OTHO

The new emperor went early in the morning to the capitol, and

sacrificed; and, having commanded Marius Celsus to be brought,

he saluted him, and with obliging language desired him rather to

forget his accusation than remember his acquittal; to which

Celsus answered neither meanly nor ungratefully, that his very

crime ought to recommend his integrity, since his guilt had been

his fidelity to Galba, from whom he had never received any

personal obligations. Upon which they were both of them admired

by those that were present, and applauded by the soldiers.

In the senate, Otho said much in a gentle and popular strain.

He was to have been consul for part of that year himself, but he

gave the office to Virginius Rufus, and displaced none that had

been named for the consulship by either Nero or Galba. Those

that were remarkable for their age and dignity he promoted to

the priest-hoods; and restored the remains of their fortunes,

that had not yet been sold, to all those senators that were

banished by Nero and recalled by Galba. So that the nobility

and chief of the people, who were at first apprehensive that no

human creature, but some supernatural penal, or vindictive power

had seized the empire, began now to flatter themselves with

hopes of a government that smiled upon them thus early.

Besides, nothing gratified or gained the whole Roman people more

than his justice in relation to Tigellinus. It was not seen how

he was in fact already suffering punishment, not only by the

very terror of retribution which he saw the whole city requiring

as a just debt, but with several incurable diseases also; not to

mention those unhallowed frightful excesses among impure and

prostituted women, to which, at the very close of life, his lewd

nature clung, and in them gasped out, as it were, its last;

these, in the opinion of all reasonable men, being themselves

the extremest punishment, and equal to many deaths. But it was

felt like a grievance by people in general that he continued yet

to see the light of day, who had been the occasion of the loss

of it to so many persons, and such persons, as had died by his

means. Wherefore Otho ordered him to be sent for, just as he

was contriving his escape by means of some vessels that lay

ready for him on the coast near where he lived, in the

neighborhood of Sinuessa. At first he endeavored to corrupt the

messenger, by a large sum of money, to favor his design; but

when he found this was to no purpose, he made him as

considerable a present, as if he had really connived at it, only

entreating him to stay till he had shaved; and so took that

opportunity, and with his razor dispatched himself.

And while giving the people this most righteous satisfaction of

their desires, for himself he seemed to have no sort of regard

for any private injuries of his own. And at first, to please

the populace, he did not refuse to be called Nero in the

theater, and did not interfere when some persons displayed

Nero's statues to public view. And Cluvius Rufus says,

imperial letters, such as are sent with couriers, went into

Spain with the name of Nero affixed adoptively to that of Otho;

but as soon as he perceived this gave offense to the chief and

most distinguished citizens, it was omitted.

After he had begun to model the government in this manner, the

paid soldiers began to murmur, and endeavored to make him

suspect and chastise the nobility, either really out of a

concern for his safety, or wishing, upon this pretense, to stir

up trouble and warfare. Thus, whilst Crispinus, whom he had

ordered to bring him the seventeenth cohort from Ostia, began to

collect what he wanted after it was dark, and was putting the

arms upon the wagons, some of the most turbulent cried out that

Crispinus was disaffected, that the senate was practicing

something against the emperor, and that those arms were to be

employed against Caesar, and not for him. When this report was

once set afoot, it got the belief and excited the passions of

many; they broke out into violence; some seized the wagons, and

others slew Crispinus and two centurions that opposed them; and

the whole number of them, arraying themselves in their arms, and

encouraging one another to stand by Caesar, marched to Rome.

And hearing there that eighty of the senators were at supper

with Otho, they flew to the palace, and declared it was a fair

opportunity to take off Caesar's enemies at one stroke. A

general alarm ensued of an immediate coming sack of the city.

All were in confusion about the palace, and Otho himself in no

small consternation, being not only concerned for the senators

(some of whom had brought their wives to supper thither), but

also feeling himself to be an object of alarm and suspicion to

them, whose eyes he saw fixed on him in silence and terror.

