of Alexandria was laid out on a mathematical plan by Greek

architects. Its situation on the delta of the Nile was exceedingly

favourable to commerce, especially as the difficult navigation of its

waters was mitigated by the construction of a great lighthouse, one of

the Seven Wonders of the World. In the division of the empire Egypt had

the good fortune to fall to the share of Ptolemy, a wise and enlightened

ruler, as were most of his descendants of the same name. These all

pursued a policy of commerce and peaceful expansion. There was brisk

traffic between Alexandria, Rhodes, Pergamum, Athens, and Syracuse, and

Alexandria grew to be the greatest city in the world. It was

pre-eminently Greek, but tinctured also with some of the Orientalism of

its environment.

Along with commerce the Ptolemies cultivated literature by founding a

sort of university or college called the Museum. It consisted of a

temple of the Muses, rooms for its members, a common dining-hall,

cloistered walks for the peripatetic teacher, and above all of a

magnificent library, for which the kings of Egypt made it their ambition

to collect all the books in the world. Half a million MSS. were gathered

there in the third century. The chief librarian was the master of the

whole institution, which was a place of research and literary production

rather than of education. At the same time Ptolemy made a point of

attracting all the foremost literary men of the Greek world to his

court. It cannot be denied that the Alexandrian culture was rich and

vigorous. Great strides were made in science and mathematics, new and

promising forms of literature were invented, but at the same time the

sheltered air of the Museum tended to produce, as is inevitably the case

with collegiate institutions, a rather frigid and academic type of work.

At Alexandria, for instance, the first critics arose, and the first

literary scholars, whose task was mainly to elucidate and comment upon

the works of Homer. One of these scholars invented the Greek system of

breathings and accents to help in the recital of verse. The most famous

of all of them was Aristarchus, the Father of Criticism. In science and

mathematics we must mention our old friend Euclid, who reigned in the

hearts of schoolboys until the day before yesterday. Here worked

Archimedes, the great engineer and founder of mechanics, statics, and

dynamics. His researches in these directions remained unequalled until

the seventeenth century _anno Domini_. Wondrous stories are told of his

inventions and of his absent-mindedness. Once as he was entering the

bath the overflowing of the water gave him a valuable scientific hint.

He was so pleased that he forgot to dress, but ran home through the

streets crying, “Heureka! Heureka!” At Alexandria, too, lived

Eratosthenes, who first measured the circumference of the earth and

worked out a system of chronology for history.

[Illustration: PLATE LXXXV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT

_Mansell & Co._]

There were many other historians of lesser repute at the Museum.

In poetry Alexandria is connected with some important developments,

chiefly literary revivals of ancient modes. Thus Apollonius the Rhodian

attempted to revive the epic, and wrote a long poem in hexameter verse

on the Argonautic expedition of Jason. It is of course rather cold and

formal, it is a long way from Homer, but it is of considerable merit in

the field of poetry. Alexandria revived also the elegiac couplet,

chiefly for short epigrams, some of which have the beauty and colour of

a Greek gem. We may see for an example that epigram of Callimachus from

which I have taken the couplet at the head of my Introduction, and which

was so charmingly translated by William Johnson Cory. I quote another

elegiac epigram of Meleager’s to show how modern in tone and subject

these dainty lyrics had become in the first century B.C.:

“Poor foolish heart, I cried ‘Beware,’

I vowed thou wouldst be captured,

So fondly hovering round the snare,

With thy false love enraptured.

“I cried, and thou art caught at last,

All vainly flutterest in the toils.

Lord Love himself hath bound thee fast

And meshed thy pinions in his coils.

“And he hath set thee on his fire,

In drugs thy swooning soul immersed,

In stifling perfumes of desire,

With scalding tears to quench thy thirst.”

So far it is mainly a record of revivals, but in Theocritus, who, though

Sicilian by birth, passed most of his active career at Alexandria, we

have the inventor of a new and most important branch of literature. With

him pastoral poetry was a fresh and genuine creation. His Idylls are, as

their name implies, a series of cameo pictures of shepherd life in

Sicily. We have found no space here to speak of the later developments

of Sicilian history, which in the fourth and third centuries became

once more a desperate battleground between Carthaginian invaders and

clever Syracusan tyrants like Dionysius and Agathocles. It is strange to

think that the beautiful rustic life depicted by Theocritus could exist

among the hills and glens of Sicily in spite of all the turmoil of

history. Mr. Andrew Lang has completely vindicated Theocritus from the

charge of artificiality by pointing out that the shepherds of modern

Greece sing in language of refined and impassioned poetry that is

perfectly natural and spontaneous. Large parts of the Idylls sound like

quotations of such songs of Nature. Theocritus was, of course, the

source of that pastoral convention which has produced so much that is

artificial in art and literature amid much of supreme beauty. We think

at once of Vergil, Spenser, Sidney, Milton, Watteau, and the Dresden

shepherdess. Theocritus is the literary father of all these. In his

famous Fifteenth Idyll, which describes with exquisite humour the

conversation of a pair of Sicilian dames going to see a festival of

Adonis at Alexandria, we have the beginnings of another literary

form--the mime. This is a rudimentary style of drama which seeks to

portray little genre scenes of life with no attempt at a plot. Herondas

of Cos was the principal master of this art.

