TIBERIUS GRACCHUS

Having completed the first two narratives, we now may proceed

to take a view of misfortunes, not less remarkable, in the

Roman couple, and with the lives of Agis and Cleomenes,

compare these of Tiberius and Caius. They were the sons of

Tiberius Gracchus, who, though he had been once censor, twice

consul, and twice had triumphed, yet was more renowned and

esteemed for his virtue than his honors. Upon this account,

after the death of Scipio who overthrew Hannibal, he was

thought worthy to match with his daughter Cornelia, though

there had been no friendship or familiarity between Scipio

and him, but rather the contrary. There is a story told,

that he once found in his bedchamber a couple of snakes, and

that the soothsayers, being consulted concerning the prodigy,

advised, that he should neither kill them both nor let them

both escape; adding, that if the male serpent was killed,

Tiberius should die, and if the female, Cornelia. And that,

therefore, Tiberius, who extremely loved his wife, and

thought, besides, that it was much more his part, who was an

old man, to die, than it was hers, who as yet was but a young

woman, killed the male serpent, and let the female escape;

and soon after himself died, leaving behind him twelve

children borne to him by Cornelia.

Cornelia, taking upon herself all the care of the household

and the education of her children, approved herself so

discreet a matron, so affectionate a mother, and so constant

and noble-spirited a widow, that Tiberius seemed to all men

to have done nothing unreasonable, in choosing to die for

such a woman; who, when king Ptolemy himself proffered her

his crown, and would have married her, refused it, and chose

rather to live a widow. In this state she continued, and

lost all her children, except one daughter, who was married

to Scipio the younger, and two sons, Tiberius and Caius,

whose lives we are now writing.

These she brought up with such care, that though they were

without dispute in natural endowments and dispositions the

first among the Romans of their time, yet they seemed to owe

their virtues even more to their education than to their

birth. And as, in the statues and pictures made of Castor

and Pollux, though the brothers resemble one another, yet

there is a difference to be perceived in their countenances,

between the one, who delighted in the cestus, and the other,

that was famous in the course, so between these two noble

youths, though there was a strong general likeness in their

common love of fortitude and temperance, in their liberality,

their eloquence, and their greatness of mind, yet in their

actions and administrations of public affairs, a considerable

variation showed itself. It will not be amiss, before we

proceed, to mark the difference between them.

Tiberius, in the form and expression of his countenance, and

in his gesture and motion, was gentle and composed; but

Caius, earnest and vehement. And so, in their public

speeches to the people, the one spoke in a quiet orderly

manner, standing throughout on the same spot; the other would

walk about on the hustings, and in the heat of his orations,

pull his gown off his shoulders, and was the first of all the

Romans that used such gestures; as Cleon is said to have been

the first orator among the Athenians that pulled off his

cloak and smote his thigh, when addressing the people.

Caius's oratory was impetuous and passionate, making

everything tell to the utmost, whereas Tiberius was gentle,

rather, and persuasive, awakening emotions of pity. His

diction was pure, and carefully correct, while that of Caius

was vehement and rich. So likewise in their way of living,

and at their tables, Tiberius was frugal and plain, Caius,

compared with other men temperate and even austere, but

contrasting with his brother in a fondness for new fashions

and rarities, as appears in Drusus's charge against him, that

he had bought some silver dolphins, to the value of twelve

hundred and fifty drachmas for every pound weight.

The same difference that appeared in their diction, was

observable also in their tempers. The one was mild and

reasonable, the other rough and passionate, and to that

degree, that often, in the midst of speaking, he was so

hurried away by his passion, against his judgment, that his

voice lost its tone, and he began to pass into mere abusive

talking, spoiling his whole speech. As a remedy to this

excess, he made use of an ingenious servant of his, one

Licinius, who stood constantly behind him with a sort of

pitch-pipe, or instrument to regulate the voice by, and

whenever he perceived his master's tone alter, and break with

anger, he struck a soft note with his pipe, on hearing which,

Caius immediately checked the vehemence of his passion and

his voice, grew quieter, and allowed himself to be recalled

to temper. Such are the differences between the two

brothers; but their valor in war against their country's

enemies, their justice in the government of its subjects,

their care and industry in office, and their self-command in

all that regarded their pleasures were equally remarkable in

both.