Therefore he gave orders to the prefects to address the soldiers

and do their best to pacify them, while he bade the guests rise,

and leave by another door. They had only just made their way

out, when the soldiers rushed into the room, and called out,

"Where are Caesar's enemies?" Then Otho, standing up on his

couch, made use both of arguments and entreaties, and by actual

tears at last, with great difficulty, persuaded them to desist.

The next day he went to the camp, and distributed a bounty of

twelve hundred and fifty drachmas a man amongst them; then

commended them for the regard and zeal they had for his safety,

but told them, that there were some who were intriguing among

them, who not only accused his own clemency, but had also

misrepresented their loyalty; and, therefore, he desired their

assistance in doing justice upon them. To which when they all

consented, he was satisfied with the execution of two only,

whose deaths he knew would be regretted by no one man in the

whole army.

Such conduct, so little expected from him, was rewarded by some

with gratitude and confidence; others looked upon his behavior

as a course to which necessity drove him, to gain the people to

the support of the war. For now there were certain tidings that

Vitellius had assumed the sovereign title and authority, and

frequent expresses brought accounts of new accessions to him;

others, however, came, announcing that the Pannonian, Dalmatian,

and Moesian legions, with their officers, adhered to Otho.

Erelong also came favorable letters from Mucianus and Vespasian,

generals of two formidable armies, the one in Syria, the other

in Judaea, to assure him of their firmness to his interest: in

confidence whereof he was so exalted, that he wrote to Vitellius

not to attempt anything beyond his post; and offered him large

sums of money and a city, where he might live his time out in

pleasure and ease. These overtures at first were responded to

by Vitellius with equivocating civilities; which soon, however,

turned into an interchange of angry words; and letters passed

between the two, conveying bitter and shameful terms of

reproach, which were not false indeed, for that matter, only it

was senseless and ridiculous for each to assail the other with

accusations to which both alike must plead guilty. For it were

hard to determine which of the two had been most profuse, most

effeminate, which was most a novice in military affairs, and

most involved in debt through previous want of means.

As to the prodigies and apparitions that happened about this

time, there were many reported which none could answer for, or

which were told in different ways, but one which everybody

actually saw with their eyes was the statue in the capitol, of

Victory carried in a chariot, with the reins dropped out of her

hands, as if she were grown too weak to hold them any longer;

and a second, that Caius Caesar's statue in the island of

Tiber, without any earthquake or wind to account for it, turned

round from west to east; and this they say, happened about the

time when Vespasian and his party first openly began to put

themselves forward. Another incident, which the people in

general thought an evil sign, was the inundation of the Tiber;

for though it happened at a time when rivers are usually at

their fullest, yet such height of water and so tremendous a

flood had never been known before, nor such a destruction of

property, great part of the city being under water, and

especially the corn market, so that it occasioned a great dearth

for several days.

But when news was now brought that Caecina and Valens,

commanding for Vitellius, had possessed themselves of the Alps,

Otho sent Dolabella (a patrician, who was suspected by the

soldiery of some ill design), for whatever reason, whether it

were fear of him or of anyone else, to the town of Aquinum, to

give encouragement there; and proceeding then to choose which of

the magistrates should go with him to the war, he named amongst

the rest Lucius, Vitellius's brother, without distinguishing him

by any new marks either of his favor or displeasure. He also

took the greatest precautions for Vitellius's wife and mother,

that they might be safe, and free from all apprehension for

themselves. He made Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's brother,

governor of Rome, either in honor to the memory of Nero, who had

advanced him formerly to that command, which Galba had taken

away, or else to show his confidence in Vespasian by his favor

to his brother.

After he came to Brixillum, a town of Italy near the Po, he

stayed behind himself, and ordered the army to march under the

conduct of Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paulinus, Gallus, and

Spurina, all men of experience and reputation, but unable to

carry their own plans and purposes into effect, by reason of the

ungovernable temper of the army, which would take orders from

none but the emperor whom they themselves had made their master.