Two pupils of Theocritus were Bion and Moschus, both accomplished

elegiac poets. Bion’s dirge for Daphnis and Moschus’ lament for Bion

have provided the type for Vergil’s lament for Daphnis, for Milton’s

“Lycidas,” for Shelley’s “Adonais,” and Matthew Arnold’s “Thyrsis.”

ATHENS AND HER PHILOSOPHERS

In Alexandria, then, the Hellenic genius was as fruitful as ever. But it

was growing under glass there, and it was not pure Occidental culture.

We have to think of the Greek Ptolemies, descended from Macedonian

generals, as on the one hand writing Greek poetry and inviting Greek

scholars to criticise it, but on the other hand accepting homage and

[Illustration: Plate 86.--Relief from Pergamum.

W. Titzenthaler, Photo. Berlin, W.]

adulation as Eastern potentates, and actually marrying their sisters

after the customary manner of Pharaohs. In Egypt Father Zeus took over

the horns of Amen-Ra and became Zeus Ammon. Aphrodite, the foam-born

goddess, assumed her Oriental nature once more and was mated with young

Adonis in weird and lascivious Eastern ritual. Adonis was no Grecian

youth, but a mystic personification of the spring, and his worshippers

tore their hair and made lamentation for him with the same frenzy as

made the priests of Carmel cut themselves with knives in honour of Baal.

All over Asia Minor Hellenism had to mingle with Asiatic elements,

losing in the contact all its fine austerity and sweet reasonableness.

Hence was born the worship of Cybele, an Oriental Great Mother, with

horrid mysteries performed by priestly eunuchs. Even the sculpture with

which the wealthy Attalids adorned their great altar of Zeus at

Pergamum, though Greek in plot and execution, is of almost Asiatic

luxuriance and voluptuous beauty.[111] Passion and effort replace calm

and dignity even as they do in the new Asiatic schools of oratory.

Alexander’s violent battering at the gates which separate East from West

had produced a strange hybrid in many of the cities of Eastern Greece.

But in some quarters the pure Greek spirit still produced lovely and

reasonable work in art and literature alike. It seems to me impossible

to think of degeneracy in connection with the Aphrodite of Melos, known

to the public as the Venus of Milo.[112] If she has the charm and

suavity of Praxiteles, she has the dignity and breadth of Pheidias.

Unless you follow the pedants who make some point of the arrangement of

her drapery, there is not a trait of vulgarity in her aspect. No doubt

if we had the original Lady of Cnidos we should know better, but at

present this superb statue rightly stands as the embodiment of feminine

loveliness in statuary. And yet all the archæological indications go to

prove that her author lived at the very end of the second century in the

Asiatic city of Antioch, on the Mæander. She was found in a cavern on

the little island of Melos, hidden there by who knows what devout

worshipper or terrified pirate? She is, in fact, surrounded with

mystery. No one has succeeded in restoring her missing arms, though far

the most plausible theory is that which would make her hold a shield for

a mirror in the same manner as the Victory of Brescia. No one has found

anything else in Greek sculpture which could belong to the same artist,

or even to the same phase of art. I name her here only to prove that you

cannot fairly close the history of Greek art with Praxiteles or any

other named sculptors, seeing that an unnamed artist living two

centuries later could produce a statue on the same plane of excellence.

One of the most interesting figures among the warriors who followed

Alexander was Demetrius, the Besieger of Cities, who gained his title

from a celebrated but unsuccessful siege of Rhodes. He gained the

kingdom of Macedonia and enslaved Athens. In celebration of a naval

victory gained by him in 306 B.C. he set up at Samothrace a wonderful

statue of Victory standing on the prow of a warship.[113] Her wings are

outspread, her drapery is blown back by the wind, she is all life and

motion. Along with the Venus of Milo she is the chief glory of the

sculpture galleries in the Louvre. The reader should compare her with

that earlier Victory fashioned by Pæonius. He will see that her drapery

is much richer and the whole conception far more sensational. Both are

very beautiful statues, but a pure taste will probably prefer the

earlier one.

The Glory That Was Greece: a survey of Hellenic culture and civilisation · 第 21 / 25 段