Tiberius was the elder by nine years; owing to which their

actions as public men were divided by the difference of the

times in which those of the one and those of the other were

performed. And one of the principal causes of the failure of

their enterprises was this interval between their careers,

and the want of combination of their efforts. The power they

would have exercised, had they flourished both together,

could scarcely have failed to overcome all resistance. We

must therefore give an account of each of them singly, and

first of the eldest.

Tiberius, immediately on his attaining manhood, had such a

reputation, that he was admitted into the college of the

augurs, and that in consideration more of his early virtue

than of his noble birth. This appeared by what Appius

Claudius did, who, though he had been consul and censor, and

was now the head of the Roman senate, and had the highest

sense of his own place and merit, at a public feast of the

augurs, addressed himself openly to Tiberius, and with great

expressions of kindness, offered him his daughter in

marriage. And when Tiberius gladly accepted, and the

agreement had thus been completed, Appius, returning home, no

sooner had reached his door, but he called to his wife and

cried out in a loud voice, "O Antistia, I have contracted our

daughter Claudia to a husband." She, being amazed, answered,

"But why so suddenly, or what means this haste? Unless you

have provided Tiberius Gracchus for her husband." I am not

ignorant that some apply this story to Tiberius, the father

of the Gracchi, and Scipio Africanus; but most relate it as

we have done. And Polybius writes, that after the death of

Scipio Africanus, the nearest relations of Cornelia,

preferring Tiberius to all other competitors, gave her to him

in marriage, not having been engaged or promised to anyone

by her father.

This young Tiberius, accordingly, serving in Africa under the

younger Scipio, who had married his sister, and living there

under the same tent with him, soon learned to estimate the

noble spirit of his commander, which was so fit to inspire

strong feelings of emulation in virtue and desire to prove

merit in action, and in a short time he excelled all the

young men of the army in obedience and courage; and he was

the first that mounted the enemy's wall, as Fannius says, who

writes, that he himself climbed up with him, and was partaker

in the achievement. He was regarded, while he continued with

the army, with great affection; and left behind him on his

departure a strong desire for his return.

After that expedition, being chosen paymaster, it was his

fortune to serve in the war against the Numantines, under the

command of Caius Mancinus, the consul, a person of no bad

character, but the most unfortunate of all the Roman

generals. Notwithstanding, amidst the greatest misfortunes,

and in the most unsuccessful enterprises, not only the

discretion and valor of Tiberius, but also, which was still

more to be admired, the great respect and honor which he

showed for his general, were most eminently remarkable;

though the general himself, when reduced to straits, forgot

his own dignity and office. For being beaten in various

great battles, he endeavored to dislodge by night, and leave

his camp; which the Numantines perceiving, immediately

possessed themselves of his camp, and pursuing that part of

the forces which was in flight, slew those that were in the

rear, hedged the whole army in on every side, and forced them

into difficult ground, whence there could be no possibility

of an escape. Mancinus, despairing to make his way through

by force, sent a messenger to desire a truce, and conditions

of peace. But they refused to give their confidence to any

one except Tiberius, and required that he should be sent to

treat with them. This was not only in regard to the young

man's own character, for he had a great reputation amongst

the soldiers, but also in remembrance of his father Tiberius,

who, in his command against the Spaniards, had reduced great

numbers of them to subjection, but granted a peace to the

Numantines, and prevailed upon the Romans to keep it

punctually and inviolably.

Tiberius was accordingly dispatched to the enemy, whom he

persuaded to accept of several conditions, and he himself

complied with others; and by this means it is beyond a

question, that he saved twenty thousand of the Roman

citizens, besides attendants and camp followers. However,

the Numantines retained possession of all the property they

had found and plundered in the encampment; and amongst other

things were Tiberius's books of accounts, containing the

whole transactions of his quaestorship, which he was

extremely anxious to recover. And therefore, when the army

were already upon their march, he returned to Numantia,

accompanied with only three or four of his friends; and

making his application to the officers of the Numantines, he

entreated that they would return him his books, lest his

enemies should have it in their power to reproach him with

not being able to give an account of the monies entrusted to

him. The Numantines joyfully embraced this opportunity of

obliging him, and invited him into the city; as he stood

hesitating, they came up and took him by the hands, and

begged that he would no longer look upon them as enemies, but

believe them to be his friends, and treat them as such.