Nor was the enemy under much better discipline, the soldiers

there also being haughty and disobedient upon the same account,

but they were more experienced and used to hard work; whereas

Otho's men were soft from their long easy living and lack of

service, having spent most of their time in theaters and at

state-shows and on the stage; while moreover they tried to cover

their deficiencies by arrogance and vain display, pretending to

decline their duty not because they were unable to do the thing

commanded but because they thought themselves above it. So that

Spurina had like to have been cut in pieces for attempting to

force them to their work; they assailed him with insolent

language, accusing him of a design to betray and ruin Caesar's

interest; nay, some of them that were in drink forced his tent

in the night, and demanded money for the expenses of their

journey, which they must at once take, they said, to the

emperor, to complain of him.

However, the contemptuous treatment they met with at Placentia

did for the present good service to Spurina, and to the cause of

Otho. For Vitellius's men marched up to the walls, and

upbraided Otho's upon the ramparts, calling them players,

dancers, idle spectators of Pythian and Olympic games, but

novices in the art of war, who never so much as looked on at a

battle; mean souls, that triumphed in the beheading of Galba, an

old man unarmed, but had no desire to look real enemies in the

face. Which reproaches so inflamed them, that they kneeled at

Spurina's feet, entreated him to give his orders, and assured

him no danger or toil should be too great or too difficult for

them. Whereupon when Vitellius's forces made a vigorous attack

on the town, and brought up numerous engines against the walls,

the besieged bravely repulsed them, and, repelling the enemy

with great slaughter, secured the safety of a noble city, one of

the most flourishing places in Italy.

Besides, it was observed that Otho's officers were much more

inoffensive, both towards the public and to private men, than

those of Vitellius; among whom was Caecina, who used neither the

language nor the apparel of a citizen; an overbearing,

foreign-seeming man, of gigantic stature and always dressed in

trews and sleeves, after the manner of the Gauls, whilst he

conversed with Roman officials and magistrates. His wife, too,

traveled along with him, riding in splendid attire on horseback,

with a chosen body of cavalry to escort her. And Fabius Valens,

the other general, was so rapacious, that neither what he

plundered from enemies nor what he stole or got as gifts and

bribes from his friends and allies could satisfy his wishes.

And it was said that it was in order to have time to raise money

that he had marched so slowly that he was not present at the

former attack. But some lay the blame on Caecina, saying, that

out of a desire to gain the victory by himself before Fabius

joined him, he committed sundry other errors of lesser

consequence, and by engaging unseasonably and when he could not

do so thoroughly, he very nearly brought all to ruin.

When he found himself beat off at Placentia, he set off to

attack Cremona, another large and rich city. In the meantime,

Annius Gallus marched to join Spurina at Placentia; but having

intelligence that the siege was raised, and that Cremona was in

danger, he turned to its relief, and encamped just by the enemy,

where he was daily reinforced by other officers. Caecina placed

a strong ambush of heavy infantry in some rough and woody

country, and gave orders to his horse to advance, and if the

enemy should charge them, then to make a slow retreat, and draw

them into the snare. But his stratagem was discovered by some

deserters to Celsus, who attacked with a good body of horse, but

followed the pursuit cautiously, and succeeded in surrounding

and routing the troops in the ambuscade; and if the infantry

which he ordered up from the camp had come soon enough to

sustain the horse, Caecina's whole army, in all appearance, had

been totally routed. But Paulinus, moving too slowly, was

accused of acting with a degree of needless caution not to have

been expected from one of his reputation. So that the soldiers

incensed Otho against him, accused him of treachery, and boasted

loudly that the victory had been in their power, and that if it

was not complete, it was owing to the mismanagement of their

generals; all which Otho did not so much believe as he was

willing to appear not to disbelieve. He therefore sent his

brother Titianus, with Proculus, the prefect of the guards, to

the army, where the latter was general in reality, and the

former in appearance. Celsus and Paulinus had the title of

friends and counselors, but not the least authority or power.

At the same time, there was nothing but quarrel and disturbance

amongst the enemy, especially where Valens commanded; for the

soldiers here, being informed of what had happened at the

ambuscade, were enraged because they had not been permitted to

be present to strike a blow in defense of the lives of so many

men that had died in that action. Valens, with much difficulty,

quieted their fury, after they had now begun to throw missiles

at him, and quitting his camp, joined Caecina.

About this time, Otho came to Bedriacum, a little town near

Cremona, to the camp, and called a council of war; where

Proculus and Titianus declared for giving battle, while the

soldiers were flushed with their late success, saying they ought

not to lose their time and opportunity and present height of

strength, and wait for Vitellius to arrive out of Gaul. But

Paulinus told them that the enemy's whole force was present, and

that there was no body of reserve behind; but that Otho, if he

would not be too precipitate, and choose the enemy's time,

instead of his own, for the battle, might expect reinforcements

out of Moesia and Pannonia, not inferior in numbers to the

troops that were already present. He thought it probable, too,

that the soldiers, who were then in heart before they were

joined, would not be less so when the forces were all come up.

Besides, the deferring battle could not be inconvenient to them

that were sufficiently provided with all necessaries; but the

others, being in an enemy's country, must needs be exceedingly

straitened in a little time. Marius Celsus was of Paulinus's

opinion; Annius Gallus, being absent and under the surgeon's

hands through a fall from his horse, was consulted by letter,

and advised Otho to stay for those legions that were marching

from Moesia. But after all he did not follow the advice; and

the opinion of those that declared for a battle prevailed.

There are several reasons given for this determination, but the

most apparent is this; that the praetorian soldiers, as they are

called, who serve as guards, not relishing the military

discipline which they now had begun a little more to experience,

and longing for their amusements and unwarlike life among the

shows of Rome, would not be commanded, but were eager for a

battle, imagining that upon the first onset they should carry

all before them. Otho also himself seems not to have shown the

proper fortitude in bearing up against the uncertainty, and, out

of effeminacy and want of use, had not patience for the

calculations of danger, and was so uneasy at the apprehension of

it, that he shut his eyes, and like one going to leap from a

precipice, left everything to fortune. This is the account

Secundus the rhetorician, who was his secretary, gave of the

matter. But others would tell you that there were many

movements in both armies for acting in concert; and if it were

possible for them to agree, then they should proceed to choose

one of their most experienced officers that were present; if

not, they should convene the senate, and invest it with the

power of election. And it is not improbable that, neither of

the emperors then bearing the title having really any

reputation, such purposes were really entertained among the

genuine, serviceable, and sober-minded part of the soldiers.

For what could be more odious and unreasonable than that the

evils which the Roman citizens had formerly thought it so

lamentable to inflict upon each other for the sake of a Sylla or

a Marius, a Caesar or a Pompey, should now be undergone anew,

for the object of letting the empire pay the expenses of the

gluttony and intemperance of Vitellius, or the looseness and

effeminacy of Otho? It is thought that Celsus, upon such

reflections, protracted the time in order to a possible

accommodation; and that Otho pushed on things to an extremity to

prevent it.

He himself returned to Brixillum, which was another false step,

both because he withdrew from the combatants all the motives of

respect and desire to gain his favor, which his presence would

have supplied, and because he weakened the army by detaching

some of his best and most faithful troops for his horse and foot

guards.

About the same time also happened a skirmish on the Po. As

Caecina was laying a bridge over it, Otho's men attacked him,

and tried to prevent it. And when they did not succeed, on

their putting into their boats torchwood with a quantity of

sulphur and pitch, the wind on the river suddenly caught their

material that they had prepared against the enemy, and blew it

into a light. First came smoke, and then a clear flame, and the

men, getting into great confusion and jumping overboard, upset

the boats, and put themselves ludicrously at the mercy of their

enemies. Also the Germans attacked Otho's gladiators upon a

small island in the river, routed them, and killed a good many.