Tiberius thought it well to consent, desirous as he was to

have his books returned, and was afraid lest he should

disoblige them by showing any distrust. As soon as he

entered into the city, they first offered him food, and made

every kind of entreaty that he would sit down and eat

something in their company. Afterwards they returned his

books, and gave him the liberty to take whatever he wished

for in the remaining spoils. He, on the other hand, would

accept of nothing but some frankincense, which he used in his

public sacrifices, and, bidding them farewell with every

expression of kindness, departed.

When he returned to Rome, he found the whole transaction

censured and reproached, as a proceeding that was base, and

scandalous to the Romans. But the relations and friends of

the soldiers, forming a large body among the people, came

flocking to Tiberius, whom they acknowledged as the preserver

of so many citizens, imputing to the general all the

miscarriages which had happened. Those who cried out against

what had been done, urged for imitation the example of their

ancestors, who stripped and handed over to the Samnites not

only the generals who had consented to the terms of release,

but also all the quaestors, for example, and tribunes, who

had in any way implicated themselves in the agreement, laying

the guilt of perjury and breach of conditions on their heads.

But, in this affair, the populace, showing an extraordinary

kindness and affection for Tiberius, indeed voted that the

consul should be stripped and put in irons, and so delivered

to the Numantines; but for the sake of Tiberius, spared all

the other officers. It may be probable, also, that Scipio,

who at that time was the greatest and most powerful man among

the Romans, contributed to save him, though indeed he was

also censured for not protecting Mancinus too, and that he

did not exert himself to maintain the observance of the

articles of peace which had been agreed upon by his kinsman

and friend Tiberius. But it may be presumed that the

difference between them was for the most part due to

ambitious feelings, and to the friends and reasoners who

urged on Tiberius, and, as it was, it never amounted to any

thing that might not have been remedied, or that was really

bad. Nor can I think that Tiberius would ever have met with

his misfortunes, if Scipio had been concerned in dealing with

his measures; but he was away fighting at Numantia, when

Tiberius, upon the following occasion, first came forward as

a legislator.

Of the land which the Romans gained by conquest from their

neighbors, part they sold publicly, and turned the remainder

into common; this common land they assigned to such of the

citizens as were poor and indigent, for which they were to

pay only a small acknowledgment into the public treasury.

But when the wealthy men began to offer larger rents, and

drive the poorer people out, it was enacted by law, that no

person whatever should enjoy more than five hundred acres of

ground. This act for some time checked the avarice of the

richer, and was of great assistance to the poorer people, who

retained under it their respective proportions of ground, as

they had been formerly rented by them. Afterwards the rich

men of the neighborhood contrived to get these lands again

into their possession, under other people's names, and at

last would not stick to claim most of them publicly in their

own. The poor, who were thus deprived of their farms, were

no longer either ready, as they had formerly been, to serve

in war, or careful in the education of their children;

insomuch that in a short time there were comparatively few

freemen remaining in all Italy, which swarmed with workhouses

full of foreign-born slaves. These the rich men employed in

cultivating their ground, of which they dispossessed the

citizens. Caius Laelius, the intimate friend of Scipio,

undertook to reform this abuse; but meeting with opposition

from men of authority, and fearing a disturbance, he soon

desisted, and received the name of the Wise or the Prudent,

both which meanings belong to the Latin word Sapiens.