All which made the soldiers at Bedriacum full of anger, and

eagerness to be led to battle. So Proculus led them out of

Bedriacum to a place fifty furlongs off, where he pitched his

camp so ignorantly and with such a ridiculous want of foresight,

that the soldiers suffered extremely for want of water, though

it was the spring time, and the plains all around were full of

running streams and rivers that never dried up. The next day he

proposed to attack the enemy, first making a march of not less

than a hundred furlongs; but to this Paulinus objected, saying

they ought to wait, and not immediately after a journey engage

men who would have been standing in their arms and arranging

themselves for battle at their leisure, whilst they were making

a long march with all their beasts of burden and their camp

followers to encumber them. As the generals were arguing about

this matter, a Numidian courier came from Otho with orders to

lose no time, but give battle. Accordingly they consented, and

moved. As soon as Caecina had notice, he was much surprised,

and quitted his post on the river to hasten to the camp. In the

meantime, the men had armed themselves mostly, and were

receiving the word from Valens; so while the legions took up

their position, they sent out the best of their horse in

advance.

Otho's foremost troops, upon some groundless rumor, took up the

notion that the commanders on the other side would come over;

and accordingly, upon their first approach, they saluted them

with the friendly title of fellow-soldiers. But the others

returned the compliment with anger and disdainful words; which

not only disheartened those that had given the salutation, but

excited suspicions of their fidelity amongst the others on their

side, who had not. This caused a confusion at the very first

onset. And nothing else that followed was done upon any plan;

the baggage-carriers, mingling up with the fighting men, created

great disorder and division, as well as the nature of the

ground; the ditches and pits in which were so many, that they

were forced to break their ranks to avoid and go round them, and

so to fight without order and in small parties. There were but

two legions, one of Vitellius's, called The Ravenous, and

another of Otho's, called The Assistant, that got out into the

open outspread level and engaged in proper form, fighting, one

main body against the other, for some length of time. Otho's

men were strong and bold, but had never been in battle before;

Vitellius's had seen many wars, but were old and past their

strength. So Otho's legion charged boldly, drove back their

opponents, and took the eagle, killing pretty nearly every man

in the first rank, till the others, full of rage and shame,

returned the charge, slew Orfidius, the commander of the legion,

and took several standards. Varus Alfenus, with his Batavians,

who are the natives of an island of the Rhine, and are esteemed

the best of the German horse, fell upon the gladiators, who had

a reputation both for valor and skill in fighting. Some few of

these did their duty, but the greatest part of them made towards

the river, and, falling in with some cohorts stationed there,

were cut off. But none behaved so ill as the praetorians, who,

without ever so much as meeting the enemy, ran away, broke

through their own body that stood, and put them into disorder.

Notwithstanding this, many of Otho's men routed those that were

opposed to them, broke right into them, and forced their way to

the camp through the very middle of their conquerors.

As for their commanders, neither Proculus nor Paulinus ventured

to reenter with the troops; they turned aside, and avoided the

soldiers, who had already charged the miscarriage upon their

officers. Annius Gallus received into the town and rallied the

scattered parties, and encouraged them with an assurance that

the battle was a drawn one and the victory had in many parts

been theirs. Marius Celsus, collecting the officers, urged the

public interest; Otho himself, if he were a brave man, would

not, after such an expense of Roman blood, attempt anything

further; especially since even Cato and Scipio, though the

liberty of Rome was then at stake, had been accused of being too

prodigal of so many brave men's lives as were lost in Africa,

rather than submit to Caesar after the battle of Pharsalia had

gone against them. For though all persons are equally subject

to the caprice of fortune, yet all good men have one advantage

she cannot deny, which is this, to act reasonably under

misfortunes.

This language was well accepted amongst the officers, who

sounded the private soldiers, and found them desirous of peace;

and Titianus also gave directions that envoys should be sent in

order to a treaty. And accordingly it was agreed that the

conference should be between Celsus and Gallus on one part, and

Valens with Caecina on the other. As the two first were upon

their journey, they met some centurions, who told them the

troops were already in motion, marching for Bedriacum, but that

they themselves were deputed by their generals to carry

proposals for an accommodation. Celsus and Gallus expressed

their approval, and requested them to turn back and carry them

to Caecina. However, Celsus, upon his approach, was in danger

from the vanguard, who happened to be some of the horse that had

suffered at the ambush. For as soon as they saw him, they

hallooed, and were coming down upon him; but the centurions came

forward to protect him, and the other officers crying out and

bidding them desist, Caecina came up to inform himself of the

tumult, which he quieted, and, giving a friendly greeting to

Celsus, took him in his company and proceeded towards Bedriacum.

Titianus, meantime, had repented of having sent the messengers;

and placed those of the soldiers who were more confident upon

the walls once again, bidding the others also go and support

them. But when Caecina rode up on his horse and held out his

hand, no one did or said to the contrary; those on the walls

greeted his men with salutations, others opened the gates and

went out, and mingled freely with those they met; and instead of

acts of hostility, there was nothing but mutual shaking of hands

and congratulations, everyone taking the oaths and submitting

to Vitellius.

This is the account which the most of those that were present at

the battle give of it, yet own that the disorder they were in,

and the absence of any unity of action would not give them leave

to be certain as to particulars. And when I myself traveled

afterwards over the field of battle, Mestrius Florus, a man of

consular degree, one of those who had been, not willingly, but

by command, in attendance on Otho at the time, pointed out to me

an ancient temple, and told me, that as he went that way after

the battle, he observed a heap of bodies piled up there to such

a height, that those on the top of it touched the pinnacles of

the roof. How it came to be so, he could neither discover

himself nor learn from any other person; as indeed, he said, in

civil wars it generally happens that greater numbers are killed

when an army is routed, quarter not being given, because

captives are of no advantage to the conquerors; but why the

carcasses should be heaped up after that manner is not easy to

determine.

Otho, at first, as it frequently happens, received some

uncertain rumors of the issue of the battle. But when some of

the wounded that returned from the field informed him rightly of

it, it is not, indeed, so much to be wondered at that his

friends should bid him not give all up as lost or let his

courage sink; but the feeling shown by the soldiers is something

that exceeds all belief. There was not one of them would either

go over to the conqueror or show any disposition to make terms

for himself, as if their leader's cause was desperate; on the

contrary, they crowded his gates, called out to him with the

title of emperor, and as soon as he appeared, cried out and

entreated him, catching hold of his hand, and throwing

themselves upon the ground, and with all the moving language of

tears and persuasion, besought him to stand by them, not abandon

them to their enemies, but employ in his service their lives and

persons, which would not cease to be his so long as they had

breath; so urgent was their zealous and universal importunity.

And one obscure and private soldier, after he had drawn his

sword, addressed himself to Otho: "By this, Caesar, judge our

fidelity; there is not a man amongst us but would strike thus to

serve you;" and so stabbed himself. Notwithstanding this, Otho

stood serene and unshaken, and, with a face full of constancy

and composure, turned himself about and looked at them, replying

thus: "This day, my fellow-soldiers, which gives me such proofs

of your affection, is preferable even to that on which you

saluted me emperor; deny me not, therefore, the yet higher

satisfaction of laying down my life for the preservation of so

many brave men; in this, at least, let me be worthy of the

empire, that is, to die for it. I am of opinion the enemy has

neither gained an entire nor a decisive victory; I have advice

that the Moesian army is not many days' journey distant, on its

march to the Adriatic; Asia, Syria, and Egypt, and the legions

that are serving against the Jews, declare for us; the senate is

also with us, and the wives and children of our opponents are in

our power; but alas, it is not in defense of Italy against

Hannibal or Pyrrhus or the Cimbri that we fight; Romans combat

here against Romans, and, whether we conquer or are defeated,

our country suffers and we commit a crime: victory, to whichever

it fall, is gained at her expense. Believe it many times over,

I can die with more honor than I can reign. For I cannot see at

all, how I should do any such great good to my country by

gaining the victory, as I shall by dying to establish peace and

unanimity and to save Italy from such another unhappy day."