But Tiberius, being elected tribune of the people, entered

upon that design without delay, at the instigation, as is

most commonly stated, of Diophanes, the rhetorician, and

Blossius, the philosopher. Diophanes was a refugee from

Mitylene, the other was an Italian, of the city of Cuma, and

was educated there under Antipater of Tarsus, who afterwards

did him the honor to dedicate some of his philosophical

lectures to him. Some have also charged Cornelia, the mother

of Tiberius, with contributing towards it, because she

frequently upbraided her sons, that the Romans as yet rather

called her the daughter of Scipio, than the mother of the

Gracchi. Others again say Spurius Postumius was the chief

occasion. He was a man of the same age with Tiberius, and

his rival for reputation as a public speaker; and when

Tiberius, at his return from the campaign, found him to have

got far beyond him in fame and influence, and to be much

looked up to, he thought to outdo him, by attempting a

popular enterprise of this difficulty, and of such great

consequence. But his brother Caius has left it us in

writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany to Numantia,

and found the country almost depopulated, there being hardly

any free husbandmen or shepherds, but for the most part only

barbarian, imported slaves, he then first conceived the

course of policy which in the sequel proved so fatal to his

family. Though it is also most certain that the people

themselves chiefly excited his zeal and determination in the

prosecution of it, by setting up writings upon the porches,

walls, and monuments, calling upon him to reinstate the poor

citizens in their former possessions.

However, he did not draw up his law without the advice and

assistance of those citizens that were then most eminent for

their virtue and authority; amongst whom were Crassus, the

high-priest, Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer, who at that time

was consul, and Claudius Appius, his father-in-law. Never

did any law appear more moderate and gentle, especially being

enacted against such great oppression and avarice. For they

who ought to have been severely punished for transgressing

the former laws, and should at least have lost all their

titles to such lands which they had unjustly usurped, were

notwithstanding to receive a price for quitting their

unlawful claims, and giving up their lands to those fit

owners who stood in need of help. But though this

reformation was managed with so much tenderness, that, all

the former transactions being passed over, the people were

only thankful to prevent abuses of the like nature for the

future, yet, on the other hand, the moneyed men, and those of

great estates were exasperated, through their covetous

feelings against the law itself, and against the law giver,

through anger and party spirit. They therefore endeavored to

seduce the people, declaring that Tiberius was designing a

general redivision of lands, to overthrow the government, and

put all things into confusion.

But they had no success. For Tiberius, maintaining an

honorable and just cause, and possessed of eloquence

sufficient to have made a less creditable action appear

plausible, was no safe or easy antagonist, when, with the

people crowding around the hustings, he took his place, and

spoke in behalf of the poor. "The savage beasts," said he,

"in Italy, have their particular dens, they have their places

of repose and refuge; but the men who bear arms, and expose

their lives for the safety of their country, enjoy in the

meantime nothing more in it but the air and light; and

having no houses or settlements of their own, are constrained

to wander from place to place with their wives and children."

He told them that the commanders were guilty of a ridiculous

error, when, at the head of their armies, they exhorted the

common soldiers to fight for their sepulchres and altars;

when not any amongst so many Romans is possessed of either

altar or monument, neither have they any houses of their own,

or hearths of their ancestors to defend. They fought indeed,

and were slain, but it was to maintain the luxury and the

wealth of other men. They were styled the masters of the

world, but in the meantime had not one foot of ground which

they could call their own. A harangue of this nature,

spoken to an enthusiastic and sympathizing audience, by a

person of commanding spirit and genuine feeling, no

adversaries at that time were competent to oppose.

Forbearing, therefore, all discussion and debate, they

addressed themselves to Marcus Octavius, his fellow-tribune,

who, being a young man of a steady, orderly character, and an

intimate friend of Tiberius, upon this account declined at

first the task of opposing him; but at length, over-persuaded

with the repeated importunities of numerous considerable

persons, he was prevailed upon to do so, and hindered the

passing of the law; it being the rule that any tribune has a

power to hinder an act, and that all the rest can effect

nothing, if only one of them dissents. Tiberius, irritated

at these proceedings, presently laid aside this milder bill,

but at the same time preferred another; which, as it was more

grateful to the common people, so it was much more severe

against the wrongdoers, commanding them to make an immediate

surrender of all lands which, contrary to former laws, had

come into their possession. Hence there arose daily

contentions between him and Octavius in their orations.

However, though they expressed themselves with the utmost

heat and determination, they yet were never known to descend

to any personal reproaches, or in their passion to let slip

any indecent expressions, so as to derogate from one another.

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