As soon as he had done, he was resolute against all manner of

argument or persuasion, and taking leave of his friends and the

senators that were present, he bade them depart, and wrote to

those that were absent, and sent letters to the towns, that they

might have every honor and facility in their journey. Then he

sent for Cocceius, his brother's son, who was yet a boy, and

bade him be in no apprehension of Vitellius, whose mother and

wife and family he had treated with the same tenderness as his

own; and also told him that this had been his reason for

delaying to adopt him, which he had meant to do, as his son; he

had desired that he might share his power, if he conquered, but

not be involved in his ruin, if he failed. "Take notice," he

added, "my boy, of these my last words, that you neither too

negligently forget, nor too zealously remember, that Caesar was

your uncle." By and by he heard a tumult amongst the soldiers

at the door, who were treating the senators with menaces for

preparing to withdraw; upon which, out of regard to their

safety, he showed himself once more in public, but not with a

gentle aspect and in a persuading manner as before; on the

contrary, with a countenance that discovered indignation and

authority, he commanded such as were disorderly to leave the

place, and was not disobeyed.

It was now evening, and feeling thirsty, he drank some water,

and then took two daggers that belonged to him, and when he had

carefully examined their edges, he laid one of them down, and

put the other in his robe, under his arm, then called his

servants, and distributed some money amongst them, but not

inconsiderately, nor like one too lavish of what was not his

own; for to some he gave more, to others less, all strictly in

moderation, and distinguishing every one's particular merit.

When this was done, he dismissed them, and passed the rest of

the night in so sound a sleep, that the officers of his

bedchamber heard him snore. In the morning, he called for one

of his freedmen, who had assisted him in arranging about the

senators, and bade him bring him an account if they were safe.

Being informed they were all well and wanted nothing, "Go then,"

said he, "and show yourself to the soldiers, lest they should

cut you to pieces for being accessory to my death." As soon as

he was gone, he held his sword upright under him with both his

hands, and falling upon it, expired with no more than one single

groan, to express his sense of the pang, or to inform those that

waited without. When his servants therefore raised their

exclamations of grief, the whole camp and city were at once

filled with lamentation; the soldiers immediately broke in at

the doors with a loud cry, in passionate distress, and accusing

themselves that they had been so negligent in looking after that

life which was laid down to preserve theirs. Nor would a man of

them quit the body to secure his own safety with the approaching

enemy; but having raised a funeral pile, and attired the body,

they bore it thither, arrayed in their arms, those among them

greatly exulting, who succeeded in getting first under the bier

and becoming its bearers. Of the others, some threw themselves

down before the body and kissed his wound, others grasped his

hand, and others that were at a distance knelt down to do him

obeisance. There were some who, after putting their torches to

the pile, slew themselves, though they had not, so far as

appeared, either any particular obligations to the dead, or

reason to apprehend ill usage from the victor. Simply it would

seem, no king, legal or illegal, had ever been possessed with so

extreme and vehement a passion to command others, as was that

of these men to obey Otho. Nor did their love of him cease with

his death; it survived and changed erelong into a mortal hatred

to his successor, as will be shown in its proper place.

They placed the remains of Otho in the earth, and raised over

them a monument which neither by its size nor the pomp of its

inscription might excite hostility. I myself have seen it, at

Brixillum; a plain structure, and the epitaph only this: To the

memory of Marcus Otho. He died in his thirty-eighth year, after

a short reign of about three months, his death being as much

applauded as his life was censured; for if he lived not better

than Nero, he died more nobly. The soldiers were displeased

with Pollio, one of their two prefects, who bade them

immediately swear allegiance to Vitellius; and when they

understood that some of the senators were still upon the spot,

they made no opposition to the departure of the rest, but only

disturbed the tranquillity of Virginius Rufus with an offer of

the government, and moving in one body to his house in arms,

they first entreated him, and then demanded of him to accept of

the empire, or at least to be their mediator. But he, that

refused to command them when conquerors, thought it ridiculous

to pretend to it now they were beat, and was unwilling to go as

their envoy to the Germans, whom in past time he had compelled

to do various things that they had not liked; and for these

reasons he slipped away through a private door. As soon as the

soldiers perceived this, they owned Vitellius, and so got their

pardon, and served under Caecina.